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A CONSEQUENTIAL GEOGRAPHY: COMPLEX SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF SPACE AND POWER IN SOUTH AFRICA BY WENONAH VENTER A Thesis Submitted to the Division of Social Sciences New College of Florida in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts Under the sponsorship of David Brain Sarasota, Florida April, 2013
ii Table of Contents Table of Contents.........ii List of Tables and Maps ..........iii Abstract .........iv Introduction......... 1 Framing the Research......... 3 The Socio Spatial Dialectic......... 7 Conclusion.........10 Chapter 1: Settling and Segregation, 1488 1948.........12 A Context for Segregation.........13 Diamonds, Gold, and Urban Segregation..........19 Social Dynamics of Segregation.........23 Adjusti ng Racial Spatiality.........28 Conclusion..........39 Chapter 2: The Apartheid Regime, 1948 1994.........41 Social and Spatial Dimensions of an Ideology.........43 The National Party's Spatial Consequences.........47 A New Ideology.........61 Conclusion.........69 Chapter 3: Post apartheid, Spatiality of the Rainbow Nation.........71 Efforts to 'Un do' the Apartheid.........73 Spatiality, a Relic of Apartheid.........76 Analyzing the Social Geography.........78 Challenges to Integration... ......89 Conclusion.........93 Conclusion: The Layered Dimensions of Modern South African Society.........95 Bibliography.........99
iii Images Image 1.1 Homelands and zones of high economic activity.........32 Image 2.1 The Ideal Apartheid City.........51 Tables Table 2.1 African Political Responses (%) According to Education.........58 Table 3.1 Percentage distribution of the population by population group.........80 Table 3.2 Average Annual Household Income by Population Group......... 81 Table 3.3 Unemployment Rate by Population Group.........84 Maps Map 1.1 Republic of South Africa with Former Provinces ........1 Map 3.1 Avg. Household Income and Black African........82 Map 3.2 Avg. Household Income.........83 Map 3.3 Work Status Unemployed.........85 Map 3.4 Dwelling Type and Population Group Density.........86 Map 3.5 Population Density by Population Group.........88 Map 3.6 Population Density White.........89
iv A CONSEQUENTIAL GEOGRAPHY: COMPLEX SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF SPACE AND POWER IN SOUTH AFRICA WENONAH VENTER New College of Florida, 2013 ABSTRACT This historical and geographical analysis of South Africa aims to determine the extent to which the history of segregation and apartheid has affected the social and spatial form of the country's urban spaces. The history of segregation and apartheid in South Africa has left a distinct social and spatial form that, I argue, have consequential effects is shown to be a social and spatial regime that used a determined spatiality to maintain hegemonic power over the nation. Additionally, I trace an Afrikaner nationalism from the early Dutch settlement of the Cape to explain the dramatic shift from de facto segregation to state led apartheid in the mid 1900s. This analysis uncovers a dialectic dimension between social and spatial form that show how spatiality was used as a tool by the state, as a platform for social resistance, and as a mechanism by which t he social inequity of the past is still perpetuated David Brain Social Sciences
1 Map 1.1 Republic of South Africa with Former Provinces (University of Texas Libraries 1995)
2 Introduction Berger in Soja ( 1989) The City of Cape Town was faced with a rapidly increasing rate of urbanization in the early 1980s. In an effort to control the rate of urbanization in what was later recognized as an urbanization strategy, the city presented plans of a new to wn to which all the African, Coloured and Asian residents of Cape Town would relocate. The city, named Khayelitsha, was located on the peripheral boundary of the city. The original plans to relocate all Africans in the city were amended in 1985, and in Oct ober of that year 13,000 families, who were legally renting homes, were moved to bare minimum homes in Khayelitsha. Additionally, about 8,300 squatter families from a high density township called Crossroads, were relocated onto site and service plots (Cook 1992). Site and service plots are a tactic used by planners to reduce informal settlement and is seen as an alternative quick fix solution to provide better living conditions than those of squatter sites. Site and service settlements provide a family with a plot of land that is connected to some basic services, such as electricity and water. The families in Khayelitsha, however, were held responsible for constructing their own homes on their assigned plot of land (Srivinas n.d.). In addition, this township a state sponsored housing project, was not free of charge to the residents who often had to pay high rents and mortgages. Despite the subsidized costs, the rents and mortgages were too high for many families who saw
3 drastic reductions in their standard o f living as they moved from the city center to the peripheral township (Cook 1992). This is a prime example, among many, in which the state used its power to remove nonwhite residents, from their homes in the city, with long established histories, to a n ew state sponsored township on the urban periphery. These events changed the spatial form of the city as development was forced in peripheral edges where the economic, political and social interests of the state were not centered. The changing spatial form of the city was also tied to the changing social form of the city as the apartheid regime moved massive numbers of nonwhite populations from the city to the periphery where they were concentrated in a highly managed space. Here, they became locked into in flux control policies and were 'othered' by social policy and the general, racial perceptions of the time. Their standard of living dropped, social networks and coherence broke down and their power as a social group was undermined. This example highlights the history of power dynamics that affected change to the social and spatial form of the country, as well as the human experiences that occur in the everyday in those altered forms. Framing the Research The current urban geographic pattern can be blam ed for a variety of social issues and their perpetuation. The spatiality of the count r y's urban form is the result of a vast political, economic and social history that had a direct, and long lasting, effect on the physical geography of the country. This g eography, in turn, has affected the social form of the city as it exists today, particularly as social inequality is perpetuated through
4 certain patterns of geographic urban growth. To understand South Africa's urban geography, my research will determine t o what extent the history of segregation and apartheid has affected the urban social and spatial form of the country's urban spaces. The first chapter analyzes the lengthy time frame between the settling of the Cape as a Dutch 'refreshment station' in 1652 to the rise of the National Party as the apartheid regime in 1948. During this period we begin to see spatial consequences of a segregated social structure between the white settlers and native nonwhites. The second chapter traces the period during which the apartheid was experienced as an institutionalized social and spatial structure, from 1948 to 1994, and analyzes the ways in which the apartheid determined the spatiality of the country. The third chapter considers the efforts of the post apartheid stat e to 'undo' the determined spatiality of the apartheid and closes with an analysis of the extent to which the social inequity of the country is embedded in its spatial form. The effort to dissect the country's current urban social geography through this histori cal and g eographical analysis leaves a space in which an explanation is needed to account for the dramatic shift from de facto segregation prior to 1948 to a state enforced and institutionalized segregation after 1948. To fill this gap, I consider t he evolution of an ideology that was born in the interactions between the Dutch settlers and the native Africans and grew with intensity over the course of South Africa's development. I trace this ideology back in time to the movement of the voortrekkers a way from the Cape settlement into the interior, pushing the frontier line deeper into southern Africa where their own beliefs and culture were unchallenged by the dominating British colonists. This dramatic, voluntary, detachment and isolation of voortrekk er society from the British
5 colonists created an ideology t hat helped nurture a strong 'nation' of Afrikaners. The birth of the Afrikaner nationalism is recounted in the first chapter and shows how the National Party was able to gain power through the stre ngth of its nationalism. The second chapter explains how the ideology determined the spatiality of the apartheid nation through policies and explains how the spatiality of the apartheid was used as a tool to protect the Afrikaner nationalism and maintain h egemonic power I venture into the demise of the National Party by suggesting that a new ideology and nationalism gained strength in the large, oppressed, African population which helped spark a social movement to defeat the apartheid state. This ideologic al angle of the apartheid that I present in this thesis helps to explain the severity with which the segregation was intensified, both socially and spatially. The ideology of apartheid and the nationalism which nurtured it are key aspects of the social and The spatial implications of the apartheid are especial ly striking when compared to racist legislation that was enacted prior to the National Party's rise to power in 1948. The extensive literature review conducted by Maylam leads to his conclusion that there is a tendency to overemphasize the turn from segregation to apartheid, which should not be distinguished as two separate policy regimes: The National Party comes to power, reverses the more liberal pol icy trends of the 1930s and 1940s, centralizes urban policy making and administration, and imposes a monolithic system of racial separation and domination, vigorously reshaping citie s in the apartheid mold. These trends cannot be denied, but these two peri ods also cannot be distinguished fro m each other. (Maylam 1995: 17) Instead, he suggests, it must be considered that the racial tendencies of the segregation seepage' is one which my own research and conclusions support, but the point of
6 contention is his assertion that 'liberal mythology' of an Afrikaner nationalism has been used as a scapegoat to explain the harsh social and spatial implications of the apartheid (Maylam 199 5). The racial tendencies that found their way into the apartheid period are largely found in the Afrikaner Nationalism that Maylam is so quick to dismiss. My research will show that there was a very real ideology and nationalism that supported the rise of the apartheid state. This nationalism was found in the descendants of the original Dutch settlers who comprised more than half of the white electorate in 1948 when the National Party was elected. The National Party stood in opposition to the more liberal (not necessarily less racially biased) ideologies of the English speaking whites. Without the support of an ideology to inform the societal structures, the dramatics of th e apartheid cannot be explained. The ideology and nationalism of the Afrikaner ethnic ity will be cemented as a key component in the spatial determination of South African segregation and the apartheid. The apartheid state determined a polarized spatiality in which the non white populations were pushed to the peripheral zones of cities wh ere access to basic goods and services were restricted. Additionally, the uneven distribution of power in the modes of production has favored the needs and interest of those at the top of the social hierarchy. This has resulted in a social form that perpe tuates social inequity. The history that is accrued in places leave s in its wake, very determined processes that imprint into physical spaces. Urban theories discuss historical consequences as they shape our human settlements and the social processes tha t exist within them (Soja 1980, 1989, Lefebvre 1976, Harvey 1973). Our cities are prominent examples of the historical momentum that is generated through political, economic and social policy. Many informal settlements
7 that exist on the outskirts of South African cities are physical relics of the apartheid era. Apartheid came to an end in 1994 with democratic elections and equal rights for all citizens, but the geography of the cities have not yet responded to the political change and are continuing the le gacy of segregation as apartheid's historical momentum grinds its way through the cities that once embraced its ideological policy I find that the spatiality determined by apartheid is still reflected in the social and spatial form of the country today. T he perpetuation of social inequity in urban form will be evaluated in the final chapter, but a theoretical framework is needed to support the significance in understanding the social components of urban form. I use Edward Soja's premise of the socio spatia l dialectic, in which the relationship between space and social structures are explored (Soja 2010). Soja quotes Lefebvre in his book Postmodern Geographies (1989) social theory speaks to the idea that social inequality can be perpetuated in the spatial form of an urban geography. The Socio Spatial Dialectic The core of this project is the hi storical analysis that brings light to the idea that the historical momentum of a place carries with it spatial implications that shape everyday experiences. I use Cape Town as my case study in the final chapter to show how the apartheid's history as a soc ial and spatial regime continues to have repercussions on the urban social geography of the country today. The dialectical relationship between social form and spatial form in urban space is the core theoretical framework of this
8 project. It is from the me rger between the sociological and geographical imagination that space becomes a complex entity that shapes and molds with time and through human expression and experience (Harvey 1973). This dialectical relationship allows us to study the urban spatiality of Cape Town with a deeper social understanding by introducing the role that geography and urban form have on the social form of the city. This analysis will use the socio spatial dialectic to understand the social and spatial form of Cape Town as agents in the reproduction of social inequalities. The dialectic is also useful in analyzing the downfall of the apartheid state which used spatial that the very means used to maintain power would also provide th e space in which the oppressed could organize against the state. The meaning and organization of space is the product of social processes, transformations, and individual and collective experiences. Space is a complex blend of social processes, individual perceptions, social relationships and symbolic meaning. The complex nature of social space cannot be understood until the inherent, complex social processes that exist in these spaces are understood (Harvey 1973). This theoretical framework will help to illuminate the significance of prominent historical legislation that was enacted by the Aparthei d state. This shows the pervasive power dynamics of the Apartheid era as it functioned to shape the social and spatial form of Cape Town, and trace the relation ship between this history of power to the current state of social equity in the city. This analysis will explain how the history of segregation and apartheid has affected the socio spatial form of Cape Town, and how it is affecting the social equity of the city today. Space, and the complexity of urban space in particular, is a social product and
9 embedded deep in social relations and rules of production and organization. To further clarify this dialectic relationship, Soja writes ionships are dialectically inter reactve, inter both space forming and space relationship between social form and spatial form, but Soja's co ncern is to assert and defend the theory that these two forms share a common origin and are inherently contradictory but simultaneously reactionary (Soja 1980). This challenge is accepted in the case of Ca pe Town as my historical geographical analysis dete rmine s how the current socio spatial form of the city is a reflection of the Apartheid social hierarchy, and perpetuates the social inequalities inherent in that hierarchy. Historical social processes and their spatial implications are important in unde rstanding the social geography of current urban places because they offer a c omprehensive understanding of the daily, lived experiences in those spaces. To understand space as a more subjective context for life allows for a much broader understanding that space plays in the power dynamics and biased interests of politics and economics, and the impact that those interests and dynamics have on the allocation of space (Lefebvre 1976). Cape Town, for example, is not an entity free of any history or removed from the social and human experiences of the past. Its spatial form today is a reflection of many generations' ideologies. The credos and philosophies that have informed generations of politics and power have shaped the city into the mold we see today. The ide ology of Apartheid had a very distinct spatial implication that was implemented in acts of power through state led legislation. In this way, the historical ideology that I trace becomes a driving factor that shapes spatial and social form as they
10 reflect s ocial inequalities of the past and create platforms for new, consequential social issues. This ideology is a component that informs the social aspect of this socio spatial dialectic. The use of spatial organization by state to maintain power is very promin ent in the history of South Africa. This will be drawn out in the second chapter. This extortion however, lays the foundation for a resistant social movement that counters and challenges t he ideological apartheid state. This ironic socio spatial dialectic. Due to the dominance and pervasiveness of the Apartheid sentiment, the socio spatial form expelled non white populations to t he periphery of the established city where access to basic needs, goods and services, employment, etc. were severely limited. Secondly, due to the uneven distribution of power in the spatiality of production, decisions on development and accessibility to r esources were biased and favored the needs and demands of those at top of the social hierarchy. Additionally, this research seek s to determine if, or to what extent, the social inequity which resulted from the determined spatiality of the Apartheid is stil l prevalent in the current form of Cape Town. Conclusion This theoretical framework allows for a mor e complex multi dimensional, sociological and geographical understanding of Cape Town as an evolving entity that has experienced social and spatial transf ormation. These transformations, as they have accrued to shape the current socio spatial form of the city, are linked to the daily, lived experiences of the people inhabiting these forms today Much of the literature, perhaps
11 not directly, discuss the role that the Apartheid regime had on the spatial form of South Africa's cities and the evolution of peripheral settlements (Smith 1992, Mabin 1992 a Robinson 1992). Apartheid policies imposed a specific spatial order on the settlement of non white and African populations by externalizing their growth to specific regions, often far removed from cities (Smith 1992). Mabin (1992 a ) writes that the apartheid had a very racist approach to keeping urbanization under control, where previous policies had failed. Smith wrote on the country's urbanization, just Poor people are making their own cities, not necessarily in conditions of their own choosing but increasingly defying the ability of the state to mould them to its own order. The inevi table ( 1992: 8). The country is faci ng a pace of urbanization that is testing the government's capacity to deal with the process and the plethora of urban issues, suc h as poverty and inequality (Smith 1992). The shape that urbanization has taken over the course of the apartheid has embodied 'subtle aspects of power', and the new order that takes control of the urbanization process in South Africa will inherently embod y its ideals in the urban shape that cities take, especially their relationship with peripheral settlements (Robinson 1992). The urban form s of South Africa's cities are imprints of historical consequence and power structures, and are the lived experience s of South Africans today. My research veers from other bodies of work on the topic in that I seek to understand the interplay between the institutional dimension of hegemonic ideology and the physical, urban form that reinforce certain social relations.
12 Chapter 1 Settling and Segregation 1488 1948 The 460 years between the day when Portuguese sailors first rounded the southern tip of Africa and set foot in the Western Cape, and the day the National Party took control of South Africa as the Aparthei d regime, is a lengthy time frame for a historical analysis. This time period, in broad strokes, is crucial in setting up the context under which South Africa would grow increasingly segregated. It is when we begin to see patterns of racial subordination t hat become ingrained in the culture and perceptions of white dominated South Africa. When the country enters a period of rapid industrialization and urbanization, the social structures clearly bend toward a white hegemonic society. This can be seen in the way in which nonwhites were first separated from white society, but then later integrated as economic and labor assets. The economic interests that whites had in nonwhites translated into a social structure that mitigated the liberty of the nonwhite popula tion because the state was always under white control. It is also in this time period that we begin to see spatial consequences of this segregated social structure. This time period is set apart from the following two in the sense that segregation was fir st implicit, but grew into a state enforced strategy that explicitly sought to isolate the populations, by race. This isolation and exclusion of nonwhites from white society, in the growing industrializing country, set up structures which put nonwhites at a comparative disadvantage. This disadvantage transformed into
13 large scale social inequity that has been embedded in the social and spatial form of the country. This evolution from segregation to a de facto state enforced, social structure will be explor ed. I believe that a strong relationship between the industrialization of the country and the spatial consequences o f the segregation will be found. As the state aims for economic growth and development, it reinforces the de facto segregation as a labor st rategy and also maintains white hegemony by maintaining boundaries between the races. A Context for Segregation The Portuguese expedition, under sailor Bartholomew Diaz, was the first white expedition to set foot on South Africa as they sought out an ea sier trading route to the East to expand trade with India. In 1488 they landed in Mosse l Bay, about 200 miles east of t he Cape. Between 1488 and 1651, the Cape was avoided as rumors of brutal and cannibalistic tribes were passed down from sailor to sailor, and an inherent fear of the stormy seas around the Cape dissuaded expeditions from anchoring. Portugal declined as a dominant trading power on South Africa's east coast which left the Dutch and English to compete for a monopoly on trade with the East. The Dutch East India Trading Company became interested in the Cape as a strategic position in the trade route to India. The Trading Company authorized the creation of a 'refreshment station' and Jan van Riebeeck, with a crew of 100, established a fort in Sout h Africa's Cape on April 6, 1652 (Hepple 1966). This refreshment station was not initially intended to be a permanent settlement nor to break ground for colonization of the Cape. Subsistence living by the Dutch
14 residents depended largely on vegetable gar den s and small trade with the local KhoiKhoi tribes for fresh meat. After five years of bartering and trade, in 1657, a small number of transition from fort to Dutch settlement is the point at which relations between white and native Africans become increasingly complex and tense. This is also the point at which perceptions of racial superior ity and dominance flood the Dutch settler culture, which leads into the frontier mentality and, eventually, Afrikaner ideology. The free burghers began importing slaves one year after they were established as permanent farmers, in 1658 (Western 1981). Th is dependence on external sources for labor, meaning outside of the white settlement, is a pattern that we will see again in later chapters. By the time the Trading Company surrendered control of the Cape colony to a British occupation in 1806, there were a greater number of imported black slaves in the city than white settlers. The overwhelming strength in numbers that blacks had in the colony did not translate into power dynamics that could match the social power of the minority white settlers (Western 19 81). The strategies of racial dominance practiced by the whites through slavery would perforate into the cultures and ideologies that were borne from that original white colony. d iverges from the pattern of racial suppression that we see when the voortrekkers venture North East past the frontier boundary. The social practice of racial suppression practiced by the white settlers was not necessarily condoned by the occupying British, and slavery was abolished in Cape Town in 1834. Following their emancipation, the freed blacks
15 moved out of the white dominant city where their quarters were usually attached to their social equity begin to unfold in Cape Town. By this point in time, nonwhites had assimilated to a culture of white dominance. Nonwhites remained the working class in the colony and lived in relative poverty. The voluntary outmigration of nonwhites to the periphery of the established city created racially homogenized clusters of humble dwellings. The British spatial integration of the races would depend on the ability of nonwhites to purchase better homes on better land, but this meant competing with the wealth of whites (Western 1981). As a result, the city followed a semi natural course of spatial homogenization. Western argues that this seemingly natural course of seg regation stems from the close relationship between race and class. He cites the work of Unterhalter (1975) and skin coincides with the desirability of their housing (Wes tern 1981). Although this pattern was seen throughout pre Apartheid cities, this pattern distinguishes Cape Town South African cities (Western 1981: 36). The intermixing of European and African generations created a recognized racial C C oloureds are a racial group whose skin tone is too light to be considered black, but not light enough to be considered white. The phenotype of C oloureds is also considered distinguishable from white European phenotypes (Western continuum that exists between the three prima ry races during the Apartheid: black,
16 C oloured, white. The segregation was enforced between whites and those who were not white. To make the distinction clear, I mainly use the terms white and nonwhite. Even before the British entered and took control of Cape Town, some free burghers were dissatisfied with the rules and restrictions of the Trading Company. A small number of these Dutch small farmers trekked to the east in search of land and cattle. Relations with the local Africans became increasingly tens e as the European settlement expanded. The land which the settlers and trekkers claimed did not provide the space for the nomadic lifestyles or subsistence living of the native African populations. Those Africans who did not flee the settlements into other parts of Southern Africa came to rely on the settlement as a source of labor, and hence, a source of living. De Kiewiet summarizes the dynamic between the expanding Europeans and the African tribes: As the Europeans advanced they did not succeed in driv ing the [Africans] back into their hinterland. [They] were crowded into areas which steadily grew less able to maintain them, or lived as squatters and labourers upon the land that had fallen to the Europeans. This was the pattern of every subsequent front ier of contact between the Europeans and the natives (Hepple 1966: 53) This pattern of domination continued; white settlers used the native African as a source of labor that the African came to depend on as a means to surviving in the urban settlement. T he skill set of the nomadic African did not suit the demanded skill set of the white urban culture. Therefore, the expanding frontier line coerced the black African into an unspoken economic agreement to maintain a living by trading labor for meager wages. This economic relationship between nonwhite and white society would eventually be exploited more intensively as South Africa enters its period of industrialization. Also, as we will see in future chapters, the exploitation of this economic relationship wi ll be the pra ctical essence of the Apartheid as the migrant labor system evolves with stark spatial and social
17 consequences. The successive generations of those original Dutch settlers ended up establishing settlements far removed from the original Cape colony. They became accustomed to the mentality of master vs. laborer/slave. This attitude influenced the movement of the settlers to the north when the Cape was given over to English control. The burghers had been demanding northward expansion, protectio n for their cattle from the native Africans, and a strong obedient nonwhite labor force from the Trading Company. Within 20 years of colonizing, the British repealed some restrictive ordinances which hindered the liberty of nonwhites in the colony. Among t he repealed ordinances, freed slaves and the native African population were granted the right to own, buy or sell land. Additionally, the enactment of the British Emancipation Bill of 1838 to free all slaves infuriated the burghers because they lost thei r cheap and obedient labor force. This sparked a movement to leave the Cape. The Boers, also known as voortrekkers, headed north and eventually settled in Natal and the Transvaal. Here they established the Boer Republics which were called the South African Republic and the Orange Free State (Hepple 1966). The movement of the Boers to the north east the establishment of their Republics and finding sovereignty in the land, is crucial in the proliferation of the segregated social process of racial domination. As we will see in later sections, the de facto segregation in these early frontier republics evolved into an institutionalized segregation largely due to the strong nationalism that was borne out of the frontier mentality of the Boers (Giliomee 1993). T he Boers, however, resisted British take over of t heir Republics. The First Boer W ar lasted from 1880 to 1881 and the Second Boer lasted from 1899 to 1902. The wars
18 petrified relations between the British and the Afrikaners (Boers). The Afrikaners found kin ship and community in their identity. They are descendants of the original Dutch settlers and considered themselves a group apart from the English speaking settlers. Their history as voortrekkers and pioneers into the unsettled land of early South Africa h elp form their identity, which was tied to the land (Giliomee 1993). During the Second Boer War, the British used tactics such as concentration camps to keep Afrikaner women and children as prisoners of war to seduce the Boers into surrender. Coercive dipl omacy, restructuring of the Afrikaner governments, and defeat of the Boers led to unification of the Afrikaner people as a nation (Thompson 1990). The Boers surrendered with the Treaty of Vereeniging on May 31, 1902. This treaty extended the British colony from the Cape to the Boer Republics. Parliament granted home rule to South Africa through the 1909 South Africa Act, which created the Union of South Africa under one legislative government (Hepple 1966, Union of South Africa 1909 ). Despite a legislative union, Afrikaner nationalism was only strengthened by the Boer War. The ideals of their nationalism would create tension between the political powers, especially with regards to the governing of the nonwhite citizens of the Union. The strength of white pow er in South African society came largely from this strong Afrikaner nationalism. This will be explored in further detail later in the chapter. This brief history shows that the making of a socially divided and isolated South Africa began long before the A partheid government was elected into power in 1948. The historical momentum that affects the spatiality of social equality in Cape Town today is a result of ideals that were formulated with the first settlers in the Cape, and which were proliferated by des cendants of those settlers who had assumed a culture of racial
19 hierarchy and dominance. Segregation quickly became an inherent part of settler society as perceptions of white superiority and black inferiority persuaded the white mindset as the Boers settle d further inland and migrants followed. Early implications of racial segregation onto South African society and place show how deeply segregation was entrenched in the framework on which today's South Africa has been constructed. Diamonds, Gold and Urban Segregation The discovery of rich mineral resources in the late 1860s sparked a pronounced spatial segregation and social control of nonwhite populations that was not enforced to such an extent earlier in the century. The development that was sparked by the gold and diamond discoveries in the heart of Southern Africa led into a social and spatial structure that would be taken advantage of and improved upon by successive white political parties. The connection between state enforced population control and economic activity are reinforced during this period of intense capitalization in the country. The segregation that and gold supported the more intensely segregated urban organization that followed (Robinson 1996). The discovery of diamonds in valleys and rivers in the late 1860s attracted about 20,000 white people and 30,000 black people into the interior of the country w ithin a decade. Kimberley, the C ity of D iamond s, was discovered as a mining town and soon became the more productive of the first four diamond mines. Similarly, the discovery of gold in 1886 also had an impact on the 'urban' spatial organization of nonwhite populations (urban, at this point in time, i s meant to denote a more or less
20 developed area around a larger population than what would be considered rural). The gold mines in the Transvaal boosted development and transformed the middle of the country into a centralized economic nucleus ( Thompson 199 0) The industry was very fruitful as South African diamonds flooded the world market. The demand for labor in the mines attrac ted skilled workers from overse a s and white workers who took up positions as supervisors. The manual, unskilled labor were pulle d and imported from neighboring African societies. The social hierarchy of the mines became increasingly complex as the value of diamonds increased, and a labor stratification system developed in which whites maintained a position of rank or nobility over the working class was split into two strata, white and black: the white, privileged, well fr eedom that the blacks experienced was not due to laws that induced that working population into slavery but it subjected them into structures that forced a specific spatial orientation to their everyday lives. The social and spatial working arrangements in the diamond mines, especially, set the stage for a racial divide among residential and working space. The political system did not grant suffrage to nonwhites and the political interests of the white working class favored capitalism which was supporte d by a migrant labor system in which black workers moved between their rural homes to the mines for work. The mining industry provided quarters for the migrant workers because they were not permitted live in the towns. The living conditions within the mini ng compounds were grim and workers faced outbreaks of smallpox and suffered high mortality rates due to
21 illnesses such as pneumonia. For the sake of profit, the companies overpopulated the compounds with workers who spent the night on the floor or on concr ete bunks. The all male compounds and the migrant labor system also broke down social ties between the male workers' family life and their work as laborers in the towns. By the time gold was discovered 20 years later, the labor structure of the diamond min es had proven to be productive and efficient, and would be replicated in mines and industries across the country. The gold mine in Johannesburg quickly became the largest gold mining operation in the world. In order to turn large profits with a fixed ceili ng price for gold, the mining industry exploited nonwhite laborers who were willing to accept wages about eight times lower than the wages offered to white laborers. The gold mining industry also reinforced the migrant labor system and controlled the all male hostels in which the nonwhite workers lived for six to twelve months at a time. Some companies allowed the nonwhite laborers the freedom to enter the city, but the low wages and lack of leisure time did not reinforce that freedom (Thompson 1990). The mining industry was a turning point in South Africa's history as economic interests and exploitation of cheap labor perforated race relations. The mines supported a migrant labor system that pulled nonwhite workers out of their rural homelands to work for low wages. The influx of migrant workers to the towns required the construction of housing compounds which were controlled by the mining companies. The compounds not only allowed the companies to control their labor force, but they also marginalized the n onwhite laborers because they were physically set aside from the white towns. Urban apartheid and urban segregation finds its roots deepening from a colonial racial segregation to an urban segregation that sought to control the nonwhite population.
22 Shortl y after the Union was established in 1910, the practice of keeping separate white and nonwhite workers in confined compounds and through a migrant labor system evolved into a full fledged strategy that would instill the 'power of Apartheid' (Robinson 1996) into the spatiality of the country. Robinson writes in the introduction to her book: which emerged in the arena of state intervention in the city. Without a gathering of t he racially defined African population into spatially contained areas and the evolution of specific methods of administration and governance in these areas, the implementation of various racial policies would have been held hostage to the racial and physi cal 'chaos' of the early tw This leads into her conceptualization of a 'location strategy' that was developed and utilized by the state to ensure its survival. As we will see in the progression of this historical analysis, the strategy evolved rather unintentionally at first. Robinson writes that the strategy evolved in response to housing crises that frequented cities with high urbanization rates and associated health implications of high population densities. The state res ponse to controlling urban environments was also largely perverted by racial biases (Robinson 1996). The diamond mines at Kimberley represent early implications of the racial perversions of the whites as dominant actors in urban society. The term 'location is used in the South African context to refer to 'native settlements'. These native settlements and 'locations' will be explored further later in the chapter when different acts are analyzed for their social and spatial implications. As I argue, the gr owth of an ideology that is rooted in the settler and frontier mentality of early settlers and later the colonial segregation, would lead into the ideology of Afrikaner nationalism which would later springboard the Apartheid regime (National Party) into of fice in 1948.
23 Social Dynamics of Segregation The ostracism of non whites in white society coupled with accelerating industrialization after the discovery of diamonds and gold in the mid and late 1800s, increased the order of segregation in the country South Africa's history of segregation, however, begins in the 1700s when race determined legal status and divisions in society. Even after ordinances were passed in the Cape in 1828 to abolish race as a classification system, the reinforcing roles of cla ss and race and the inherent frontier conquest mentality in white South African society maintained race as a basis for social order. This led to a sort of white superiority complex which, through processes of social exclusions, forced non whites into rol es of servitude. Whites owned practically all of the land and held virtually all positions of power. By the time that South Africa entered an era of industrialization in the late 1800s, the history and culture of domination had ingrained the society with a degree of segregation that seemed almost natural. As a result, no white working class formed and the roles of nonwhites in white society were simply economic (Giliomee 1993). As much as race was tied to class at the time, contrasting white ethnicities wer e also tied very closely to class. White Ethnicity in South Africa As mentioned earlier in the chapter, the second Boer War strengthened the Afrikaner nationalism as they fought for the land they settled and the Afrikaner culture they developed on the southern African soils. The War ended in 1902 when the Afrikaners surrendered to the British. The Union of South Africa was created in 1910 when the British colonies of the Cape and Natal, and the Boer Republics of the Transvaal
24 and Orange Free State join ed together under a legislative union. At the time, the country's population was rough ly 4 million Africans, 500,000 C oloureds, 150,0 0 0 Indians and 1,275,000 whites. With the segregation practices essentially segregating whites from nonwhites, the white po pulation of South Africa was a minority in the country. The whites, however, were not unified by any means. There was a tension between the Afrikaners and English speaking whites because they considered themselves two separate ethnic communities, each with their own social, economic and political interests. This made it difficult for them to fully unite as one 'nation' (this nation concept will be explained further momentarily) (Thompson 1990). As much as race was tied to class at the time, the contrasting white ethnicities were also tied very closely to class. English speaking whites had more of a class advantage because they were more skilled in urban living with more industrial skills of management and entrepreneurship. ed, the Afrikaners found it difficult to compete in the developing, capitalizing and urbanizing cities. Their culture and livelihood had been dependent on a frontier horizon where farming, cattle and a rural, subsistence lifestyle socialized their liveliho ods. Their skill set developed from generations of farmers and cattle drivers which economies. In agriculture and labor, the Afrikaners had to compete with nonwhites for jobs and wages. They ery low urban living standards of the Afrikaners were high on the agenda for the governing political party, whose prime minister was the previous leader of the military forces of the old Afrikaner Republics T he Afrikaners also constituted more than half (about 55%) of the electorate; and the electorate was almost entirely white because blacks were not really
25 considered citizens of the country and thus were not given suffrage (Thompson 1990). There were fears in Afrikaner society and in political realms that white privilege would falter under the new social pressures being introduced by industrializatio n, rapid urbanization and the urban economy that advantaged the English whites. The Afrikaner rural frontier was a combination of subsistence agriculture and a small but growing capitalist system. When the frontier closed the nonwhite populations, who lived off the land as well were forced to become participants in the capitalist system of colonial society. At the same time, the demand for labor increased between farms and mines. Mines were able to provide relatively well paid jobs to laborers and competed with the farming industry. Many rural white South Africans, at the time, also lived subsistence lives on sm all farms that depended on hired labor. Small farmers could not compete with the wage negotiation power of larger industrial farms and thus lost many African workers to higher paid jobs on bigger farms or in mines. Ultimately, the owners of smaller farms r esorted to working their own land This self labor went against their perceptions of white superiority and were thus lowered in social status as workers (Giliomee 1993). Eventually, small farmers' standard of living became lower as compared to some Afric an workers who were able to live better by their higher wages. Because many white small farmers lost farms and could not sustain a subsistence rural life, they moved to towns to seek out alternative employment. Here they lived in squatter conditions simila r to, and sometimes adjacent to, those of African households (Giliomee 1993). In more urban areas, the loss of social status by whites became much more public. The deplorable living standards and poverty of working whites in towns were not necessarily cons idered a social justice issue, but rather a state led race issue because it was challenging the
26 ideology and norms of white superiority. The Constitutional Framework for White Hegemony Several aspects of the new South African constitution molded a fra me that would increase the segregation between white and non white and eventually institutionalize the segregation into the Apartheid. The new constitution was drafted along the lines of the British bureaucratic government. The four colonies in South Afric a merged into the Union of South Africa in which a parliamentary democracy was instituted with parliamentary sovereignty. This design did not give the judiciary branch an angle on which to supervise the acts of parliament and thus allowed for certain acts to pass without discretion. The creation of a unitary state also forced compromise between the consolidated colonies. The laws between the colonies were very different, especially with respect to race and participat ion in government. The Cape Province, for example, applied equal suffrage to all men and did not discriminate according to race. This model did not suit the discriminative franchise laws of other provinces. The new constitution compromised a uniform franchise by not integrating the laws of each p rovince, which protected the equal rights that existed in the Cape Province. However, the right to sit in parliament was exclusive only to white men and excluded all non white populations (Thompson 1990). This aspect of the constitution allowed the discri minative policies of the majority of South Africa to remain in tact, which kept the country on course for an increasingly segregated spatiality The constitution also gave voting leverage to rural voters by giving the electoral divisions of the lower hous e of parliament an equal number of voters. This design in the
27 constitution gave greater voting power to white Afrikaners because, at the time, many Afrikaners lived in rural areas on farms or around mines. The Apartheid government, in 1948, found its great est strength in these rural voters. Lastly, the new constitution lent to the unification of white South Africans, especially Afrikaners, as a nation when it selected English and Dutch as the country's official languages. Afrikaans is derived from Dutch and is a cohesive force in the Afrikaner identity. By h aving Dutch as an official language, the Afrikaner identity was further legitimized and their nationalism strengthened At the same time, the selection of settler languages excluded African language and i dentity as a part of the new South Africa and delegitimatized their role in the new Union of South Africa ( Thompson 1990). Around the same time that discussions of the new constitution of the Union of South Africa started, the South African Native Affairs Commission was organized as an official advisory board for the state. The Preface of the Commission's report adequately describes the reason for their appointment: That in view of the coming Federation of South African Co lonies, it is desirable that a Sou th African Commission be constituted to gather accurate information on certain affairs relating to the Natives and Native administration, and to offer recommendation to the several g overnments concerned, with the object of arriving at a common unders tandin g on questions o f Native policy ... [emphasis added] (SANAC 1905: 1 2) This basically shows that the new South Africa would not respond to the wishes of the entire constituency, but would painstakingly determine the terms on which the non white populations could participate in the new white dominant society. This commission dramatically influenced the drafting of the new constitution and the path on which South Africa's racial history would become dependent. The Commission recommended that the land in Sout h Africa be divided along racial lines,
28 namely between nonwhite and white. It also suggested a native education heavily focused around agriculture and industry which geared the African population toward low wage hard labor, as well as African housing and d evelopment be located around major economic centers, such as urban areas. The most racial and politically charged recommendation was a state endorsed political segregation which would take away the suffrage rights from all non whites, including Africans, I ndians and C olo u red groups (Giliomee 1993). The commission basically worked to enhance white power over non white populations and exert control over that population. The commission engrained white domination and superiority ideology into the bones of the new South Africa as it placed non white populations on the outskirts of white society, where industrialism and a growing economy did not extend. The non white spaces on the outside of the city became a product of ideas of white superiority. By keeping non whites outside of the hegemonic society and excluded as participants and beneficiaries of the economic boom, non whites became increasingly inferior in the white dominant society as they lowered in c omparative standard of living and structural disadvantage This would have ripple effects and etch spatial division s that are prevalent in the form of cities today. Adjusting Racial Spatiality The location strategy's particular utility was that it furthered the segregation between the races, allowed for th e Afrikaner community to raise its standard of living because they were no longer competing with nonwhites in the urban economy, and produced a reliable source of labor by clustering the working class. Robinson writes that an objective in her con ceptualization of the
29 discourses and practices associated with the location came to represent something of a normalizing horizon in the thinking of officials and representatives from a wide range of 996: 58). Although not her primary objective, this mirrors this idea of a white privilege that sh apes the spatiality of race in S outh Africa's urban areas. Even before the National Party gained power in 1948, the urban economy and the urban spatiality bent towards the agenda of the white majority in power. The Politics on Questions of Race The 'racial question' in South Africa at the time was the divide between white Afrikaners and English speaking white South Africans. By the beginning of the 1900s, the government of the republic, representing farmers who relied on African labor and to whom Johannesburg was a den of iniquity and also...a threat to the survival of their state had material, cultural and political interests that were poles apart from those of the Jan Smuts, had worked to improve conditions for the Afrikaners, but their intere sts were always more biased toward using the mining industry for development and industrialization. After Botha died and Smuts took office in 1919, Afrikaners had an electoral stronghold over white voters in the country and could more easily express their distaste in the government's focus in international affairs rather than local interests (namely the Afrikaner standard of living). In 1924, the previous leader of one of the Afrikaner republics J.B.M Hertzog, gave power to the National Party, which was f ormed in 1914 in response to the reconciliation policies aimed at uniting the Afrikaners and
30 English speaking South Africans. The Nationalists advocated for an Afrikaner Republic and promoted Afrikaner culture. D.F. Malan took control of the National Party in 1934, won the elections in 1944 and instituted its policy of Apartheid (Thompson 1990). The 'racial question' that was cause for tremendous political friction in white politics after 1910 shows that the ideology of the Afrikaner was responsible for dee pening the divide between black and white as it sought to protect itself from western influences and assimilation. This social ideology will be explored in the next chapter as I analyze the transition of South Africa into the A partheid. With a constitutio n influenced by the Commission of 1903 1905 and drenched with white superiority ideologies, the new South African government proceeded to separate the population along color lines. The ideals of white domination kept strict division between non white and w hite spaces but were initially justified by a more liberal ideal of trusteeship between the races. The government was able to justify segregation by taking advantage of the rise of anthropological thinking at the time to reject the position of cultural or racial inferiority. The value of culture and race was appreciated, but only as it existed outside of white society. The suggestion of assimilation and amalgamation as a means to uplift the nation and its diverse people were rejected during the time between 1910 and 19 39. Classical liberalism absorbed the proposed benefits of industrialization and asked for democratic incorporation from the new government. But the ideology of trusteeship never came so far as to accept the idea of whites and non whites as equ al. Jan Smuts, who was Prime Minister of South Africa during this time, remarks that the trusteeship principle rejects the idea of non white races 'as essentially inferior or subhuman, as having no soul, and as being only fit to be a slave' but does not ac cept the
31 idea that the non white 'now became a man and a brother'. He explains that the trusteeship principle will be used to 'foster an indigenous native culture or system of cultures, and to cease to force the African into alien European molds' (Smuts in Giliomee 1993: 19). This shows that despite a brief appreciation of plural cultures within the nation, ideas of white superiority and domination were so ingrained in the country's development that the value was only seen as it was segregated from white so ciety. Legislation and Spatial Consequences This section will review some of the more striking legislation passed between 1910 and 1948 that had specific spatial implications in the division between white and nonwhite in the country. Having reviewed the social complexities existing between a de facto segregation that was conjured up by an early history of traditional colonial segregation and frontier driven perceptions of white conquest and superiority, as well as the growing divide between Afrikaners an d English speaking South Africans, we can better understand the social undertones which drove the spatiality of the races. Much of the Afrikaner ideals of 'separate but equal' and economic integration are embedded in these policies, but this legislation wa s passed under a more liberal, industry interested state. Much of the literature looks to lessen the focus on understanding the segregation and apartheid as an economically driven state (Robinson 1996, Giliomee 1993, Thompson 1990). However, the economics of the segregation are helpful in analyzing the motivation for implementing these segregative and racial laws. Thi s lens will show how the social, political and economic influences of the segregation affected the spatiality of race and equity in the coun try.
32 Perhaps the most profound and immense impact that legislation could have had on the spatiality of race and equity in the country was the establishment of the homeland s In 1913 the government forced all non whites into reserves known as the Bantust ans, or African homelands, via the Natives Land Act. The homelands were bands of land designated specifically for the majority African populations Africans were not permitted to reside within towns or cities without special permission from the state. The removal of the non white labor force from urban areas, centers of employment and economic activity caused a migrant labor system to develop. As shown by Western's map below (Image 1.1) the homelands were often placed near zones of high economic intensity This relationship shows that the nonwhite labor force was a point of interest for the state (Western 1981). The migrant labor system provided the means by which the white city could import their labor, keep the product of the imported labor while forcing the laborers back into their designated spaces. Image 1.1: Homelands and Zones of High Economic Activity (Western 1981: 67)
33 The pass laws, which will be explained in further detail later in this section, controlled the extent to which native laborers could enter the city. Western asserts the economic dependence of the white cities on the homelands by saying that the industrialization and rapid development that South Africa saw was dependent on the nonwhite labor. At the same time, however, whites did not want a permanent presence of nonwhites in their cities largely to reduce the degree of agency nonwhites could foster in the form of political power against the state (Western 1981). The poverty into which the non whites were segrega ted became a tap roo t into the social inequity which would become more engrained in the political system and into the socio spatial form of the white dominant cities. A clincher, however, is the dialectic which would eventually and inevitably grant power to the localized oppr essed to organize against the state, which worked to reduce their agency in the first place. The homelands were also a tool used by the state to remove African squatters and informal settlements from white urban areas. The homelands gave about 7.3% of the country's land to all the Africans in the country, which constituted about 80% of the total population at the time. The act took away the right from nonwhites to buy, sell or own land that was not located within the homelands or that were not being bought or sold from other Africans. The Act also stripped Africans of their South African citizenship and thus had no legitimacy outside of the homelands. The reserves did not always have a sustainable economic system to maintain a standard of living above the poverty line (Giliomee 1993, Hepple 1966, Thompson 1990). The state assumed that those households would maintain a living through subsistence agriculture, but soil conditions rarely allowed for productive large scale farming and a booming population in the reserves was
34 increasing demand far beyond its sustainability threshold. The economic and social benefits of industrialization were insulated within white dominant spaces and did not reach far into the homelands. Living conditions in the reserves quickly b ecame impoverished and the nonwhite population was reduced to a working class (Giliomee 1993, Thompson 1990). Giliomee also attributes the social inequity of nonwhites to the o (1993: 28). This Land Act was a defining feature of the segregation era that existed prior to the institutionalization of a partheid in 1948, although it would last well into the 1980s when the cities were home to a large number of urban born nonwhites (Thompson 1990). It not only had social implications by insulating Africans and most nonwhites into economically inferior positions as workers, it also se gregated nonwhites by expelling them from the white cities. Robinson's location strategy is also pertinent here as we see the state taking measures to physically separate the nonwhites from white society for social, political and economic reasons. A socia l feature of the location strategy was the concern of growing cities. With a vastly expanding economy and growing industry, urbanization had gained full momentum and the issue of black urbanization was a highlight on the state's agenda. Urbanization among the nonwhite populations seemed pressing because these urban clusters were associated with di sease and sickness, as well as node s for perceived moral degradation and low ethics. On a larger scale, the state was especially concerned with nonwhite urbanizat ion because they feared that a dense homogenous nonwhite population would stir political and social uprisings against the state.
35 New locations were constructed by the state for the specific purpose of relocating nonwhites out of predominantly white urba n spaces. This was first tried in Cape Town in 1901 and 1903 under the Native Reserve Location Act of 1902 (Robinson 1996). [Here it is important to make the note that the homelands were specifically targeted at relocating B lack Africans. Indians, Asians and Coloureds were not forced into the homelands, but did also experience urban segregation.] A growing concern for the state was the health of its cities. The country had faced previous urban health epidemics and was experiencing the 'sanitation syndrome' which explains the growing concern and fear that whites had with the increasingly urbanized condition of its cities (Swanson 1977). The Public Health Act of 1919 was a defining legislative act by the state and was the first national public health measur e passed by the new government (Phillips 1990). The Act did not so much require the construction of new townships, but it did reinforce the idea that a concentrated and segregated nonwhite population could be better served by medical officers. Accordingly, the state constructed newer locations and townships for nonwhites and argued that they were for health and medical reasons to provide a 'moral' environment for nonwhites. Plans for the forced relocation of nonwhites were in effect, however, years before t he onset of plagues that wiped out hundreds of urban nonwhites. The incorporation of health experts and medical officers into urban planning became commonplace as the state started to address the urban issue (Robinson 1996). The social health concerns of t he state whether they were legitimate or a fabricated excuse for creating a white space did h ave an impact on the spatiality of urban areas. The homelands had already reduced the urban population to predominantly white, while legislation such as the Pu blic Health Act looked to further eliminate nonwhite spaces in
36 the cities. This created a core periphery distinction between the white urban, industrial cities and the peripheral nonwhite townships. Another piece of legislation passed during this time per iod is the Housing Act of 1920 which was also used as a tool by the state for urban slum management and population control. The Act made funds available to the government to support subsidized housing programs and develop townships for the urban poor (Gili omee 1993). The urban poor, at the time, was predominantly nonwhite laborers. Additionally, the Housing Act gave the g overnment a means to administer, monitor and control the housing projects and townships (Robinson 1996). This was also used as a means to maintain political control in urban areas by not integrating the majority African population as citizens of the country, and not allowing nonwhites to congregate in the urban realm. At the same time, however, the state was creating large densely populated clusters of the race populations they were seeking to disempower. The Housing Act was not the first or only amendment that affected the housing placement of nonwhites. The Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923 is but one of many pieces of racial legislation t hat were passed between the time the Union of South Africa was established and the A partheid in 1948. I have selected just a few to discuss to reduce the redundancy of the argument: the ideology of racial segregation, white superiority and economic interes ts fed into the state's d etermination to pass legislation with specific determination of spatiality. The Natives Act, also known as the Urban Areas Act, of 1923 white washed all of the urban areas and cities and forced all nonwhites to relocate to the ho melands or townships, unless they were issued a pass that permitted travel to and from the cities for work ( Thompson 1990). The 1923 Act also created a self sustaining account from which
37 to fund the creation of locations, or townships, on the edges of whit e urban area s This created 'dormitory towns' where many of the residents were migrant laborers who would travel back and forth between their families in the homelands and work in the cities. Additionally, the Act gave the state the right to forcibly remove those nonwhites who were habitually employed in the city or its urban suburbs. This reiterates the economic interests that the white state had in integrating the nonwhite labor force into the periphery of urban areas. This legislation was the basic framew ork upon which later influx control legislation would build and population control and segregation intensified (Giliomee 1993, Western 1981). Although these acts were not strictly enforced, the legislation was effective and thou sands of nonwhites were forc ibly removed to the outskirts of urban areas. This resulted in informal settlements and shantytowns as the population grew and migrants sought work in the cities (Western 1981). The expansion of informal settlements would later be intensified as the A parth eid loses clout and is finally abolished. Those nonwhites who had been expelled from urban areas would flood to the city, where the only housing they could find or afford is in the informal settlements. At that point, race and class share a close relatio nship. This will be seen in the final chapter. At this point in the climb to Apartheid, the state's location strategy was not as comprehensive as the institutionalized Apartheid would grow to be. The 1923 Urban Areas Act was mostly interested in segregat ing nonwhites from the whites and creating 'white cities' in which nonwhites were permitted to l abor in the economic system as the nation's proletariat. The Pass Laws of 1923 were implemented in harmony with the Urban Areas Act to control the movement of t he nonwhite labor force in and out of the urban areas. Western quotes an official policy that captures the essence of what the Pass Laws
38 and the Urban Areas Act were this country, Black Africans are to be made aware of the official policy that 'the native should only be allowed to enter the urban areas, which are essentially the white man's creation, when he is willing to enter and to minister to the needs of the white man and should depart therefrom Act had a determined spatial consequence, and was supplemen ted by the Pass Laws which had distinct social consequence s. The Pass Law s insulated white and nonwhite society and allowed interaction based on purely economic transactions. The other forms of interaction between the groups were through white domination over the localized clusters of large nonwhite populations. The daily economic transactions between the groups were permitted by the sta te. Pass legislation was floating around since the mining industry had boomed and labor was more or less managed by the state and industry. A few mining town governments forced their migrant laborers to obtain passes which allowed them into the towns. The companies would then take the passes away from the laborer and return them once they had fulfilled an overextended labor contract (Thompson 1981). The Pass Laws Act blanketed the entire country with the requirement that all nonwhites, having been relocated with the Housing Act, are required to carry passes with work authorization. Nonwhites who were found living in urban areas and were without work would be relocated into the locations or homelands. Only a small number of nonwhites had passes that authorize d a permanent residence in urban areas (Giliomee 1993, Thompson 1981). This was part of a set of legislation aimed at localizing the nonwhite population and using those locations as source s of labor. The segregation largely consisted of a
39 migrant labor sy stem, urban influx control, and segregation between whites and nonwhites. These examples of legislation passed during the segregation era, however, reflect certain ideals of the Afrikaner society that had the majority control over the state. The next chapt er will explain the tenets and values of the a partheid ideology which brought solidarity to the Afrikaner society and gave power to the rise of the a partheid regime. Conclusion The 1940s increased the severity of living conditions in the reserves with t he onset of World War II and the subsequent rise in the price of gold. The economic boom worsened the poverty gap between the urban areas and the reserves which inspired thousands of non whites to migrate closer to cities and towns. The number of urban Afr icans went from about 900,000 in 1936 to about 1.5 million in 1946. Despite the efforts to stem black urbanization and keep a segregated dominant white space, the momentum of the capitalist system and upsurge in industrialization countered those efforts an d forced the state to address the influx of non whites into white space. The state, however, was torn between two ideologies. The United Party had control over government at the time that black urbanization was increasing. The United Party, which saw a fut ure in which non whites would eventually be incorporated as equals into the national system, was facing critique from the National Party who advocated for a fully segre gated society in which nonwhites were only economically integrated into greater white so ciety. The National Part y sought to stem African urbanization, take greater advantage of the migrant labor system for industry, and push non white political claims
40 out of white society and into the reserves. The white ideology of racial superiority and do minance, which saturated the core ideals of the National Party, was strong enough in the Afrikaner nation that it won t he election in 1948 (Giliomee 1993). The National Party instituted segregation and legalized it as Apartheid. The ideology of a partheid and the governing sentiments of racial superiori ty is the rooting force of the a partheid as it exists today in the socio spatial form of the country. The power dynamics between the races over the course of history is the result of certain ideologies that h ave pervaded power structures in the states. The inherent frontier conquest mentality in white South African society maintained race as a basis for social order and gained strength as a national ideology which finally institutionalized itself and embedded those ideologies in the physical form of its cities. The acceptance of social inequality within that ideological framework is what is perpetuating the social inequity in the country. Path dependence theory suggests that simply, history matters. The dominan t ideology of the early settlers influenced the power which shaped the path of the country. In this same sense, the dominant ideology shaped the ways in which the country grew spatially and the permanence of that spatiality in the form of the cities still perforate the remnants of that ideology. The social and spatial implications of the segregation, and later the apartheid, is explained by an ideology that existed within the dominant social groups.
41 C hapter 2 The Apartheid Regime 1948 1994 Th is chapter continues the conversation of how South Africa's history of racial subordination gave rise to a culture and ideology that further infuriated a de facto segregation and eventually evolved into the Apartheid. The previous chapter showed how the do minance of the white race was initially a product of a de facto racial segregation that came from Dutch settlers and British colonists. Before a state enforced segregation was attempted in the early 1900s, segregation was largely tied to a tense relationsh ip between race and class (Western 1981). As the forefathers of the Afrikaners migrated in land, the segregation between the black African and white setter was more or less mutual as some Africans stayed in their rural communities while others integrated a nd were hired as laborers by the settlers. The Boer Wars between the English and Afrikaners created tension between what they considered two separate ethnic identities. The values, beliefs and interests of the two white ethnicities were very different and these differences further unified the Afrikaners as a 'nation', especially as social conditions for the poor white Afrikaners resembled those of nonwhites. In order to reduce competition between the poor white and nonwhite working classes, state efforts by the white government sought to isolate nonwhites into locations, townships, and homelands. This location strategy (Robinson 1996) allowed the state to use the townships and homelands as a source of labor, and the migrant labor system that evolved prior to industrialization was further
42 reinforced. This not only excluded non whites from the economic and social products of their labor, which was concentrated in the industrializing cities, but it also disadvantaged them by excluding them from the urban sphere and taking away any political clout they may gain from having a large urban population. Afrikaners, being the majority of the white electorate, found their identity most closely aligned with the National Party. It strongly advocated for a rise in the Afri kaner's standard of living, as well as an ideology that would make the segregation between white and nonwhite an enforced law. The homelands strategy was designed with the justification that maintaining a sense of native tribalism within the African nation s would uplift their society without subjecting them to Western ideals. This way, they can prosper independently of the industrializing South Africa without being assimilated into white society. This idealistic trusteeship principle is also seen in the ide ology that drove the A partheid: separate but equal. This next section will explore the ideology of Apartheid and will provide the backdrop to a greater understanding of how this ideology was etched into the geography of the country and its urban forms. Thi s chapter will explore the progression of social and spatial segregation as it was determined by the Apartheid regime. In the latter end of the chapter I will explain how the ideology of apartheid was challenged by the majority, nonwhite population and how the new ideology of equality and unity ( ANC 1955 ), challenged the white hegemonic Apartheid society and sparked a new spatial dimension which would exacerbate the social inequality between white and nonwhite.
43 Social and Spatial Dimensions of an Ideology The Apartheid, which was implemented by the National Party, was very much a social and spatial structure that was driven by a specific ideology. Contrary to Giliomee's (1993) assessment that the apartheid ideology was not merely a continuation of segrega tion, my position is that the history of segregation that has accrued since the Dutch settlement in the Cape has molded the conditions on which the apartheid was implemented. This is where Lefebvre (1976) and Soja's (1980, 1989) socio spatial dialectic is applied. The complex social history of South Africa is dialectic with a spatial history that is deeply ingrained into the geography of the country. This geography became ever more apparent with an increasing historical momentum of segregation. By the time the National Party came to power in 1948, this history of social and spatial relations between the races precipitated a location strategy (Robinson 1996) which allowed for a social and spatial structure that maintained a white hegemonic society. The Afrika ners' nationalism had a power foothold over the politics in that social structure. Their ideology, fed by a history of race domination which had been imprinted into the spatiality of the country catalyzed the historical momentum of the socio spatial diale ctic to further press the segregation into the form of the country. Giliomee writes: policy of segregation, it was also quite different from it. Whereas seg regation implied a horizontal division between races, apartheid envisaged a vertical division betwe en equal ethnic groups or nations. Apartheid also differed from the liberal model which English speaking opinion formers of the time used to categorize society. The liberal model is base d on the individual who is vested with rights. The apartheid model portrays man as a social being who finds fulfillment only in community... It is in this sense that apartheid can be considered a distinct development, rather than an extension of segregation 1)
44 Giliomee seems to make a stark differentiation between the apartheid as policy and regime, and apartheid as ideology. Without denying the idea that the apartheid evolved from segregation, Giliomee neglects the complexity o f that evolution. The a partheid was an evolution of perceptions and ideas of race that had become so firmly embedded in the social and spatial, structure that the structure itself allowed for the reproduction of those perceptions and ideals. proach does not take into this immense complex history that I highlight as crucial to understanding the integral role of ideology in the perpetuation of social inequality in the country. The ideology was born from a social history that almost normalize d th e ideology into greater society which could offer a degree of acceptance to the radical notions of Apartheid. The structure has two dialectical dimensions: the spatial and social. The ideology of apartheid has two dimensions: separate but equal. The sep arate dimension is the geographical component of this ideology of apartheid. The social component is the idea that the races are equal because they all have the right to pursue their own betterment as separate societies. Prior to 1948, the segregation era witnessed an epoch of a worldwide pseudo science which claimed to give evidence of white superiority over other races. The basic tenets of Apartheid followed the idea that South Africa, as a country, was abundant with a collective of nations that identifi ed with language and culture, and more importantly race. Every nation has a right to exist because had intended for it to be so: 41). The Apartheid i deology twisted this understanding into a policy of 'separate but equal' every nation was equal in the creator's image but they are equal only to the extent
45 that they are separate (Giliomee 1993). In this way, the Apartheid was used to reshape South Afri can society and its cities. Following that basic principle of 'God's diverse nations', the Apartheid ideology talks about the concept of volk, nation, as the basic unit of society rather than the individual. Giliomee defines volk members were of similar (1993: 45). A part of this tenet was that every volk, or nation, had the God given right to prosper and develop This sort of conceptualizatio n worked to reshape South Africa because it was a way of partitioning the people in the country and almost forcing individuals to associate with the volk that share the same cultural and racial qualities. A second pillar of the Apartheid was the idea tha t people can only develop and prosper at an individual level when they have identified as part of their volk and participated in the institutions which enhance that identity The primary institutions which would 'preach' the identity of the volk wo uld be education and religious systems. Before the National Party took hold in 1948, there was concern about the effects that rapid industrialization and migrant labor had on the traditional cultures of Africans and other non whites. Education programs wer e aimed at integrating the different cultures into one homogenous nation. But the National Party, under Apartheid ideology, believed that education of the native people should come from their own native community the homelands (Giliomee 1993). This separated the people of South Africa even further since the homelands were so far removed from the rapidly industrializing and developing white cities. Non whites often did not get the education necessary to participate in the new modern South Africa and its advanc ing economy and diversifying
46 employment sector. The pure ideology did not necessarily aim to subordinate other races, nations or volk. The ideology granted those others their right to exist but only outside of the white space. Giliomee writes that the Afr its commitment to justice, freedom, and prosperity this would be achieved through whites could obtain from white society would come in the form of sel f reliance. Using this understanding, the Apartheid became a policy but equal'. This ideology was not necessarily a means to subordinating non whites, but it was a means to create an exclusive space for the white Afrikaner and to protect the p urity of their nationality and identity from other outside influences. By segregating and re legating the domesticity of non whites outside of white society, the Afrikaners were also segregating themselves. The ideology intended to protect each nation by kee ping the nations separated, but the Afrikaner nationality was at the core of this protection scheme. The National Party institutionalized the apartheid because it was a means to reducing political friction that could work against the Afrikaner nationalism (Giliomee 1993). The National Party was not interested in tending to the needs of the non white constituency and a large scale integration of the different races Rather, they wanted to uphold the highest ethics of their own culture and nation. By employing this state enforced segregation, the National Party was relegating responsibilit y for the well being of the non white nations to the homelands which exclusion from the urban, industrial and capitalist society could not sustain. Thus, the living standards o f those in the homelands were atrocious and a blatant inequity between the 'nations' was produced.
47 Transferring the ideology of apartheid into policy had practical consequences, such as the socio spatial dialectic: ingraining the segregation into the spat ial form of the country has repercussions today in the social equity dist ribution between the races. As I hope to show with the GIS maps social in equity is very much geographically distributed. This social geography is a result of that historical momentum of segregation. The National Party's Spatial Consequences The National Party harnessed the power of the electorate in 1948 and used the majority, rural Afrikaners as its foothold in the elections (Thompson 1990). The Party implemented a wide array of l egislation that further segregated the races, both spatially and socially. The early 1940s saw a slight increase in ventures toward social equality among the races with social services extending to include nonwhites. The regime, however, tore away these ex tensions with its rise to power in 1948. Interestingly enough, however, Giliomee remarks that the later years of the 1960s saw another movement toward equalization with intentions to reducing disparities across the races (Giliomee 1993). This happens with the growth of the A f rican National Congress ( ANC ) popularity and the ideology under which it rallies. At the point where the ANC becomes a revolutionary force in South Africa, the relative stability of the social and spatial form, which had been used as a 'location strategy' (Robinson 1996), is undermined and the socio spatial form changes again. Before I explore the social revolution of the ANC, I will analyze a small number of apartheid legislation that further aggravated the spatial segregation of the races in South Africa. The Apartheid phase of urban intervention, as
48 looked to address urban problems of slums, violence, health, etc. However, the apartheid state also tied these urban problems to the issue of race: slums were predominantly nonwhite residences where outbreaks of disease often occurred. The location strategy of th e state had very specific goals. The clustering of homogenized nonwhite spaces allowed for greater social control and surveillance of the nonwhite population by the state. Robinson also suggests that it was a political strategy because it solved an urban h ousing crisis which could have destabilized the state's control over the races (Robinson 1996). Group Areas Act of 1950 One very prominent piece of legislation passed two years after the National Party was elected is the Group Areas Act of 1950. The act allowed the government to zone urban areas according to race alone (Robinson 1996). It essentially gave the state the right to designate all urban areas 'white' and remove nonwhites to government built residential locations, townships, or homelands on the outskirts of the city. The rezoning of urban areas resulted in mass forced removals of nonwhites out of cities because urban areas that had initially been predominantly nonwhite were rezoned as 'white' which made it illegal for nonwhite residents to resi de in those zones. An example of this is the forced removals of nonwhites out of Sophiatown, located in Johannesburg. This was one of the few urban areas were nonwhites retained their right to own land in urban areas after the Urban Areas Act of 1923. The 1950 Group Areas Act rezoned Sophiatown as 'white' and relocated the residents to a township called Meadowlands, located twelve miles outside
49 of the city. Rather callously, the government then renamed Sophiatown, 'Triomf', or Triumph (Thompson 1990). Anoth er example of forced removals under this act is the case of District Six in Cape Town. This will be explored further in later parts of the chapter to tease out the role of the apartheid ideology in the act. Here it is also important to make clear that the apartheid very intensely affected nonwhites who did not identify as African or black. Previous legislation such as the Urban Areas Act, discussed in the previous chapter, was largely aimed at controlling the black African population more so than other nonw hite groups. By the time the National Party was elected, blacks were already relocated into the homelands and townships. New apartheid legislation had a dramatic effect on the 'intermediate groups' who were only now having rights taken away by the state to the degree that Africans had been suppressed (Giliomee 1993: 86). The Group Areas Act had been rationalized by the National Party as much of the apartheid had been justified using what Giliomee calls the 'inevitable friction argument', referring to the s ocial tension that arises when different races interact. This argument also assumes that the races cannot interact because of inherent differences (1993, Western 1981). The ideology of the apartheid and Afrikaners held this assumption at the core of its be lief system and thus used it to justify residential segregation. It is a given, however, that there was a great deal of social tension that was a result of the history of segregation and social inequity that had been perpetuated up to that point. In a sens e, the state was almost involved in a self fulfilling prophecy. This dialectic between the spatiality of segregation that had occurred up to this point further reinforced the more radical apartheid ideals. I don't believe that this Afrikaner nationalism an d ideology was necessarily senseless. T he ideology was deeply rooted in a history of internalized beliefs
50 that were used to justify actions which to outsiders, might seem irrational, immoral, and unjust Giliomee quotes a National Party Minister T.E. Dong es in regards to the Group Areas Act: It is the sacrifice we will have to make in order to bring about conditions most favourable for inter racial harmony. For points of contact inevitably produce friction and friction generates heat which may lead to conf lagration. It is our (the National Party) duty there fore to reduce these points of contact to the absolute minimum which public opinion is p repared to accept. (1993: 88) It would seem that the majority 'public opinion' to which Donges refers would sway le gislation to be more just. At the time, however, nonwhites did not have voting powers which reduced public opinion to the electorate. The electorate was also majority Afrikaner whose opinions were very much swayed by the governing ideology of the time. The ideology of the apartheid persuaded the National Party to believe that they were doing the nonwhite races a favor by segregating them allowing for their own there he can develop wha t is his own, and only by the maintenance and the development of what is 88). This shows that there is a definite relationship between the idealism that the National Par ty had in implementing the apartheid. Western (1981) discusses the contradiction that exists between the Housing Act as a means to implementing the ideology of segregation and the real world 'existential reality' which the ideology has to confront in achi eving the goal of segregation. In the end, he argues, the Act was not so much a ploy to implement the ideology, but rather turned out to be a strategic plan for racial domination through segregation. The ideal maps of the apartheid city ( image 2.1 ) suggest a degree of equality with industry even ly dispersed and
51 equal access to industry through well planned transportation networks. Also, each racial tract has its own civic center, etc. In the real world where implementation of the ideology needed to occur, the state had to take into account the already existing social and spatial geography of its cities. The social engineering of this degree of spatial manipulation in the real world placed the interests of whites first as spatially fixed industry tracts w ere localized in white areas and where they could remain under white control. Nonwhite populations were evicted to the peripheral townships and new growth of nonwhite industry was pushed by the white state to the periphery of the cities where other nonwhit es could partake in that industry. There was, however, no incentive for whites to take interest in nonwhite Image 2.1 The Ideal Apartheid City (Western 1981 :91)
52 industry. Also, using the friction argument, the only spaces where whites and nonwhites necessarily interacted was in industry and places of employm ent. Transportation corridors were highly planned to ensure that the races did not have to interact as nonwhites commuted from the homelands or peripheral townships to the city centers for work (Western 1981). The Group Areas Act was a cornerstone in the apartheid and was a central piece of legislation that justified much of the following laws that the state would pass. With the 'inevitable friction argument' that the state used to justify the blunt degree of segregation, the state proceeded to reinforce i ts ideology and the dominant public's perception that the segregation is inherently good because it is allowing for communal development within the different races. The consequence of the mass forced removals, however, was profound social inequality betwee n white and nonwhite. With industry located in the white cities, the nonwhite periphery did not reap much of the benefits of their labor and participation in the economic system focused in the city (Western 1981). At the same time, the state's solution to the mass, forced out migration of nonwhites to the periphery was site and service housing methods. Site and service plots, in this context, are merely a basic structure for shelter with basic services such as running water or latrines, which are often shar ed between many households, and a basic road structure for transportation purposes (Srinivas n.d.). The rate at which removals occurred and the rate at which the state could construct such basic housing were at great odds with each other and this exacerbat ed social conditions in the locations and townships. The state was in control of peripheral housing development and often promised betterment of the communities and housing which were never realized, or only actualized many years later (Robinson 1996). It is
53 important to note, again, the close relationship between race and class. Many nonwhites did not have the socio economic means to improve their own living conditions and so relied on the state for such improvements. The Group Areas Act was one of the ou tstanding pieces of legislation that had a severe and lasting impact in the social and spatial form of the country's cities. This Act explicitly forced nonwhites out of white areas and into peripheral zones. Many households were uprooted from places where they had generations of history and community. Any extended families, more so in C oloured, Asian and Indian families, were separated along socio economic distinctions. There was a plethora of acts passed by the National Party that controlled the movements of nonwhite populations, also known as policies of influx control. Other legislation took away rights of nonwhites in public spaces and dictated many other social aspects of their daily lives. Population Registration Act of 1950 The Population Registrat ion Act of 1950 is one such piece of legislation which had immense social consequences, reinforced the Group Areas Act, and grounded ap artheid into society. This Act was used to determine, on legal paperwork, those who were white and those who were not. It differentiated between whites, n onwhites, and C oloureds (since C oloureds did have some mobility within the system based on their skin tone). Nonwhites, according to the Act, were those whose skin was black and who were of African, or 'native' origin. It d id not seek to differentiate between blacks who were of different origins or descent. The Coloured category had a total of seven different subcategories: the Indian Group, the Chinese Group, Other Asiatic Group, Cape
54 Coloured Group, Cape Malay Group, Griq ua Group, and the Other Coloured Group. Whites were not differentiated according to origin or descent (Western 1981). The legal framework for racial classification had profound social consequences because it tore apart families whose individual members had to register as one race or anoth er (Thompson 1990). Within the C oloured category, especially, households often saw members whose skin tone was dark enough to be considered black relocate to different parts of the city, in accordance with the Group Areas A ct. Some C oloureds had a skin tone that was light enough to be considered white, and registered as such (Western 1981). The Population Registration Act also required that all nonwhites carry pass books. The pass books limited the movement of nonwhites in the country because it provided authorities with information regarding race, but also employment status which gave nonwhites permission to either live in or travel to white cities. If they were not granted authorization by the state, the pass books were the le gal means by which they could be expelled from the city. Preceding legislation would eventually build on this act by even further restricting the movements of that population. The Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act of 1949 is an example of legislation t hat was borne out of the ideals of the Population Registration Act. This piece of legislation, especially, is also a good example of how the ideology of the apartheid seeped into real world implications. The ideology preached on the importance of the colle ctivity and identifying with one's own 'nation'. Early discussions by the apartheid regime on mixed marriages were a more conservative application of the ideology (Giliomee 1993). The individual cannot cross boundaries between nations because you are not s eeking solidarity within your own community, or collectivity. The Prohibition of Mixed
55 Marriages Act made illegal marriages between whites and nonwhites, and established a legal, social, division between the races (Thompson 1990). Since mixed marriages wer e fewer than 100 annually by 1946, this Act had more symbolic consequences and less practic al implications This symbolism was extended by the Immorality Act of 1950, and later amended in 1957, which made sexual intercourse between the races illegal. This Act was an extension of a 1927 legislation which forbade sexual intercourse between whites and those of African descent. The Immorality Act did have more social consequences than the mixed marriages act. About 13,000 individuals had been charged under th is law, many emigrated and numerous committed suicide (Giliomee 1993). Influx Control: Managing Movement Another piece of legislation that has had a tremendous role to play in supporting the core periphery distinction between the white city and location al townships just on the outskirts of the city limits is the series of pass laws that has hounded South African history for decades by this point in time. Influx control became a state issue in 1923 when the Natives Urban Areas Act was passed. This was a v ery early form of the pass system that eventually became one of the most strict influx control systems around the world by 1957. Giliomee (1993) writes that the pass system that was enforced by the National Party was distinctly different from the system th at existed before 1948 in three ways. First, the ideology of the apartheid led the state to rationalize that a combination of an economy and job market in the homelands coupled with an influx control system would create an outflow of nonwhites back to th e homelands. Secondly, the new influx control legislation included stipulations upon which nonwhites could remain inside the city. Also,
56 it had more strict posits based on different sectors of the economy: the labor supply of mines and farms were protected by limiting laborers' access to the city. Third, the National Party shortened the time that workers had to find a job within the city from 14 days to 3 days. The pass laws were relaxed in 1952 and abolished in 1986, but by that time enough legislation had been put in place that restricted their movements and presence in urban areas (Giliomee 1993). Thompson recites a 1967 statement by the Department of Bantu Administration and Development which succinctly sums up the accepted Government policy that the Bantu are only temporarily resident in the European areas of the Republic for as long as they offer their apartheid was very dr iven by economics and ensuring a steady supply of labor to its industries. Much of the legislation sought to segregate the races spatially by removing mass nonwhite populations to peripheral residential locations or tracts of homelands that were far remov ed from urban areas. Whites and nonwhites would still interact in urban areas in some public spaces and through relationships of authority in the workplace. In 1953, the National Party passed legislation that would very clearly segregate white and nonwhite in public spaces, however, it passed with some contention between the court and the state. Earlier in that year, the court had found that there were large discrepancies in the quality of amenities and facilities provided for whites and nonwhites in urban areas. This investigation was underway after the state tried to reserve space on public railway lines exclusively for whites. Ruling that the state had no right, the court passed the Reservation of Separate Amenities Bill. In response, the National Party p assed an over ruling law
57 called the Separate Amenities Bill which legalized quality discrepancies in public amenities between races. The degree of separation between the races ranged from separate pub l ic toilet facilities and swimming pools, to separate en trances to police stations and post offices (Giliomee 1993). The feud between the state and the court, however, which led to the legalization of inferior facilities for nonwhites, is an interesting digression of the ideology of apartheid because the state could hardly justify the degree of separation by their ideology. Per usual, the actions of the state was once again defended by the rationale that reducing interaction among the races would reduce conflict and tension. The state used its power over legisl ation to enact laws that would ensure the segregation and maintain a relationship of superiority and inferiority between whites and nonwhites in public, urban spaces. Bantu Education Act of 1953 Another social interference of the state was the Bantu Edu cation Act of 1953. The intentions of this act are interesting because they have a two way agenda. On the one hand, the state was concerned that the education many nonwhites (mainly Africans) were receiving in the homelands, or outskirts of the cities, by missionaries and churches was too Western and would instill values of equality in the younger African generations. On the other hand, the state needed a more literate and educated working force because of technological advances in the country's industry. S o, the state took control of the education system. The rate of matriculation was far less for nonwhites than whites (about three times). The educations for white and nonwhites were also very different. The nonwhite education was more focused on literacy an d technical skills which would prove
58 to be useful to the state as a more skilled labor force. Also, in accordance with the Separate Amenities Act, the infrastructure and general education was far less impressive and effective for nonwhites than for whites. African schools saw investment from the government that was about ten times less than that for white schools and suffered from severe student overpopulations and a lack of teachers (Thompson 1990). Giliomee provides a table of responses from a survey of 3 00 Africans conducted in 1981 that gauges the relative acceptance of racial segregation in relation to level of education (see Table 2.1 below). This shows that the ideology of apartheid was accepted, relative to education level by many Africans. I a rgue that they had internalized the social order of the apartheid based on many generations' experience with segregation. The races had been segregated even before the Union was established in 1910 and I would suggest there had been a normalization of segr egation in South African society at large. It was not until the late 1940 s when small social upheavals occurred in industrial areas. As we will see in the next section, it is only when a new ideology is proposed that resistance against the state grows. Tabl e 2.1: African Political Responses (%) According to Education Level of Education Whites can have their own: Std 2 or below Std 3 6 Std 7 9 Std 10 or above Laws Against Mixed Marriage 70 65 45 18 Housing Areas 62 52 32 15 Schools 53 34 26 13 Farmland s 47 38 29 11 Recreation Facilities 41 27 13 9 Transport Buses 36 26 18 2 Note: Only the percentages accepting separation are given. (Giliomee 1993:119)
59 Ideology in Practice For the purposes of further cementing the role of the apa rtheid ideology in steering the motivations for its legislation, I will return to the Group Areas Act and the 1966 evictions of thousands of c oloureds and blacks from their historic homes. District 6 was a district that had a 95% Cape Coloureds population. The district was located in the heart of Cape Town and had evolved over time as a cultural root for the Cape Coloureds. The District was one of the oldest in the City and was located next to the white city center. The Group Areas Act allowed the governmen t to rezone the district as a white only district, which forced the 95% nonwhite population out of the city and into locational housing. The entire district was demolished (Western 1981) The loss of autonomy for the c oloured population in the district wa s severe since their culture had been established in that urban place. The removals were forced and social networks torn apart as families and friends were relocated into different townships. Although the relocated households remained homeowners of their n ew homes, they often faced financial losses. The uprooted social networks also caused social issues such as crime and violence in the townships (Giliomee 1993). The reasons for rezoning District Six become redundant friction theory, slum clearance, healt h, community but it is an important reminder of how the state rationalized their harsh and radical legislation. They maintained white urban spaces by using the ideology that the different 'nations' would prosper more if they are allowed to develop indepe ndently of the white 'nation'. Living conditions are said to improve, and social conflict could be avoided because the interaction between the races would thus be severely reduced. Despite efforts to curb nonwhite urbanization, the massive population gr owth of
60 the nonwhite population proved to be too great for the legislation enacted by the apartheid regime. The explosive population growth in the homelands further deteriorated already unjust social conditions in the homelands and, to a lesser degree, the townships. Data collected by the Surplus People Project give a general idea of the large population influxes that the homelands faced, in addition to natural population growth. The 23 years between 1960 and 1983 saw about 3,548,900 people forcibly remove d from towns, farms, black spots and strategic developmental areas. In 1980, more than half (52.7%) of all Africans resided in the homelands. This is a very high population density, given that the homelands only constituted a fraction of the total land are a of the country. The population, at the time, was 23.8 per square mile in the homelands while the average for the rest of the country was about 9.1 per square mile (Thompson 1990). The state also gave in to an urbanizing nonwhite population because it ha d to give in to the labor demands of urban industry. The 1950s started seeing a 'legal' increase in the number of urban Africans. Influx control policies practiced by the state, however, was strong enough to keep about 1.5 3 million Africans out of the whi te cities in the 1960s and 1970s (Giliomee 1993). The population in the townships, located on the periphery of most urban cities and towns, still experienced a very massive nonwhite population growth so that by 1980 the towns were predominantly nonwhite. Urban whites constituted about 4 million people, compared to an urban nonwhite population of about 9 million (Thompson 1990). By the 1980s, there is a clearly defined spatiality to whites and nonwhites, with half of all Africans living in the homelands, an d the other half located in townships on the periphery of urban areas. Since employment was centralized to the urban areas, many Africans left the homelands for white cities and towns in search of jobs. A lack of
61 housing for the population influx resulted in overcrowding of townships and formations of informal settlements. The next section will look at a new rising ideology within the African populations that would eventually overturn the National Party. This contrasting ideology that challenges the hegemo nic ideology of apartheid helps to support my claim by showing that ideology can be a powerful force in moving people into action. The ideology of apartheid had evolved from its primitive form shortly after settlement. It took another, equally evolved, ide ology to resist the dominating ideology in order for social change to occur. With the new ideology fighting for social change, the spatiality of the aparth eid starts to weaken and a new spatiality begins to shape the country once again. The crux of this ne w spatiality, however, is that it is still informed by the years of segregation that had preceded it. First through a more de facto segregation before the U nion was created in 1910, then through an increasing form of segregation as the frontiers closed and industry becomes central to development, and finally through the comprehensive state institutionalization of segregation during the apartheid. This ideology will be conceptualized in the next section, and the spatiality of a post apartheid South Africa co nsidered in the next chapter. A New Ideology The end of the apartheid era saw a relaxing of apartheid legislation as international political pressure, trade embargoes and internal social conflict began to weaken the country and the domination of white society. In 1912, the African National Congress (ANC) rises as a small but powerful force that challenges the passive
62 compliance of the greater nonwhite population. Rallies, strikes, resistance and violence become commonplace during many acts of public re sistance and are spawned in the very spaces to which they were relegated by the state These acts of resistance also bridge the gap between white and nonwhite society and awakens, so to speak, the whites from their own passive compliance with the system. A t this point, we also see the height of the Afrikaner nationalism coming to the end of its plateau and giving way to a rising African nationalism (Munger 1967). It is the trade of power between the nationalistic ideologies that ends Apartheid and removes t he rigid determined spatiality of the Apartheid regime from the urban forms. The new spatiality that arises, however, is still dependent on the apartheid spatiality which is embedded into the country's urban forms. A consequence of the apartheid is a spati al structuralism that would perpetuate the social inequities enforced by the regime. African Nationalism Munger (1967) seeks to understand the complexity of the social struggles that troubled South Africa at the time during which he wrote his book. He e xplains that South Africa, as a Republic and sovereign nation, does not have a common nationalism to unite the varied groups and subgroups that constitutes its population. Rather, he explains, South Africa was a boundary structure that embodied two dominan South Africa is not a nation, it does contain two powerful and competing nationalisms African (about 12,000,000 people) and Afrikaner (about 2,000,000 people) revolving around each other like a binary star and far outshin ing the weak light of a nebulous South I have already explored the 'nation' concept of the apartheid
63 and its application as a long standing ideology that has grown from its roots in the settlement of the Cape, but Munger's exp lanation of the development of Afrikaner nationalism further cements this idea of a historical momentum that has shaped the urban geography of the country. Paralleled with my assertions of the historical integrity that informed the Afrikaner nationalism, Munger also comes to the conclusion that this ideology and nationalism has a history that starts with tensions between the rigid authority of the East India Trading Company, the British, and the voortrekkers, who migrated to the interior of the country and claimed independence. They then fought two wars against the British during the Boer Wars to maintain their independence and identity. Despite their surrender to the British, they managed to become the leading political party of the new Republic which allo wed them to fight for their own social equality, relative to their English speaking counterparts. They also worked to maintain a dominant Afrikaner identity by integrating their own meaningful symbology into the representative symbols of the state. It is i nteresting to note, however, that the hegemonic nationalism of the Afrikaners was initially supported by the rest of the world as they fought for freedom against the colonizing British. The world wide support for the Afrikaners against the British also wor ked to create a more unified Afrikaner nation. Munger's claims, however, are more farfetched than my own in claiming that the Afrikaner nationalism is rooted in anti colonialism. The rising African nationalism, he asserts, can also be seen as a degree of a nti colonialism in the sense that it is battling the hegemonic and institutionalized radical Afrikaner nationalism that has taken control over the state apparatus (Munger 1967). he
64 intertwined nationalisms have grown out of a deep sense of pride, both spurred on by deep humiliation, and both finding outside world sympathy in their initial stages of ached its height and plate aued as the radical apartheid regime, African nationalism was gaining world wide support as the suppressed nonwhite population began protesting the social injustice implemented by the regime. Organizations, such as the iconic ANC and the Pan Africanist Con gress (PAC), were large actors in the rise of African nationalism and the fight for equal rights in the country. Fears of the rising African nationalism led the Afrikaner state to ban the ANC/PAC in 1960, making their advocacy for equality, rebellion again st Apartheid, and resistance to the state, illegal (Munger 1967). The banning of these organizations did not stall the rising African nationalism. The urban form, which naturally condenses large masses of people, was both the rise and fall of the Afrikaner nationalism and would prove to be the stage for the rise of the new African nationalism. The rise of the Afrikaner nationalism has been supported by Robinson (1996) in her conceptualization of the state's 'location strategy' which homogenized the urban wh ite space and relocated the masses of nonwhite to periphery settlements or the homelands. This did strip power of nonwhites in the city, but it also created homogenized clusters of nonwhites that shared in social strife. As was explained earlier, urbanizat ion processes inevitably integrated nonwhites into the urban form. This gave rise to nonwhite social and resistance movements, such as the ANC. It is in the urban form that resistance began because the urban form made the distinction between race, and clas s, very evident which, in turn, aggravated social justice concerns. The urban form also blurred tribal is only in the city that African
65 nationalism finds a unity across tribal lines in its struggl Afrikaner state's reaction to urban African 'agitators' was to ban them and relocate them into the 'politically undisturbed' rural areas. Armed with a nationalism that fights for equality, the agitators recruited in rural areas wh ere, ironically, African nationalism was further broadened and strengthened (Munger 1967). This is the point at which the future of South Africa changes again, by way of the changing social dynamics. The African nationalism would lift the spatial structure s of the apartheid and give way to a new spatiality of post apartheid South Africa. Segregation, as determined by the apartheid ideology, is still inherent in the urban spatial form. But, the new ideology arising with African nationalism would work against the segregative momentum of the past to create a new, more equal spatiality. The spatial determinism of the apartheid, which was meant to strip nonwhites of power, serve s a contradictory and dialectical purpose in that it creates the platform on which a r esistance movement can begin. It is difficult, however, to define the 'African nationalism' that fought against Apartheid. The term 'African' generalizes the many tribal ideologies that exist in Africa. It would also be biased to assume that the ideologi es of the southern expanses of Africa would resemble those of the rest of the continent. The fight of nonwhites against apartheid was a reaction to social, political and economic subjugation and racial oppression. Equality, versus apartheid, would seem the logical ideology with which to oppose. I believe it is important to understand the ideology of 'African' nationalism, not only to understand the ideology that drove the reaction to apartheid, but also to understand how that ideology so elegantly and peace fully transitioned and revolutionized the country from Apartheid to the new South Africa.
66 Ubuntu Th e sense of African nationalism can be traced back to the idea of ubuntu, which is a philosophy, ethic or moral code that is found predominantly in the tr ibes, cultures, and languages of East, West, and Southern Africa (Murithi 2006) The ethic of ubuntu was referenced by Nelson Mandela when he offered an explanation of how the country was able to make the transition so quickly. Desmond Tutu also uses the ethic of ubuntu during the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to explain how the commission must be used in order to be effective (Tutu 1999 ). Tutu writes that the basic principle of ubun tu is the essence of being human. If you have ubuntu, you have qualities of kindness, generosity, and compassion (Tutu 1999). Additionally, it is said that the Xhosa culture, a society of Southern Africa, defines ubuntu as 'I am because we are' (Mofid 2012 ). The many definitions available are saturated with terms like: respect, consideration, patience, endurance, empathy, loyalty, conviviality, social responsibility, cooperation, genuineness, Tutu notes that this concept is not easily translatable to English or Western language because the word just does not exist. He writes that ubuntu inextricably bound up, in theirs [yours]. We belong in a bundle of is in this way that we understand African Nationalism as it is discussed by Munger and utilized in this thesis. Defeat of the National Party Ubuntu, as I have mentioned, was a staple in the approach that the country took duri ng the TRC (Tutu 1999). The principles can also be seen in the manifesto of the
67 ANC's 'Freedom Charter'. The document itself is a synthesis and compilation of freedom demands made by the citizens of the nation in 1955 when the ANC Alliance mobilized thousa nds of volunteers around the country to collect these demands. The Charter was adopted in 1955 but was soon thereafter banned, along with the ANC Alliance, by the National Party for treason. The Charter itself continued to influence the underground liberat ion movements and was eventually incorporated into the new Constitution in 1994. The Charter called for a democratic, equal and united nation. It addressed rights through land reform, nationalization, right to education, and zero discrimination tied to ra ce, sex, or social status, etc. ( ANC 1955 ). The ideologies that are borne from the Afrikaner and African nationalisms are drastically different. I have shown how the Afrikaner ideology has imposed its own spatiality to the country and its urban layouts. Apartheid had a determined spatiality that was being challenged by the calls for equality and cooperation by the ANC and other actors supporting the movement. The Apartheid regime worked ferociously to ban the ANC and other 'traitors' that worked agains t their system. The new ideology arising with African nationalism would work against the segregative momentum of the past to create a new, more equal spatiality. I expect that the GIS maps will show that there is still significant segregation and social in equality in the spatial layout of Cape Town, the case study, but that the segregation is becoming increasingly less pronounced as the ANC's new policy measures for equality are taking effect. At the same time, however, it is important to note that the spat iality imposed by a partheid hinders a move to integration and a progression toward a more equal spatiality. The National Party was weak by the end of the 1980s. The country faced severe economic downturns as a result of decreased foreign investment an d political uncertainty.
68 The annual rate of inflation continued to increase from 11% in 1983 to 18.6% just three years later in 1986, and growth per capita was steadily declining in 1985. The wavering power of the National Party led them to declare a state of emergency between July 20, 1985 and March 7, 1986. In June of that year, the state declared an indefinite state of emergency to regain control of the country from the anti apartheid sentiment. Thompson ce officer broad powers of arrest, detention, and interrogation, without a warrant; they empowered the police commissioner to ban any meeting; and prohibited all coverage of unrest by television and radio reporters and severely curtailed newspaper coverage The government had resorted to legalized tyranny power as a developing economic, strong political power, but also the strength of its ideology. The state sought to delegitimize the so cial conflict and opposition to apartheid by removing these truths from public knowledge. If nobody knows that there is social conflict, then nobody has an ideology or social system to question and doubt. Violence was used by the state as well. The Sout h African Defense Force had anywhere between 5,000 and 8,000 soldiers in townships to provide support for local police. The state condoned banning of anti apartheid leaders, unwarranted arrests and detention of activists, and methods of torture. There were ideas that the state had ordered assassination via the Security Police against anti apartheid leaders. All the while, the white electorate was lessening support for apartheid and the drastic measures of the National Party. The p arty was reelected, but with a weaker majority. The new president, F.W. De Klerk, was more revolutionary and liberal and supported a move away from apartheid (Thompson 1990). De Klerk engineered desegregation policies and worked to
69 create a political system in whi ch all South Africans, white and nonwhite, had equal voting rights. He would declare the end of apartheid in 1991. During the first democratic election s in 1994, Nelson Mandela became president and led the nation into the post apartheid era. Conclu sion The ideology, and the degree that the ideology was engrained in the culture of the dominant race, can explain the radical shift from de facto segregation to institutionalized segregation after the National Party was elected In 1948. Giliomee (1993) i s correct in stating that the ideology of apartheid which unified the Afrikaners and strengthened their nationalism had a profound role to play in dictating legislation and creating an apartheid spatiality. This approach, however, does not take into consid eration the intensity of that ideology and the historical momentum with which it legitimized the apartheid. The previous chapter showed how the ideology was first borne out of the settler, frontier mentality of the free burghers and Boers. Their nationalis m was defined by this mentality and formed the basis around which their core beliefs, values, and ideals would evolve. This chapter showed exactly how the ideology of 'separate but equal' was literally cemented into the spatiality of the country. The equal ity bit, however, did not prove to translate into the practicalities of the real world. The separate but equal philosophy worked contrary to its ideology and created massive social discrepancies between the geographies of the races. There is a very definit e spatiality to the history of South Africa which crescendo ed with the Apartheid regime and is no w seeing a return to de facto segregation. This segregation, however, is now largely dependent on the tie s between race
70 and class. The history of segregation did not prepare the nation for a reality after apartheid. The segregation is no longer enforced, but the social inequality and spatiality of the races are still distinct reminders of the history that gave it form. It is only when a new ideology is present ed that spatial changes are seen, but even these spatial changes are conditional on the spatiality of the apartheid. The next chapter will review some of efforts of the new government in coping with the challenges of the post apartheid era. It will also in corporate GIS to show the relationship between space and social equity that is occurring in the country's urban places. It is my hope that we will be able to discern distinct patterns between social equity and spatiality in these maps that reflect this his torical analysis that has been presented in the past two chapters. If there is a relationship between space and equity, the socio spatial dialectic will be proven as a legitimate theory with which to critique the spatial implications society has on our urban forms today.
71 C hapter 3 1994 Present Post apartheid, Spatiality of the Rainbow Nation This last chapter is not as much of a historical analysis of South Africa's revolution from the Apartheid state to a democratic nation. Rather, this chap ter will look at some of the efforts and challenges faced by the new South African state, under ANC leadership, to 'un do' the Apartheid and redefine the country as a democratic and egalitarian nation. The African National Congress (ANC) was elected in 199 4 during the first democratic elections in which all citizens could cast a vote under the decree 'one person, one vote'. The idea that the end of the institutionalized apartheid would restore the country was faulty and idealistic as the ANC is facing nume rous challenges in reversing the social and spatial policy effects of the apartheid regime. My interests are predominantly in the social and spatial features of the post apartheid city and the challenges that the historical momentum of the segregation and apartheid has etched into the urban form of the nation's cities. A defining feature of this analysis lies in the available data that show the physical impact of the Afrikaner's radical apartheid ideology and its repercussions in spatial form. GIS generate d maps are also effective in showing the relationships between race and spatiality, and other variables that can lead to a generalization of general standard of living and social opportunity. Due to the limited GIS data available, census data proves to be the most accessible in this study. I have chosen to overlay spatial data on population
72 groups with income, employment and dwelling type. These variables can be telling on the relative standard of living of those population groups living in the wards. This data is collected from the South African statistics department wh ich is an open source data base. The boundary maps were provided upon request by the Strategic Development Information and GIS (SDI&GIS) department of the City of Cape Town. Given the preva lence of other research conducted with previous census data (Christopher 2001, 2005), I will focus my own analysis of the data to the most recent census conducted in 2011. A combination of my research on nationalism and urban spatial formation during the s egregation and apartheid is strengthened by a spatial analysis of real world census data. The census is especially intriguing and useful because it is not the product intensive ethnographic work, but is instead basic quantitative and empirical descriptive data which do not harbor large biases that can skew an analysis. The census data, however, make it difficult to trace changes in population prior to 1994. The census conducted by the National Party could not be empirically trusted and the data does not in clude the populations that resided in the nominally independent homelands. Although the legal racial classifications of the Apartheid were abolished in 1994, the categories of race are included in the post apartheid census for citizens to self identify the ir own racial group. The categories of race as self identified did not change much after 1994 which suggests that the legal classifications scripted to individuals are still bounded in their self identity. Additionally, the inclusion of race diversity in t he diverse communities, rather than mono tonal non The extent to which these diverse communities are integrated, however, will be te lling of
73 the relative unity of the rainbow nation. Efforts to 'Undo' the Apartheid With the dissolution of the Apartheid regime, the new state faced issues of integration among the different ethnicities, races, class, etc. In order to address the diversi ty within the nation which was very much a point of contention during the Apartheid, the state opted for a government of national unity. This style of government has been utilized around the world and is aimed at finding equal ground in the electorate and representation of the people by having all political parties share in the legislative platform. The differences between the National Party and the African National Party are so wide on an ideological continuum and each party represents large populations in different racial and ethnic groups. Granting sovereignty to one political party could not have maintained the political stability which has been achieved. historic bridge between the past of a deeply divided society characterized by strife, conflict, untold suffering and injustice, and a future founded on the recognition of human rights, democracy and peaceful co existence for all South Africans, irrespective of colour, race, class Republic of South Africa 1995). This new constitution for the post apartheid South Africa is aimed at national unity and equality while acknowledging and respecting the diversity of the nation and supporting the promotion of such diversit y in culture. As an example of this philosophy, there are 11 official languages recognized in South Africa's constitution each of which is commonly used in the country ( Republic of South Africa 1996). The country's step toward a legislative national unit y, however, was
74 an ideological step toward a post apartheid future in South Africa. A pressing issue the new state faced was the economy which had declined during the latter years of the Apartheid. To spur growth, t he new government used a development pol icy called the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) to manage the country's economy (Visser 2004, Garrity 2007). This program became the master guiding document on which the new government of national unity would govern the country (Visser 2004). The RDP was founded through the human oriented participatory and social development approach advocated by Robert Chambers (Garrity 2007). The program had a labor driven angle to economic stimulation, was guided by 'growth through redistribution' policy, a nd had four main principles: meeting the basic needs of all citizens, stimulate economic growth, develop human resources, and instill democracy in society and political institution Although the outline of the program was ambiti ous and targeted the basic needs for the new democracy to improve the lives of its citizens, the program itself had many flaws that led to its downfall after 2 years, in 19 96 Some of the obstacles and issues included the cost o f the program, which ranged anywhere from $8.5 $150 billion, as well as incompetence and lack of experience in the government and program staff to follow through with projects (Garrity 2007, Visser 2004). The RDP also failed to clearly outline the means t o achieving the goals and objectives it had set. (Visser 2004). Additionally, allegations of fraud and corruption crippled the efficiency of the program (Garrity 2007). The RDP had a very social oriented approach to the development of the country which di d little to address the economic constraints faced by the slow growing economy.
75 This became daunting in the face of the South African currency crisis in 1996 which depreciated the Rand(R) by more than 25%. The government then adopted the Growth, Employment and Redistribution program(GEAR), a macro economic strategy which was in line with popular global neoliberal development policies (Garrity 2007, Visser 2004). GEAR, at the most basic, advocated for a very hands off government intervention strategy to prom ote private investment in the economy. In addition to the government's reduced role in the economy and increased privatization of state owned assets, the program called for large cuts in government spending, leaving the social and economic needs of the cou ntry to the private sector. GEAR also sought to increase its international competitiveness by turning to an export oriented market in order to increase economic growth (Visser 2004). This development program also faced similar problems as those faced by th e short lived RDP and seemed less effective because of high preset standards (Garrity 2007, Visser 2004). In principle, the initial RDP strategy's social approach was a state led effort at reintegrating the nation's cities and the diverse populations whic h now faced severe structural constraints at natural social integration. The shift to the GEAR strategy focused on issues of service delivery and improving general standard of living for the disadvantaged populations. Integrative planning fell short on the national agenda and the state relied on the market economy to reintegrate the nation (Christoper 2005). The development patterns associated with the market economy are in question as they could reinforce the social divisions of the segregation and the imm ediate history of apartheid (Turok 2001). The nationalism and ideology which was conceptualized in the previous chapters are also cause for concern as the individual choices and preferences of
76 individuals participating in, and incidentally managing, the ma rket economy are diffused into market outcomes. The discussion in the next section elaborates on this issue and shows how the country's form is perpetuating the social inequity of the past. Spatiality, the Relic of Apartheid The spatiality of the Apart heid will be determined in this final section to further cement the idea of the Apartheid as a social and spatial regime that was guided by a larger nationalism and ideology with very specific ideals towards spatiality. The Apartheid was an institutionaliz ed ideology that made segregation a commonsensical part of the hegemonic, white Afrikaner society (Giliomee 1993, Thompson 1990). The state undertook strategic measures to ensure a spatial segregation between the races in the cities (Giliomee 1993, Thompso n 1990, Western 1981). It is later then argued that the social and spatial dimensions of the Apartheid regime created a 'location strategy' in which the power of the state could be protected by isolating population groups and stripping their power in white society (Robinson 1996). However, it is also significant to note that the nationalism and ideology which fed into the apartheid regime did not produce a 'master plan' from which the spatial and social implications would follow (Mabin 1992 b Maylam 1995). The Apartheid was a haphazard implementation of social and spatial policies which represented racial ideological reactions to the development of the country (Mabin 1992 b ). Nearly two decades following the end of Apartheid, a study of the spatiality of Cape Town today will look at how the history of South Africa and its legacy of segregation remains a de facto given in the spatiality of the city. The socio spatial dialectic, outlined previously in the introductory chapter, is
77 applied now after the historica l analysis has shown how the segregation, apartheid and hegemonic ideals and power structures have had a spatial implication on the form of the country. The census data and GIS mapping will show how the determined spatiality of the segregation and aparthei d, as informed by ideology, is perpetuated in current urban forms. I specifically look at the urban form of Cape Town for its intriguing development patterns and role as the foundation as South Africa's 'mother city'. The use of GIS maps can be used to ass ess the extent to which the social inequity that was inherent in the soci al structure of South Africa's a partheid and segregation is still prevalent in the form of the city today. Western's (1981) analysis of the spatiality of Cape Town discusses a dialec tical relationship between social and spatial form echoing the socio spatial dialectic of Soja and Lefebvre insubstantial. It is real and demonstrable; it is molding the present and t he future of Cape Town. It unavoidably mediates the everyday experiences of all Capetonians...recognizing the dialectic of person and place is central to an appreciation of the texture of life in Cape ion between the settlers, free burghers, and later pioneers separated the races long before the Apartheid was instituted in 1948. Cape Town, despite being the point of origin from which pioneer sovereignty extended and South Africa was born, was the least segregated city in southern Africa. The extended history of segregation and later, the de jure application of the Apartheid ideology, created a city in which the dynamics between social structure and spatial structure became an interesting force in shaping the socio spatial form of the city (Western 1981).
78 The first half of the dialectic which Western analyzes in Cape Town is the influence that people and society has had in creating and shaping the physical spaces of the society. This side of the dialectic coin would insist that the social structure of a society is reflected in the spatiality, in the form, of the city. The other side of the dialectic would reflect that the spatiality of the city would, in turn, shape the social forms and actively reinforce the existing social structure of the society. In this dialectic, neither the spatial dimensions nor the social dimensions of the city would be more passive in the shaping and reshaping of society (Western 1981, Soja 1980 ). This complex, interwoven relation ship between the social and spatial structures of society leads Western to reason that it is both society and space that is being created in this dialectic, but that they are also inseparable qualities of the same 'socio spatial reality' (Western 1981: 7, Soja 1980). Western also makes a point to note that, given the first half of the dialectic, that people create places, it would seem that the reflection which comes about in the form of the city uickly than concrete and becomes an interesting case. Analyzing the Social Geography The legacy of apartheid has left both spatial and social implications on the country (Mabin 1992 a June 1992, Robinson 1996, Christopher 1994, 2005). Although apartheid had come to an end and the policies of the regime had been lifted, the consequences of the country's history as a segregated nation have left deep divides that are still, almost twenty years later, being worked out of the social and spatial structures. These structures
79 dictate the daily experiences of white and nonwhite as they negotiate their movements within South African society. The question of urban racial segr egation has been addressed previously by other scholars who use census data to determine the relative rate of integration for different population groups after the democratic transition in 1994. The question of race in population studies is a very prominen t issue because it is a means to gauge the relative success of 'un doing' the apartheid, whether through institutional measures or a natural reintegration. The data has shown that there has been a general decline in urban racial segregation since the begi nning of the 1990s (Christopher 2001). However, the rate of integration has slowed in the period between 1996 and 2001. The efforts of the state to integrate using the market has been only marginally successful as research shows that population growth and migration have been the main integrative variables in this later period (Christopher 2005). The initial integration seen in the population was mostly due to the repeal of discriminatory legislation (Christopher 2001, 2005). The challenges are more comprehe nsive and interdependent. The relationship between race, class, income, and social and economic mobility make the integration of South Africa a much more social and eco 2306). It is a role of modern capitalist free market economics that perpetuate racial residential segregation. Without a state led effort to tackle the dependency between race and so cial structures, integration will never pick up the pace. Total population of South Africa has increased from about 40.5 million to just over 51.8 million people between 1996 and 2011. The Western Cape, which added almost
80 2 million people, is one of the fastest growing provinces, following at quite a distance behind Gauteng (+4.5 million). However, the Western Province is not one of the largest provinces of the nation. The 2011 Census also showed that the African group is a very fast growing segment of th e population. The Black African population constitutes over 70% of the population in all the provinces except for the Northern and Western Cape where Black Africans were 50.4% a nd 32.9%, respectively (Stats SA 2012a ). The Western Cape, where Cape Town is l ocated, is specifically interesting because it went from being more liberal and fairly integrated to highly segregated during the Apartheid. Its origins as the first settlement produced an interesting array of population groups. As the table below shows, t he population of Black Africans in the Western Cape is increasing faster than any other group most of which are declining (see Table 3.1). The Black African population group has seen a population growth of 45.1% since 1996 in the Western Cape (Christophe r 2005). The greatest growth of white population in South Africa is found in Gauteng (Stats SA 2012a ), which has a historically a white Afrikaner identity. Table 3.1 Percentage distribution of the population by population group, Western Cape, 1996 2011 B lack African Coloured Indian/Asian White 1996 21.6 56 1.1 21.4 2001 26.7 53.9 1 18.4 2007 30.1 50.2 1.3 18.4 2011 32.9 48.8 1 15.7 Reproduced from census information provided by Statistics South Africa, 2011 If not surprising, alarming, is the data that shows Gauteng and the Western Cape as having the greatest in migration rates of the provinces. The Western Cape has an in flow rate of 432,790 while Gauteng has a much larger rate of 1,440,142 (Stats SA 201 2a ).
81 Although Gauteng and the North western p rovinces do have a high in flow of immigrants, the rate is still much higher than other provinces. In regards to education, Black Africans consistently show the highest rates of 'no schooling' among the population groups. This has been a decreasing trend, however, among all population groups between 1996 and 2011. Whites, on the other hand, show the highest rate of attaining a higher education between 1996 and 2011. The income level for household head perhaps show the greatest disparities between population groups, as shown by the table below (Table 3.2 ). [Based on April 23, 2013 conversation rates, one U.S. dollar equal about 9.29 South African Rand]. Table 3.2 Average Annual Household Income by Population Group Black African Coloured Indian/Asian White Total 2001 2011 2001 2011 2001 2011 2001 2011 2001 2011 22'522 60'613 51'440 112'172 102'606 251'541 193'820 365'134 48'385 103'204 Reproduced from census information provided by Statistics South Africa, 2011 Map 3.1 shows the spatial distribution of the monthly income bracket R 3 201 R 6 400 The Income and Expenditure Survey (IES) 2010/2011 reports that the average annual household income for Black Africans is R 69,632 (Stats SA 2012) about R 5,803 a month. The map below does correspond with the p opulation density of Black Africans in the city. The density that is portrayed in this map corresponds with high densities of informal settlements. However, it would be important to note that the standard of living of those Black Africans concentrated in t he South eastern boundary are also pressured by high costs of commute and transportation, inaccessibility to health care and education, etc. As map 3.2 shows, the Black African density more so ali gns with lower income brackets, showing that there is a grea t deal of disparities among households. This map sh ows the
82 lowest monthly income bracket R 1 R 400. Due to the fact that this maps portrays data collected in 2011, this spatial data shows a degree of integration of Black Africans away from the localized d ensity. This could be a result of economic and social integration, but could also be representa tive of the close proximity of informal settlements and high income that occurs in some areas, such as Hout Bay. This is limitation of quantitative descriptive d ata.
83 In these maps, the grey scale shows the density of populations living within the given monthly income bracket (or other variable as indicated on the map). The darker shades represent a higher density whereas the lighter shades represent a lower density.
84 This density indic a tor is then layered by points that indicate the spatiality of race. We can then use these to look at relationships between income and race. Map 3.2 above is also telling about the spatiality of poverty in the c ity. The calculated poverty line in South Africa, based on food and non food essentials, is about R 431 per month. This is calculated on 2006 prices (Stats SA 2007). The annual income for poverty stricken households would be about R 5,172. This visualization shows that the s patiality of poverty is more so concentrate d in the Southeastern boundary where the highest densities of Black African population groups reside, and where high densities of informal settlements are localized. Additionally, there are also great disparities between population group in rates of unemployment and participation in the labor market (Table 3.3). Map 3. 3 shows that unemployment is greatest in the Southeastern boundary where the greatest Black African de n sity is located. This series of maps show tha t there is a definite relationship between race and other variables such as income, poverty, and employment. The spatial data also proves that there is a definite spatiality to race that can be traced back to the hist o ry of segregation and apartheid. Tabl e 3.3 Unemployment Rate by Population Group Black African Coloured Indian/Asian White Total Official Expanded Official Expanded Official Expanded Official Expanded Official Expanded 35.6 46.3 22.3 31.5 11.7 17.8 5.9 10.2 29.8 40 Reproduced from census information provided b y Statistics South Africa, 2011 This basic quantitative data shows that there has been a relative increase in opportunity across all population groups, but the disparities between the population groups are still very pronounced and th e divide is slow to close. Basic data on housing is also telling in combination with the data relayed above. The census in 2011 showed that there is a
85 steady increase in the percentage of households living in formal housing, while the number of households living in traditional housing have halved. Those numbers are promising in dictating a better standard of living for the majority of South Africans. However, the percentage of households living in informal dwellings has not budged more than 3% between 1996 and 2011 (Stats SA 2012a). Given the massive increase in total population, a large number of households still live in informal dwelling units, suggesting that the country is still facing a housing crisis relative to race and income.
86 This echoes the wor the more subtle aspects of power embodied in the urban form and in discourses concerning human environment will present obstacles to the creation of a democratic and equitable post apartheid cit 4 shows the density of shacks, not in backyards, in relation to white and Black African population density. It shows that there is a relationship between race and dwelling type.
87 Robinson's claim is supported by collected and analyzed data in 1996 which show that population growth in urban centers are positively correlated with segregation levels. Movement between rural and urban areas was unrestricted in 1986 which resulted in dramatic shifts in populations. Just between 1991 and 199 6, the African urban population increased by 27%. This mobility has increased even more so after 1994. We now see large populations of poverty stricken rural households migrate to urban centers where their means can only afford housing in the peripheral in formal settlements along urban fringes. In 1996, the Western Cape and Cape Town saw the highest levels of African integration in the cou ntry. Conversely, however, the C oloured population group saw the highest level of segregation in the Western Cape (see m ap 3. 5 below). This can be attributed to the large scale forced removals that occurred since the majorit y of the Cape's population was C oloured. Also, in 1996, the maj ority (84.7%) of the country's C oloured population lived in the Western, Eastern and Nort hern Cape which would suggest a higher rate of segregation for that group. This group, as well as Indian/Asian does have a high rate of integration due to their intermediate economic and social status which is not afforded to the African population which s uffers from a very slow rate o f integration (Christopher 2001). White integration into society, however, is also happening at a very slow pace. Based on the 2001 census, the white population group remained the most segregated group in the count r y. Betwee n 1996 and 2001, the median index of segregation for Africans was 84 (where 0 is completely integrated and 100 is completely segregated) while for whites, the median index was 92. This can be attributed to basic urban displacement of populations. At the b eginning period of the desegregation, the only space
88 where urban integration could happen was where tracts were marked as 'white areas' during the Apartheid. Nonwhite groups could only move into urban areas as white moved out. As this happened, a process o f suburbanization gained momentum as middle or upper income white households could afford to move outside of the urban areas (Christopher 2005). This 2011 data shows that there is a rising African middle class that are integrating into this suburban belt. These suburbs, however, become exclusive homogenous clusters of population groups that are seclude d in gated communities. Thus, urban areas that were previously exclusive to whites are seeing the greatest rate of integration while overall trends of white s egregation are increasing (Christopher 2005). The map below [map 3. 6 ] provides a good visualization as to the relative concentration of white groups in a belt that stretches from the Eastern edge of the coastline where the city center is located toward the Northeast. This spatial layout of the white population steers clear of the center of the city boundary where the most informal settlements are located.
89 Challenges to Integration The spatiality of Cape Town specifically is also reflective of the general spatiality of other South African cities. The ideology of apartheid and the segregation that led up to it had very specific ideas that translated into policies and planning that inscribed
90 economic, political and social division s within the geography of the urban form. Cape Town stands as a very good example because it is facing the geography of a highly polarized city where the mobility of its citizens is challenged by their ability to purchase or rent space in different parts of the city. The greater area of Cape Town has very affluent suburban areas with rich economic centers but is polarized by low income, dense, overcrowded and impoverished dormitory or informal settlements. The state does make efforts to extend basic services such as electricity, sewage, water, etc. into its peripheral informal settlements (Turok 2001). The state also works to provide affordable, subsidized housing to offset the growth of informal settlements (Turok 2001, Christopher 2005). However, housing projects tend to focus on in formal settlements which have a predominant nonwhite, African population. This creates racially homogenized clusters of residential areas which perpetuates racial segregation in the post apartheid state. The ability of disadvantaged groups to apply for low income mortgage finance is also limited by the private sector (Christopher 2005). In Cape Town, while the informal settlements and public housing projects are localized in the south east, private investment, economic vitality and employment are focused i n the north and west. Market investment is not centered on the interest of developing the informal sectors of the south east. Rather, they are focused on the increasingly suburban north west where middle and high income households are migrating from the ci ty. This 'northern drift' of economic activity is also an issue of decentralization which will affect the central business district of Cape Town. As investment is leaving the city, the city will see problems of deterioration and ghettoization (Turok 2001, Christop h er 2001). As in the case of Johannesburg,
91 Christop h er writes that the infill of black Africans into previously demarcated white areas could create urban African enclaves. As with the current growth of peripheral informal settlements, these urban e nclaves could become as segregated as the townships and settlements that were created under the apartheid (2001: 455). The out migration of white population groups to the suburbs are cause for concern in maintaining de facto residential segregation. The realities and negative perceptions of informal settlements hinder the extension of private investment into informal settlements, leaving those areas unincorporated into any degree of integration the market might offer. Skills and qualifications of those li ving in peripheral settlements are often not able to compete with those demanded by the private sector. Additionally, prevalence of a high unemployment rate, social deviances, social instability and hazardous living situations do not offer many attractive elements to business investment (Turok 2001). A study reported that 25% of households in informal settlements have been victims of crime, however, it is important to note that crime rates here are often under reported due to their status as ille gitimate housing (HDA 2012). In a focus group study conducted in Cape Town, 90% of participants listed high crime rates as a fear factor for living in informal settlements: a third of whom had been subjected to crime (mostly robberies) within the past year Only about a third of these crimes were reported to the police (City of Cape Town 2005). Investment is hindered, as a result of these perceptions, as costs associated with security reduce profit. Also, peripheral investments would require longer travel d istances from the urban economic center which are located northward. Investors are also dissuaded because the disposable income of households in peripheral settlements might not guarantee prosperity and profit (Turok
92 2001). In this way, the private sector plays a role in hindering integration of the races because income and economic mobility is so closely related to race. The spatial layout of the post apartheid city is very inefficient and unsustainable, given the current political, social and economic st ructures of the urban economy. The Cape Town business district contains over 80% of the employment opportunities for the city. However, it only houses about 37% of the city's population. This spatial mismatch causes those that live in the peripheral settle ments and subsidized housing to face high transportation costs and endure long commuting distances to travel to work every day Coupled with the commuting times, are the low income status of these groups of people which further disadvantage them. This is l argely the result of market forces that allocate land and pull investment based on the individual preferences and objectives (Turok 2001). Given the expansive racial history of South Africa and the degree to which segregation and racial perceptions are ing rained in identities and attitudes of its citizens, it is not surprising that these tendencies would arise in the market. As with the apartheid as a state institution that was repealed in 1994, the nationalism that pushed the ideology of the apartheid woul d not immediately dismantle and detach from the radical Afrikaner's identity. The segregation became normalized, to an extent, and those norms would be perpetuated in the free market economy given the 'rational' individual choices and preferences of its pa rticipants. Unfortunately, the participants in the free market economy are those that had been left privileged after the Apartheid: predominantly white population groups.
93 Conclusion The GIS generated maps of basic census data collected in 2011 shows th at there is relative degree of integration that has occurred since the end of Apartheid in 1994. However, the maps are also telling of a distinct spatiality that mirrors the localization of races which the apartheid sought to accomplish through spatial and social policies. The relationship between race and variables such as income and employment, for example, show that social policies worked to structurally disadvantage nonwhite racial groups. Coloureds and Asian/Indian groups, however, find integration muc h easier than Black Africans. Perhaps most striking is the severity to which the white population groups are segregating themselves. Whether this is due to the market economy, or deeper ideologies and perceptions on race, cannot be discerned in this study. and customs associated with race. The conclusion is drawn that South Africa still faces a high level of segregation relative to internation al standards (Christopher 2001, 2005). The potential for increased integration between populations of different race groups is strong, but the rapidity of this transformation potential is hindered by a free market capitalist economy (Christoper 2005, Turok 2001). As I have demonstrated with data and maps in this chapter, the gap in social equality between the different racial groups is not being bridged by the current measures of the South African government. The consequences of segregation and apartheid po licy are trapped in the spatiality of the nation's cities and are perpetuating the social inequality and segregation of the past. Rapid integration and spatial transformation will be the result of comprehensive planning from the state. As much as the apart heid was a determined
94 social and spatial regime, the nation of unity and equality must become equally, if not more intently, determined to reform the spatiality of its nation. This newly determined spatiality will reflect the ideologies of the new South Af rica as it succeeds as a post apartheid nation. between the social form and spatial form have been supported by these GIS renderings and data presentations. There is a high degree of social inequality that is being perpetuated in the social and spatial form of the City of Cape Town. The city shows a distinct differentiation between the higher densities of population groups and also shows a pattern in which white population gr oups tend to reside on the periphery(ironically) of the predominantly Black African population groups. There is also a relationship between race and class which needs to be further explored in future studies and was only touched on by this discussion. The integration of Black Africans into predominantly White areas shows that integration is linked to socio economic upward mobility. In this period of post apartheid, capitalism and free market economics is a new dimension to South African society. Not to say that capitalism was nonexistent prior to the end of Apartheid; rather that households can maneuver within the market to segregate or integrate based on individual preferences which are informed by deeper social structures such as culture, customs, habit, n orms, or ideology. Those social structures are just as much influenced of segregation still persists within South Africa.
95 Conclusion The Layered Dimensions of Modern South African Society The Afrikaner nationalism, that I have traced back to the initial settlements of the Dutch and the splintering of the voortrekkers was the consolidating force which drove the Afrikaner 'nation' to seek power and impl ement their beliefs and ideals of society. The culture, beliefs, ideals and perceptions which defined this nationalism bled into what is often considered a distinctive 'apartheid ideology' (Giliomee 1993). I have argued against this distinction as well as the notion that the Afrikaner Nationalism is a 'liberal mythology' and a scapegoat argument to offset the severity of the Apartheid from the nation's previous experiences as a merely segregated nation (Maylam 1995). Although the Afrikaner Nationalism cann ot be exclusively blamed for the severity and radical ideals of the Apartheid, it must be considered a primary driving force in the eventual culmination, and sustenance, of the Apartheid as a social and spatial regime. The notion of the 'liberal mythology' (Maylam 1995) and the distinction of an 'apartheid ideology' (Giliomee 1993), as removed from its historical context, does not ease the curiosity to explain why the nation suddenly faced a seemingly radical political, social and spatial shift in the mid 1 900s. It is my position that the birth of the Afrikaner nationalism, which brewed the radicalism of the apartheid ideology, occurred when the voortrekkers chose to trek inland to escape from the domination of liberal British rule. The sovereignty they fo und in the Boer Republics gave their nationalism a chance to strengthen as a national identity. When
96 the British chose to forcefully consolidate its colonies with the Afrikaner Republics in 1910, two competing ethnicities with different ideological perspec tives were placed in a the elections in 1948 just in time to cease the liberal trends of the previous government. Although segregation was already a growing part of the policy implications, the ideology th at fed into the Afrikaner Nationalism gave rise to a social and spatial determination that found a foothold in the real world through state led segregation. The radicalism can be seen in the degree to which ideolo gy was forced onto the spatial form of the country to reinforce the social ideals towards which they were striving. The role of the economy and the rapid industrialization of the country fed into the disadvantages of nonwhites who had, throughout history faced subjugation and repression. The spatial implications of industrialization after the discovery of diamonds and gold created structural disadvantages which would be further engrained in the social Apartheid, was very much interested in the economic benefits of racial segregation and the migrant labor system because the rural areas provided a labor pool from which to develop. The exploitation and intensification o f this labor structure continued up to the Apartheid and was even further fortified with the National Party. the apartheid regime was no exception. Many scholars seem to focus on the economic dependence on racial segregation and repression as an explanation for the apartheid. Although these dependencies play into a comprehensive understanding of the apartheid phenomena, it does not explain the extent to which the National Party sought to segregate
97 the white population from the nonwhite groups. The significance of the Afrikaner Nationalism leads to a more in depth understanding of the social and spatial implications of the Apartheid. The second chapter only skimmed the surface of a small fraction of legislation that had both social and spatial dimensions, but the motivation for these state acts can be traced back to the Apartheid ideology. In the final chapter, the City of Cape Town was analyzed and provided a back drop from whi ch to stage the interconnectedness between social form and spatial form. The data and GIS maps showed that there is a connection between the geography of race is a determi ned spatiality of the apartheid which was informed by the primordial Afrikaner nationalism. The curiosity of this research was to determine if social inequality is perpetuated in spatial form, and the socio spatial dialectic provided the theoretical framew ork that emphasizes the interconnectivity and reactivity of the social and spatial historical analysis and the spatial data in the GIS maps. The advancement of the Afrika ner Nationalism should not be dismissed as mere history in effort to explain how and why social and spatial forms come about. There is much interest in understanding how these forms are maintained and the social repercussion they have, but the deep social institutional dimension of ideology and its connection to identity and daily life must be layered as a dimension to the perpetuation of historical socio spatial patterns. South Africa is a particular case in which the ideology of apartheid, and the nationa lism which
98 The discussion came to an end on the current obstacles the state face with tendencies toward capita lism and free market economics. These economic structures have different social implications that are added to the historical dimension that we have explored. We are seeing issues that intersect race, class and gender and which mirror patterns we study in nations like the United States. The study of the Afrikaner nationalism and apartheid ideology become crucial in understanding the roles that they continue to play in determining spatiality and social equity, especially with the added dimension of capitalis m and free market economics. Modern issues become more complex with these layered dimensions. What I have provided with this historical and geographic analysis is a step toward a more comprehensive understanding of how social inequality is perpetuated and transformed in a socially complex environment.
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