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Creator: Small, Travis
Publisher: New College of Florida
Place of Publication: Sarasota, Fla.
Creation Date: 2013
Publication Date: 2013


Subjects / Keywords: Slavery
Plantation Archaeology
Landscape Archaeology
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theses   ( marcgt )
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Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: Very few comparative studies have been undertaken in plantation archaeology, let alone within the relatively new field of landscape archaeology. In this study I examine the particulars and universalsof power relations seen in three plantation landscapes – in Jamaica,Florida, and western Cuba. In doing so, this thesis brings out thecontributions and shortcomings of a comparative approach to plantationarchaeology studies. The comparative methodology is useful forhighlighting the contributions, experiences and responses of enslavedindividuals although the generalization risks losing the specifics forslavery in each locale. This thesis also addresses the hired labor onplantations, whose presence is often ignored in popular and academicliterature, through oral histories, a frequently undervalued andunderexplored avenue in archaeological research.
Statement of Responsibility: by Travis Small
Thesis: Thesis (B.A.) -- New College of Florida, 2013
Supplements: Accompanying materials: CD
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The New College of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Local: Faculty Sponsor: Baram, Uzi

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Source Institution: New College of Florida
Holding Location: New College of Florida
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: local - S.T. 2013 S63
System ID: NCFE004867:00001

Permanent Link:

Material Information

Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: Small, Travis
Publisher: New College of Florida
Place of Publication: Sarasota, Fla.
Creation Date: 2013
Publication Date: 2013


Subjects / Keywords: Slavery
Plantation Archaeology
Landscape Archaeology
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: Very few comparative studies have been undertaken in plantation archaeology, let alone within the relatively new field of landscape archaeology. In this study I examine the particulars and universalsof power relations seen in three plantation landscapes – in Jamaica,Florida, and western Cuba. In doing so, this thesis brings out thecontributions and shortcomings of a comparative approach to plantationarchaeology studies. The comparative methodology is useful forhighlighting the contributions, experiences and responses of enslavedindividuals although the generalization risks losing the specifics forslavery in each locale. This thesis also addresses the hired labor onplantations, whose presence is often ignored in popular and academicliterature, through oral histories, a frequently undervalued andunderexplored avenue in archaeological research.
Statement of Responsibility: by Travis Small
Thesis: Thesis (B.A.) -- New College of Florida, 2013
Supplements: Accompanying materials: CD
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The New College of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Local: Faculty Sponsor: Baram, Uzi

Record Information

Source Institution: New College of Florida
Holding Location: New College of Florida
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: local - S.T. 2013 S63
System ID: NCFE004867:00001

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ACROSS BORDERS: A HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL A PPROACH TO PLANTATION LANDSCAPES IN FLORIDA, JAMAICA, AND WESTERN CUBA BY TRAVIS SMALL A Thesis Submitted to the Division of Social Sciences New College of Florida in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts Under the sponsorship of Uzi Baram Sarasota, Florida May, 2013


ii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my mom, dad, Pam, Sarah and my extended family for their love and support through the college experience. I am grateful for the unceasing support, first and foremost, of Dr. Uzi Bar am, who s archaeological and anthropological insights were truly an inspiration for this project, and for my time at New College. I would also like to thank my other committee members, Drs. Anthony Andrews and Brendan Goff. Thank you Drs. Maria Vesperi a nd Erin Dean for pushing me to be a better writer and a better student. Thank you also to Dr. Gabrielle Vail, you provided infinite patience and opportunities that were invaluable in my time at the college. Thank you So uth Florida Museum at Bradenton f or the opportunity to have access to your artifact collection and the knowledge of the museum s staff. I would like to thank Dr. Philip K. Simpson, Marjorie Rivera, and especially, Associate Professor Karyn Ott you all are the reason I was able to attend and flourish, at New College. Finally, I am grateful for the love, support and advice of Diana Watson, without whom I could not bring this project together.


iii Table of Contents Chapter One: Introduction & & & & & & & & &. &.. &. & &. & & & &.......... ............................ 1 Chapter Two: Historical Archaeology of Plantations..................... .................................................6 Chapter Three: Drax Hall & &........ ...................................................................... .........................13 Chapter Four: Bulow Plantation & & & & & & & & & &.. & & & & & & & & & & & & & &..45 Chapter Five: Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &82 Chapter Six: Comparative Analysis/Conclusions & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &....132 Appendix 4 .1: 1830 Mosqui to County Census Records & & & & & & & & & & & & & &see CD Appendix 4.2: The Ante Bellum Occupation Form & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &156 Appendix 5.1: Angerona Plantation & & & & & & & &. & & & &. & & & & & & & & & &.158 Bibliograph y & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &................................159


iv List of Figures Figure 3.1 Drax Hall on Jamaican Landscape & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &..14 Figure 3.2 Plantation Management Hierarchy & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &17 Figure 3.3 Birth and Death Ratios for the Drax Hall Slave Population & & & & & & & & &..20 Figure 3.4 George Wilson 1850 Survey Map & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &26 Figure 3.5 Spatial Temporal Distribution of Mean Ceramic Dates MCD s & & & & & & &27 Figure 3.6 House Features at Drax Hall & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &.28 Figure 3.7 Map of Southern Provision Gro unds at Drax Hall & & & & & & & & & & & &..39 Figure 3.8 Worked Delftware Sherds & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &.42 Figure 4.1 Map of Plantations in East Florida & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &49 Figure 4.2 Enslaved Population at Bulow Plantation according to 1830 Mosquito County Census & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &..52 Figure 4.3 Bulow Plantation Conjectural Layout & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &.57 Figure 4.4 Spanish Land Grant Map depicting Russell, and later, Charles and John Bulows lands & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &58 Figure 4.5 Bulow Great House Conjectural Layout & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &...60 Figure 4.6 Bulow Sugar Mill Conjectural Layout & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &..61 Figure 4.7 1850 Plat Map of Bulow Plantation & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &..62 Figure 4.8 Remains of Bulow Su gar Mill & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &...65 Figure 4.9 Listing of Structures according to 1837 U.S. Senate Claim & & & & & & & & &..66 Figure 4.10 John J. Audubon depiction of Bulow plantation structures & & & & & & & & &.68 Figure 4.11 Square Feet Available for Enslaved at Bulow Plantation & & & & & & & & &..70 Figure 4.12 Comparison of Daniel et al. 1980 Survey with Collins et al. 2010 Survey & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &.73 Figure 4.13 Kingsley Plantation & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &.76


v Figure 4.14 Coquina Block Scatters indicating Bond Servant Quarters & & & & & & & & &.79 Figure 5.1 Map of Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre on the Cuban Landscape & & &.83 Figure 5.2 Landscape 1880, by Esteban Chartrand & & & & & & &.. & & & & & & & &.101 Fi gure 5.3 Laborie s First Conceptualized Layout & & & & & & & & & &... & & & & & &105 Figure 5.4 Laborie s Second Conceptualized Layout & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &..106 Figure 5.5 Layout of Santa Ana de Biajacas & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &108 Figure 5.6 Stairway Incision at Great Hou se at Santa Ana de Biajacas & & & & & & & &..111 Figure 5.7 First Photo of Wall Enclosure & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &113 Figure 5.8 Second Photo of Wall Enclosure & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & & &114


ACROSS BORDERS: A HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO PLANTATION LANDSCAPES IN FLORIDA, JAMAICA, AND WESTERN CUBA Travis Small New College of Florida, 2013 ABSTRACT Very few comparative studies have been undertaken in plantationarchaeology, let alo ne within the relatively new field of landscapearchaeology. In this study I examine the particulars and universalsof power relations seen in three plantation landscapes in Jamaica, Florida, and western Cuba. In doing so, this thesis brings out thecontri butions and shortcomings of a comparative approach to plantationarchaeology studies. The comparative methodology is useful forhighlighting the contributions, experiences and responses of enslavedindividuals although the generalization risks losing the spe cifics forslavery in each locale. This thesis also addresses the hired labor onplantations, whose presence is often ignored in popular and academic l iterature, through oral histories, a frequently undervalued andunderexplored avenue in archaeological resea rch. Dr. Uzi Baram Division of Social Sciences


1 Chapter One Introduction Objectives In Plantation Archaeology of the Southeast Coast, Charles Fairbanks 1984:11 cites a need for more work in the field of comparative plantation studies in archaeology as a means of better understanding various facets of enslaved life. He 1984:11 continues that sites belonging to different colonial owners from around t he African Diaspora, and producing potentially different kinds of crops, could be of benefit in this regard. David Watters 2001:94 similarly echoes these sentiments, citing specifically a need to address comparative analyses of plantation infrastructu re, such as enslaved housing and great houses; significantly, Watters adds that, &it is at the comparative level of analysis, not the particularistic level, that the Caribbean holds great promise for historical archaeology 2004:94. It is with these n otions in mind that I carried out an international, comparative analysis of the bond servant quarters and great houses at three plantations Drax Hall, a sugar plantation in British controlled Jamaica, Bulow plantation, a primarily sugar plantation from Florida s U.S. Territorial era, and Santa Ana de Biajacas, a coffee plantation in Spanish owned Cuba as a means of better understanding universals and particulars of power dynamics spatially manifest in slavery era plantation settings. I follow in the lea d of Larry Rivers 2000 who utilizes the term bond servant in lieu, in many instances, of the term slave. Significantly, these plantations were chosen with a notion that, perhaps, a typical style of layout of the bond servant quarters and/or great house was present on plantations in a given region owed to the area s respective colonial controller; these relationships were also believed to be interrelated with a given variety of


2 crop. This thesis will explore whether these assumptions hold, and whet her any additional factors may contribute to these layouts. Additionally, attempts are made to compare the settlement patterns of the enslaved quarters at each p lantation, in order to explore levels of agency and/or resistance potentially exerted among ea ch bond servant community. I also incorporate work sites at these plantations into these studies as a means of further elucidating exerted labor by enslaved individuals, via walking distance, and spatial relations of power. Toward these goals, a compa rison of enslaved population demographics at each plantation is undertaken as a means of better understanding how bond servants responded to changing gender ratios and labor conditions in varying regions under different colonial regimes. Notably, f or this study, Drax Hall, Bulow Plantation and Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre, specifically, were chosen for two reasons. First, these estates appeared, initially, to be 'average' candidates of operations producing a given crop, in a given region. Seco nd, plantations were chosen in which sufficient previous archaeological and/or historical research was available, but which also showed promise for additional insights with further study. Plantations in the World Theater In Europe and the People without History 2010, Eric Wolf argues that, during the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries, expanding global markets played a vital role in drawing various parts of the world into a more inter connected state; and this was facil itated via the production and exchange of various crops, such as sugar and coffee. These crops were produced on agri industrial complexes known as plantations.


3 As Barbara Heath 2012:20 observes, Plantations are complex economic enterprises that inte rweave commercial and noncommercial agricultural and industrial production with the creation and maintenance of internal transportation, storage, and processing systems and the management of human and natural resources. Kenneth Lewis 1985:37 adds to t his understanding, noting that plantations were located in frontier regions on the periphery of a world economic system. Lewis 1985:37 observes that, in these spaces, enslaved labor was expended in the production of a commodity for a world market. Su gar, and its sale to both domestic and international markets, in East Florida and Jamaica, generated wealth for a small planter elite class, fueling the rise of plantation slavery in each region. As Theresa Singleton 2001:98; 2005:181, William Van Norma n Jr. 2005, and other scholars have argued, coffee served a similar role for cafetal owners in western Cuba; both Van Norman and Singleton also note that, while coffee has often been considered of secondary importance, owing to sugar s immense success in the region beginning in the 1850s, coffee contributed in equal measure, both in enslaved labor and in capital, overall, to the growth of the plantation complex in Cuba. Reflecting Wolf s 2010 description, each of these regions was also affected by gl obal markets; East Florida, for instance, had only minimal involvement in the international scene, owed to competition from Jamaica; meanwhile, the latter colony was supplanted by Cuba by the mid nineteenth century, during which time the colony s plantatio n infrastructure and exports of sugar dramatically expanded.


4 So What? I argue that notions of power dynamics which played out spatially between the enslaved quarters and the great house, on any given plantation, are still not common knowledge among ma ny individuals in the U.S., today. The back of the big house is often seen as a sometimes materialized manifestation of a tragic chapter in America s history, to be witnessed and described, revered and commemorated, but rarely theor etically explored with regard to the condition of physical dominance which came with the quarters and ultimately the bond servants subservient positioning on the landscape. Through my research, I hope to show others of how surveillance was paramount in the operation of an estate, in addition to economic concerns, and how this material spatial condition added to the layers of domination experienced by enslaved individuals in their lived experience on their respective landscapes. In the U.S. popular imagination, notions of slavery are most often understood with gross generality, as if slavery occurred nowhere else but in the deep South, a peculiar institution somehow isolated from the concurrent conditions of individuals sometimes th ousands of miles away from North Amerian soil. By incorporating two other regions, a larger view on the production of commodities and presence of enslaved labor in the African Diaspora comes forward. This thesis will also highlight the varying labor and material circumstances of those bond servants often ignored, and silenced in a fashion, in this way, by including populations on plantations in Cuba and Jamaica.


5 Thesis Outline Chapter Two will offe r a basic understanding of the key publications and theoretical strands explored in this thesis. In Chapter Three, I will examine the living and labor conditions of bond servants at Drax Hall plantation, Jamaica. Key themes addressed i nclude the presence of hired labor, agency exerted via the house and yard configuration, the effects of the revolutionary events of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries on plantation layout, as well as others. Chapter Four will discuss Bulow plantation in East Florida. Similar themes discussed in Chapter Three will be brought forward, in addition to the panopticon and the importance of oral histories for studying plantations. Chapter Five will review the coffee plantation, Santa Ana de Biajacas, in Cuba; here, further attention will be given to the impact of planter guides on plantation design, as a means of highlighting the plantation s intersection and lack of with these ideals. How these notions, in turn, affect ed the resident enslaved population will also be considered. The plantation s unique bond servant gender ratio, as well as other relevant concerns of this thesis, including spatial relations of the bond servant quarters, some of the work areas and the g reat house, will also be reviewed. In Chapter Six, I will compare these three plantations, in an attempt to understand better the universals and particulars of spatially manifest power relations in plantation slavery era settings. In addition I review o f notions of the cultural landscape and other possible avenues of future research.


6 Chapter Two Historical Archaeology of Plantations For this thesis, I draw on several major resources and theoretical strands to elucidate notions of the intersection of power and space, aspects of violent, and more passive, cultural, resistance, in addition to cultural practices, material manifestations of said practices, enslaved demographic changes and living conditions experienced among the bond servant population at each given plantation. Using these elements I show that enslaved individuals, while experiencing particularistic circumstances in varyin g degrees, were ultimately united in their mutual desire to exert their cultural and physical presence on the landscape. The scholarly publications include: Armstrong 1990; O Sullivan 2012; Singleton 2001, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2012, and Singleton and T orres de Souza 2009; Van Norman 2005; and finally, Laborie 1798 who offers a primary source on plantation organization. Douglas V. Armstrong examines a variety of research concerns in The Old Village and the Great House 1990, including the identi fication of African influenced traits in the archaeological record, such as foodways, housing, and the use of a house and yard configuration seen among excavated house features. W hile not the focus of Armstrong s analysis, his descriptions of the placement and movement over time, of the sugar works and great houses at Drax Hall are important for this thesis This thesis examines the spaces around bond servants housing. In Caribbean Transformations 1974:244, Sidney Mintz discusses a commonly observed feature among contemporaneous Caribbean peasants, and previously observed among bond servants in the region, known as a house and yard configuration. In this space, with cultural roots in Africa, women were able to assert a sense o f space and control their


7 lives: The house, yard, and kitchen are dominated by the adult women of the household &Women prepare the food, do the washing and mending, tend the garden, look after small animals, and most important, look after the children Mintz 1974:244. Min tz also describes that the house and yard was also a site for the recreation for a variety of culturally significant practices, here decisions are made, food is prepared and eaten, the household group whatever its composition sleeps and socializes, chil dren are conceived and born, death is ceremonialized Mintz 1974:231. To create a viewshed analysis for her study of Bulow plantation, Rebecca O Sullivan 2012 produced digital elevation models DEM s of the believed prior locations of the bond ser vant quarters, as a means of bette r understanding issues of power, surveillance and the plantation s cultural landscape 2012:49,50; her project also entailed the creation of maps through a pedestrian survey and a metal detector test. After accounting f or contemporary vegetation, the viewshed analysis revealed that each of the bond servant quarters could have been potentially seen by occupants of the great house at either ground level or from the second floor porch 2012:112. Though, O Sullivan also no tes that the rear areas of the bond servant quarters would not have been visible by the plantation management 2012: 107, and that bond servants at other plantations, such as Hermitage, asserted themselves by using and defining space to suit their needs, regardless of the slaveowner s intentions Battle 2004:43 in O Sullivan 2012:66 alluding to their use of a yardspace configuration; she continues that such possibilities may be realized in the archaeological record at Bulow O Sullivan 2012:66. Like Van Norman 2005, Delle 1998,1999, and Singleton 2001:105, O Sullivan 2012 argues that the plantation landscape was, to an overwhelming degree, a


8 product of planter ideals about the appropriate use of space as a means of articulating power and hiera rchy, and of naturalizing such notions, particularly among the bond servant class, such that these individuals would come to know and internalize the ideals that the plantation order is as is it should, and always will, be 2012:80. In her studies a t Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre, Singleton 2001, 2005, 2006, 2007 and Singleton and Torres de Sauza 2009 gives particular attention to a wall enclosure which surrounds the enslaved quarters. More specifically, her research questions/objectiv es have concerned: Is there evidence of the use of artifacts beyond the objects original, intended function? How common were wall enclosures? Were these structures an isolated phenomenon or more prevalent? How did the enslaved respond? And, did these individuals attempt to modify the interiors o f their living spaces ? In Slavery and Spatial Dialectics on Cuban Coffee Plantations 2001:106, Singleton notes that an incision in one of the great houses outer walls indicates that the structure may have had a second floor, and possibly a balcony area atop the buiding, from which enslaved individuals could potentially be monitored without being able to tell when the surveillance was taking place: a panopticon. In Discipline and Punish 1977:200 Foucault describes the panopticon as envisioned by British philosopher Jeremy Bentham, in principle : at the periphery, an annular building; at the centre, a tower; this tower is pierced with wide windows that open onto the inner side of the ring; the peripheric building is divided into cells, each of which extends the whole width of the building; they have two windows, one on the inside, corresponding to the windows of the tower; the other, on the outside, allows light to cross the cell from one e nd to the other. All that is needed, then, is to place a supervisor in a central tower and to shut up in each cell a madman, a patient, a condemned man, a worker or a schoolboy. By the effect of backlighting, one can observe from the tower &each actor &alo ne, perfectly individualized and constantly visible &


9 Foucault 1977:200 continues that this arrangement was meant to reverse the primary purpose of the dungeon, that is, to hide the prisoner and deprive of them of light; rather, the panopticon could r ender them visible, while still retaining the key element of enclosure which would, of course, ensure that the population could not escape. Thus, the revealed individual, aware that they were potentially being watched at any moment, would observe, and o ver time, internalize, the rules of good behavior, rendering automatic the functioning of power 1977:201; key to this aspect was the perception of surveillance rather than the condition s outright enactment. In his studies of Jamaican coffee plantati ons of the Yallahs River Drainage, James Delle 1998,1999 argues that notions of panopticism can be observed, most tangibly at Clydesdale plantation, where the overseer s house still stands. As Delle determined via viewshed analyses, from two vantage poi nts, his front porch and the veranda, the overseer was able to watch over the enslaved quarters, as well as the work areas, respectively 1998:152; 1999:159 62. He adds that similar notions were in place at other Jamaican plantations 1999:161. Signific antly, Delle 1998,1999 identifies the interior of yaws houses and hospitals, for instance, as a spatialities of resistance, places in which bond servants could subvert this surveillance and the plantation order, by avoiding labor and the plantation man agement, however temporarily. He cites twelve individuals at Radnor plantation, for example, who may have attempted to avoid labor by being necessary quarantined, due to contraction of yaws 1999:164. As Singleton observes, Santa Ana de Biajacas als o had an infirmary 2012.


10 William Van Norman asserts that a unique demographic make up, a physical layout of pl antation and unique labor regime gave coffee slavery in western Cuba a decidedly different f eel than that on the ingenios, sugar plantation s, and that these conditions had certain consequences, such as spawning the foundations for a nascent Afro Cuban identity, as well as a reproducing bond servant population. Significantly, Van Norman s description of life for enslaved on cafetales as le ss demanding than that found on ingenios, and of situations of closer gender parity among cafetales, stands at odds with Theresa Singleton s assessments 2001, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2009, 2012 that conditions for the enslaved were such that these individua ls could not reproduce in sufficient quantities to sustain family units, mirroring conditions on Cuban sugar plantations. In chapter five, I argue these conditions of gender parity, and possibly, of eased labor, were not in place at Santa Ana de Biajaca s. Van Norman 2005:173 also extends Delle s 1998 and Higman s 1988:82 84 arguments, that coffee plantations, in additi on to being spatially arranged as systems of peak econo mic output, were also designed for the resident owner, or more often, overseer, to facilitate a maximum amount of possible surveillance over the resident enslaved population As pr oof, he argues that western Cuban coffee planters strictly followed planter Pierre Laborie s advice i n re gards to plantation layout, including close proximal location of the bond ser vant quarters, which was specifically to effect surveillance. Pierre Joseph Laborie, a creole born in Saint Domingo, published The Coffee Planter of Saint Domingo in London in 1 798. Notably, Higman 1988:164 highlights,


11 Laborie, a retired lawyer, eventually came to live in Jamaica, and had specifically English audiences in mind for his work. As Van Norman 2005:69 argues, Laborie s treatise was the single most influential vo lume on the subject of coffee cultivation utilized by contemporary planters in western Cuba; notably, this argument has also been applied to Jamaican coffee plantations Delle 1999, 2000; Higman 1988:159. For Laborie, the ability to watch over plantation operations was necessary for successful operations ; the houses excepting the great house &are placed upon the most accessible situations, and usually upon the summit of some hill &where water may be conveyed. There the several settlements are arranged, as much as possible, within light and reach of the mansion house & Laborie 1798: 36. For Laborie, notions of symmetry and order, similar to those invoked by contemporary thinkers of the Georgian mindset were of crucial importance, including 1 2 meter p aths which delineated equally apportioned coffee fields of three acres Del le 1998:109; Van Norman 2005:74. T he centralized layout, as Van Norman observes, was followed by numerous contemporaneous cafetal owners; Santa Ana de Biajacas seems to evidence this pattern, as well. Significantly, Laborie also gave advice on other key aspects of the plantation, such as the use of plantain trees to shade coffee plants, and that concerning the composition of the enslaved l abor force. Laborie advised the use of women, in addition to facilitating conditions which favored reproduction, as a means of further capitalizing on the bodies of the female enslaved Delle 2000. However, Van Norman also argues that bond servants on th ese cafetales were able to resist planter attempts at domination brutality, and cultural erasure, through the retention, recreation and transmission of traditional cultural practices such as rituals,


12 foodways and language use, for example, often behind closed doors 2005:197. Interestingly, while Van Norman acknowledges Delle s 1998 theoretical notions of spatialities of surveillance and observation, he neglects to expand on Delle s third spatiality, that of resistance. Finally, the notion of a cultural landscape offers the convergence of human action in a natural setting, with the actors multiple cultural backgrounds affecting how processes were seen, and enacted within and upon, the plantation landscape. Veronica Strang 2007:52 uses a rat her all encompassing notion of the cultural landscape, incorporating every aspect of culture and its material expression. This includes cosmological understandings of the world; religious beliefs and practices; languages and categories; social and spatia l organisation; economic activities &values and their manifestation in laws &constructs of social identity &material culture &and forms of knowledge and intergenerational transmission, among other aspects. The notion of a cultural landscape concludes this thesis. The details for each plantation will be presented in turn: Drax Hall, Bulow plantation and Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre.


13 Chapter Three Drax Hall Socio Historical Setting Sugar and the Jamaican Bond Servant Trade Sugar L ocated in St. Ann s Parish, nestled in between Jamaica s northern coast and more interior mountain ranges, see Figure 3.1 below Drax Hall was but one among many sugar plantations operat ing in the British colony from the late seventeenth through the nine t eenth centuries; and St. Ann s large expanses of nutrient rich land and rainfall, which averages around 200 c entimeters annually, helped ensure this success 1985:266; 1990: 17,18 During this period, sugar estates accounted for the overwhelming majo rity of plantation operations across Jamaica, generally; in 1832, some 527 sugar estates were funct ioning Higman 1995: 13. Sugar cultivation in Jamaica began soon after Spanish colonization in 1509 Mintz 1985:34; though, by 1655, Britain invaded the colony and successfully conti nued these operations, and the island became one of the Caribbean s leading producers Mintz 1985:36,38. Under the English, sugar and its most lucrative byproduct, rum, proliferated as the colony s principal exports, affecting trem endously Jamaica s socio economic and physical landscape Higman 1995: 213. Beginning around 1820, however, sugar s dominance in Jamaica began to wane; the industry virtually bottomed out by mid century 1995:215 ; Armstrong 1999: 186. By 1850, Cuban and Brazilian markets dominated sugar production Mintz 1985:36.


14 Figure 3.1 Drax Hall on Jamaican Landscape Hedging against these price fluctuations, some English planters diversified their holdings or were dedicated to the production of different crops and/or products, entirely. For example, the cultivation of coffee was much more common in Jamaica s interior, in the Blue Mountains. Gin ger, pimentos, and molasses, another byproduct of sugar, were also alternative sources of income in Jamaica. Pimento, for instance, was rais ed for export at Drax Hall Armstrong 1990: 18. As I will review in the coming chapters of this thesis, American T erritorial era planters in East Florida, as well as those on contemporary Cuban cafetales, also used such techniques; although primarily a sugar estate, Bulow Plantation, for example, relied upon cotton a nd indigo, among other crops. T he overwhelming major ity of the wealth built on agriculture did not remain in Jamaica ; rather, absentee planters, often located in England, hoarded profits away from the Jamaican population, a fiscal drain f rom the periphery to the center 1990: 206. This economic success, of course, was all built upon the backs of enslaved labor Mintz 1985: 56.


15 Jamaican Bond Servant Trade Prior to Drax Hall s founding, c ontact with various European powers such as the Spanish, had resulted in considerable de population among Jamaica s ind igenous Taino/Arawak population, owed mostly to disease and enslavement Armstrong 1990:22; Hauser 2008: 17. Though, during the eighteenth century, planters in Jamaica increasingly began to fill this population void with bond servants predominantly from the West African coasts 1990: 23. Historical sources show that over 5,000 bond servants were successfully transported annually between 1702 and 1725 Curtin 1969:160; between 1792 and1807 this number more than doubled Curtin 1969:160. As Herbert Kle in Klein 1978:25 notes, these massive quantities of forced immigrations distinguished the colony as the largest single importer of African slave laborers in all of British America. Of course, this does not count the untold number of individuals who, t ragically, did not survive the voyage. By 1832 some 24,708 bond servants were present in St. Ann s Parish, alone; in Jamaica, generally, 312,876 enslaved individuals were recorded at this time Higman 1995:53. Drax Hall Plantation Management Owned and operated since 1975 by Drax Hall Limited, the plantation had its beginnings under William Drax in 1669. Upon the elder Drax s death in 1691, his son, Charles, oversaw operations until 1721, when the estate was passed down his brother in law Samu el Reynolds and sister name unknown Armstrong 1990:24. Following their ownership the estate exchanged hands several more times, including the acquisitions of David Thompson s property in 1736 and Samuel Wills in 1745, before the estate was


16 sold in 17 60 to Peter Beckford, an immensely wealthy planter who owned several additional plantations in Jamaica. After Peter Beckford passed, his son, William, took charge of the estate, becoming an immensely successful absentee planter in his own right; whereas P eter Beckford may have spent some of his time shifting between plantations in Jamaica, William elected to distance himself physically and cognitively within the English mainland, and is said to have thought little of his human holdings abroad Higman 1988: 100; Armstrong 1990:28. More comprehensive coverage of the history of ownership of Drax Hall can be found in Appendix 3.1 Armstrong 1990:281 84. Like many nineteenth century coffee planters in Cuba, which I will review in the next chapter, owners of mu ltiple estates in Jamaica could not, of course, be everywhere at once; sugar estates such as Drax Hall necessarily relied on managers who could oversee operations in the owners stead. In the Jamaican agricultural hierarchy, an individual known as the at torney a ltog ether different from the role of a legal attorney primarily handled a given estate s administrative issues, in lieu of the absentee owner Higman 2008:31. F igure 3.2 below outlines the typical chain of command found on Jamaican plantations Higman 2008: 31 The overseer in Jamaica was European and, as James Delle 2011 notes, could be a figure much despised, similar to plantations in Cuba, East Florida and elsewhere in the Americas and the Caribbean. Delle cites, for example, the case of Thomas Thistle wood who was responsible for raping of dozens of women, in addition to other h einous punishments Delle 2011: 128. While Guild Hall housed the overseer during its period of


17 Figure 3.2 Plantation Management Hierarchy Higman 1998:31 operation, after 1750, Armst rong 1990 does not indicate where the resident overseer may have stayed on the plantation landscape prior to this point. As Barry Higman 2008:30,31,47 notes of one 1836 account by Augustis Beumont, in practice, neither the attorney, no r the overseer, for that matter, had much, if anything, to do with day to day operations on Jamaica s plantations, for the effective management was really in the hands o f the black enslave d headmen.


18 Drax Hall Enslaved Population The identities of many bond servants have been preserved in the historical record, providing insight not simply into these individuals names, but also what respective African regions they may have come from. Like most Jamaican plantations, enslaved individuals at Drax Hall had roots, ultimately, in a variety of locales within Africa Armstrong 1990:35,37; such was also the case at Bulo w Plantation in East Florida, and especially so at Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre in Cuba Though Akan day names, such as Quashi and Cuffee alternatively, Coffee, indicated on historical documentation reflect Drax Hall family members apparent preference for bond servants from the Gold Coast 1990:37; this is commensurate with other Jamaican planters similar desire for enslaved persons from this region at this time Armstrong 1990:39. Over time, however, this ethnic demography changed. A pr oportional increase occurred in the number of Creoles, for example, by the mid to late eighteenth century Armstrong 1990:3 9; this pattern follows that seen among most western Cuban cafetales, and of reproducing populations in East Florida, during the fi rst half of the nineteenth century, which I will cover in the next two chapters. Sex ratios of bond servants similarly shifted over time. For example, whereas females accounted for at least one half of all enslaved at Drax Hall in the late 1700s, by 182 0, an increased reliance on male labor bought from other plantations had raised this statistic to 52.1% Armstrong 1990:42 44. Although Jamaica s birth rate among bond servants was notoriously low, these specific actions also reduced the numbers of indiv iduals born at Drax Hall Armstrong 1990:44. A natural in crease among the


19 plantation s enslaved was not recorded until until 1832 a mere +0.5% Armstrong 1990: 43. Notably, one source from 1823, Thomas Roughley s Jamaica Planter s Guide advocated for generally better treatment of enslaved individuals on the colony, mirroring popular sentiments also present at the time in the American South. Among other proscriptions, including dissuading sexual as sault and Christian conversion, Roughley advised g iving bond servants enough time to work their provision grounds and providing them with comfortable living quarters 1823:77 ; the latter advice was m eant to encourage propagation among enslaved individuals in Jamaica Delle 2000:175 The se conditions may, or may not, have been present at Drax Hall; however, I am disinclined to believe so given that the plantation s enslaved population exper ienced a 2.7% reduction at this time. Of course, populations shifted over the course of plantati on operations for any number of reasons, such as a decrease which occurred, following the end of the bond servant trade in 1808 Armstrong 1990:90. R ates of increase/decrease, sex ratio and one s ethnic status as Creole or not, among the enslaved at Drax Hall, is indicated in Figure 3.3 below. Unfortunately, Armstrong does not provide any data concerning the names, or quantity, of hired temporary labor undoubtedly utilized from time to time at Drax Hall.


20 Year Total Population % Male % Creole % Annum 1721 317 56.9 --1735 345 51.9 48.4 -1745 53 345 325 44.0 73.8 0.8% 1779 81 345 48.5 80.0 0.0 1817 345 51.6 81.4 -1817 20 313 52.1 83.4 3.2% 1821 23 290 55.5 86.2 2.7% 1824 26 284 54.2 88.7 2.0% 1827 29 270 54.0 89.3 1.2% 1830 32 275 53.8 89.8 +0.5% Note: Figures do not include decreases due to manumission. Figure 3.3 Birth and Death Ratios for the Drax Hall Slave Population Armstrong 1990:43. Further, very little is known about the specific day to day lives of the bond servants at Drax Hall. However an account of one individual, Robinson, indicates this person s rather tragic h istory. Following Charles Drax s death in 1721, Robinson was deni ed the opportunity to pursue an education and acquire his freedom, as per Charles will Armstrong 1990:24, 26. This same ignored stipulation required the creation of a school which, upon graduation, would have also allowed other enslaved persons to be emancipated 1990: 26. Indeed, freedom was had by very few enslaved in British owned Jamaica, much like in Territorial East Flor ida and Spanish Cuba. Armstrong does not offer specific numbers of manumitted individuals at Drax Hall, but between 1829 1832, 84 individuals were manumitted in St. Ann s Parish Higman 1995:177. I n all of Jamaica, only 1,362 individuals were given their freedom during this time, the lowest rate of all of the Brit ish sugar colonies Higman 1984: 380 ; 1995:177


21 Quality of life wa s a major concern for bond servants in Jamaica. In addition to harsh conditions in the fields and work areas, and occasional gross mistreatment at the hands of plantation managers, l ead poisoning also very likely affected enslaved persons in the colony. Lead pipes used in rum s distillation process, as well as lead based glazes used on coarse earthenwares were two probable sources for historical instances of lead poisoning, as found through skele tal analyses on enslaved remains at Newton Plantation, Barbados Armstrong 1990:153. Geophagy, or dirt eating, was also practiced among many African and creole populations in Jamaica; this tradition sometimes caused mal d estomac, or Atrophia a ventricul a condition with symptoms of emaciation and difficult respiration, among other debilitating side effects, which would eventually cause the development of polyps on the heart Higman 1984: 295. Labor T ypes of labor expended on Jamaican sugar plant ations could be quite variable, field and house labor, certainly, but some were also trained in skills such as carpentry and bricklaying. As Higman 1995:188 notes Jamaican planters frequently organized bond servants in the field into three gangs, each composed of differently aged/able populations. Management at Drax Hall, however, relied on two gangs consisting of indiv iduals from both sexes, predominantly between the ages of 15 29 Armstrong 1990:41. Evidence of racial preference and stratification is evidenced in the fact that no mulattos, sambos, or quadroons were listed among the field laborers 1990: 41. Notably, in 1780, field laborers comprised only 42.2% of the total enslaved population Armstrong 1990:41. Of equal importance, historian Richard Dunn notes that, according to a series of artistic


22 plates published in 1823 by artist William Clark, the majority of field labor on British Caribbean plantations including Jamaica was composed of women Dunn 1993:49. The physical and mental dem ands of sugar cultivation were tremendous. Field labor was exceptionally backbreaking and monotonous Higman 1984:162 167 Harvest season typically lasted six months, timed between March and November, on the plantations of Jamaica s northern coast 1984 :183; the intervening period was spent planting. Days in the field were often split with nights spent in the sugar works during cultivation periods. Work shifts sometimes began around noon and lasted until 4:30 a.m.; work weeks could average between 90 96 hours 1984:183. Even time spent outside of the harvest season averaged around thirteen hours per day, with additional maintenance, such as weeding and planting new fields among the required tasks Reeves 2011:201. Armstrong notes that an increased reliance on hired labor, and labor transferred from other plantations, such as nearby Sudberry Plantation, occurred at Drax Hall over time Armstrong 1990:43,50. Is it possible that these circumstances have a material correlate on the landscape? Where f or example, might have hired hands stayed while living and working at Drax Hall? Barbara Heath 2012 raises this concern for hired labor on U.S. plantations. One of three options seems evident. First, these bond servants and later, free laborers were simply placed in pre existing housing structures. Second, temporary structures, perhaps built in a rougher fashion due to time constraints, may have been erected as necessary; during cane planting season for example, Drax Hall may have seen a wave of hired laborers which would have needed housing immediately. Third, some combination of both of these options may have been utilized. Considerations of length of stay may also


23 have contributed to the design and materials chosen, effectively creating mo re temporary living facilities, to avoid the cost of any expensive materials Supporting this notion, Armstrong and others, see Handler and Lange 1978: 51 56, note the possibility that the earliest bond servant quarters on Drax Hall s landscape may have similarly been constructed out of less permanent materials Armstrong 1990: 64. Unfortunately, these individuals presence at Drax Hall, at least as far as it has been presented by Armstrong, has been glossed over; vague mention offe rs that these poplulations may have been compiled into his distribution of enslaved tasks charts for 1780 and1781 Armstrong 1990:41. Without the names of these enslaved, they acquire a sort of ghost labor presence voices which have been silenced in the production of Drax Hall s history. In the plantation social order, beneath the white overseers, were black drivers who oversaw field laborers daily. see Figure 3.2 2008 :31. As Armstrong observes, these individuals were able Negro males ranging in age from 28 to 46 Armstrong 1990: 41. Drivers had significant responsibilities on the plantation. In addition to their well known role as field crew headmen, drivers also protected the provision grounds from theft and even performed the role of me diator, working to resolve disputes among bond servants before they escalated to the plantation management Reeves 2011:203. Drivers were thus in a structurally precarious position, wherein a commitment to one s fellow bond servants had to be consistent ly reconciled with one s status as an individual of higher status with obligations to white plantation managers 2011:203. Records from 1780 and 1781 indicate that Drax Hall also utilized twenty individuals for house labor Armstrong 1990:41. Fifteen women and five houseboys performed tasks such as cooking and washing in the great houses, being constantly


24 susceptible to surveillance by plantation managers throughout day to day interactions 1990:41. Very few permanent skilled laborers resided at Dr ax Hall. Of the five present in 1780/81, four of these individuals were mulatto; Armstrong does not assert as such, but an element of racial/ethnic preference may have been at play here, as well. These individuals age range was, more or less, like the f ield laborers, between 15 29 years old 1990:41. These bond servants probably performed a variety of tasks, such as metalworking and bricklaying. Notably, like the black drivers, skilled labor in Jamaica, generally speaking, had access to better housing 1990:97; Reeves 2011:204. Enslaved individuals at Drax Hall were also responsible for the upkeep of the cattle pens; livestock provided fresh beef for the workers and management of Drax Hall. On a daily basis, these duties were probably interspersed with other aforementioned agricultural tasks. Significantly, female Jamaican bond servants were generally exempted from positions of authority, and denied the opportunity to train in skilled positions McDonald 1993: 8. As discussed, women were frequent ly made to do work or field duties. Finally, elderly populations, indicated in historical records as seventy five invalids, comprised 22.1% of the 1780/81 population; even these individuals were forced to work in positions such as wa tchmen housekeepers and tradesmen Armstrong 1990:41. Those limited quantities of time not spent attending to mandated plantation duties were often spent in the provision grounds, or with one s friends and kin in the house


25 yards of the old village. Opportunities to go to market were also possible, which I will describe later in this chapter. Drax Hall Layout Drax Hall was exceptionally large, as compared with other Jamaican sugar plantations, even by shifting contemporary standards; for example, of the eleven plans Higman surveyed dating between 1850 59, the mean average of acreage of estates was 1,147 acres Higman 1987:26. Drax Hall, on the other hand, comprised approximately 2,800 acres in 1851 Higman 1988:100. Though Drax Hall s boundaries did shift over ti me, following various sales/acquisitions; for example, according to the contemporary surveying firm McGeachy and Grifftiths, the estate s acreage had been reduced to 2,340 acres 1988:100. O nly 300 acres, or ten percent of the plantation, was utilized fo r the production of sugar cane, an amount which, interestingly, did not expand or contract significantly over the course of plantation operations; the cane field was located north of the enslaved village and surrounded the newer sugar mill built in 1750 Armstrong 1990: 18,131. A 1793 account by Jamaican politician and planter Bryan Edwards notes that 300 acres was ideal for sugar plantations; although, this notion was based on an estate size of 900 acres Armstrong 1990: 18. Drax Hall is, of course, m uch larger, at over three times this area. Armstrong 1990 notes that the extra aforementioned acreage was most likely grasslands used for grazing cattle and provision grounds for bond servants, in addition to other land which could produce food for th e estate Armstrong 1990:21. Figure 3.4 below depic ts a portion of the estate surveyed by George Wilson in 1758 ; Figure 3.5 depicts a temporal spatial distribution of enslaved houses and major


26 Figure 3.4 George Wilson 1850 Survey Map Armstrong 1990:3; Higman 1988:100. structures on the plantation landscape; Figure 3.6 offers a more detailed scatter plot of excavated house features, although this map exempts depiction of the sugar mills. Ample rainfall and the presence of two major rivers the Spanish Lookout and Great St. Ann s Rivers Armstrong 1990:17,18, served as freshwater sources for the roughly 2800+ acre plantation; these boundaries continue to delineate the property line into the present 1990:24.


27 Figure 3.5 Spatial Temporal Distribution of Mean Ceramic Dates MCD s Armstrong 1990:76 Today, a banana factory lies, if one is facing north approximately twenty five meters to the west of the location of the first great house. A cattle pen, operational during the era of Jamaican slavery, also lay to the east of first great house. Several dirt roads are evident on a site survey, including a main road which cuts diagonally through the enslaved village northwest, to southeast; an additional road both leads into, and leads past, Guild Hall, the second great house see Figure 3.5.


28 Figure 3.6 House Features at Drax Hall Armstrong 1985:267.


29 Higman notes that many planters imposed their notions of order and symmetry on the plantation landscape; this was popularly manifest in the form of delineated rows of sugarcane, es poused by planters such as Roughley, and in property boundary markers, such as stones and fences Higman 2004:86,94,95. In Jamaica Surveyed Higman argues that surveillance as well as economic functionality were considered of paramount importance in the operation of a successful sugar estate 1988: 80 82; Armstrong has also concluded this point in the case of Drax Hall Armstrong 1999: 182 83; 1990: 90 For most plantations, as this manifested materially, the location of the enslaved village tended to be tied to the works rather than being located at a central site, facilitating both surveillance and decreased costs in terms of effort of moving harvested cane to the sugar mill Higman 1988:81,82; notably, however, enslaved individuals were allowed, within certain limits, to build where they chose, and this was not always closer to the mills. The village of the enslaved retained a shape and position on the landscape over time which forced enslaved individuals to walk past either temporally respect ive main residence in order to work in the mills, effecting a greater semblance of control through surveillance Armstrong 1999: 183. Great Houses Drax Hall s owners maintained the use of two geographically and chronologically distinct great houses during slavery era operations; both, like the enslaved village, were located in nutrient poor areas unsuitable for sugarcane cultivation Armstrong 1990:89,90. The first g reat house was ocean facing, located on a hill top just north of the enslaved village, but in a central position generally between the old village and the


30 sugar works to the west of the former site of the structure 1990: 21,24. Bigger than most Jamai can planters great houses Drax Hall s first was 16.9 x 14.3 meters and stood three stories tall, consisting of cut limestone blocks 1990: 124,127. Armstrong 1990:89 implies that, in addition to the functional purpose of housing the resident plantati on management, great houses served in two other capacities: 1. to reflect and reinscribe the planter s authority over the enslaved on the plantation landscape, and 2. to surveil said enslaved community The structures at Drax Hall are no different. Alth ough enslaved individuals sometimes lived as far away as 300+ meters away from the first great house, its third story would have easily facilitated surveillance at such distances Neither the time period nor the circumstances are known concerning the des truction of the first great house 1990:131. Built during the absentee ownership of William Beckford, Drax Hall s second great house, Guild Hall was constructed in 1790, following the erection of a new water wheel/sugar works, in 1750, in the midst of the cane fields, shifting the center of production Armstrong 1999:183. Armstrong 1990: 131 believes that the chosen location of Guild Hall, was probably linked to the need to relocate the house to a more central position on the estate after the works were shifted to the center of the fields. Guild Hall stood approximately 500 meters east of the original great house and similarly occupied a central positioned on a hill on the plantation landscape Armstrong 1990:71,90; this structure served as the ov erseer s housing. William Beckford describes in 1790: The negro houses are, in general, at some distance from the works, but not so far removed as to be beyond the sight of the overseer Higman 1988:81. U nfortunately,


31 Armstrong s 1990 work on Drax H all does not elaborate further details on the structure, including its dimensions and/or the recovery of any artifactual remains in its vicinity. Sugar Mills The location of the sugar works was a critical component to successful plantation operations. Sugarcane could spoil quickly, so a tight knit arrangement of structures was necessary. The first mill at Drax Hall, operating until 1760, was powered via cattl e turning and located approximately 75 meters southwest of the first great house, close to the Great St. Ann s River Armstrong 1990:32; 2003:107; a boiling house was also located within this complex. These facilities use seems to have overlapped the ut ilization of a second hill top mill powered via wind construction date unindicated, located approximately 350 meters northwest of Guild Hall [see Figure 3.5 Armstrong 1990:32,77; Higman 1988:101.] This location was also between 175 and 525 meters away any given bond servant quarter in the old village. Higman 1988:101 and Armstrong 1990:90 also allude to the possible operation of a third, cattle driven mill in this area. Higman adds that a process considered rare in seventeenth and eighteenth century Jamaica, but seen commonly in other British Ca ribbean colonies, may have been in place at Drax Hall 1988:101, in which crushed cane from either of the two or three mills was transported via ox cart to the boiling house; at least, until the discontinuation of the facilities nea r the first great hou se in 1760 Higman 1988:101. In 1750, the windmill was re fitted with a water wheel and adjoined to a then recently constructed aquaduct Armstrong 1990:77; 1999: 183, centralizing production in the middle of the cane fields; an additional boiling hou se was also, presumably, constructed at this time 1990: 247. The replacement of cattle driven mills with water


32 powered works was typical of many sugar estates in Jamaica throughout the eighteenth century Higman 1988:81. Relocating the center of prod uc tion avoided the added costs, timewise, of transporting cut cane all the way back to the original boiling house for additional processing. This economy of motion, and the mill s increased efficiency, is reflected in historical docum entation detailing prod uction; by 1832, production had increased to 300 tons, from 1757, when production stood at 126 tons Higman 1988:101. Enslaved Quarters At this po int, it is necessary to reiterate my specific research concerns relating to Drax Hall plantation. Wherea s Armstrong examines the entire material history of Drax Hall, leading up to the disappearance of the enslaved and free laborer living area of the plantation, known as the old village Armstrong 1990:55, the focus of this chapter generally ex empts post emancipation data, including free laborer dwellings in this area. This is due to my primary interest in the material manifestations of relations of power, specifically, between plantation management and enslaved individuals at Drax Hall, tangibly represented, and analyzed, here, via the great houses and enslaved quarters at the plantation. The size and boundaries of the enslaved village at Drax Hall were variable over time, making any attempts at calculating exact square footage somewhat difficult; however a preliminary estimate would seem to suggest around 1500 square meters Armstrong 1985:267; see Figure 3.5. Because of this c ondition of nebulous boundaries establishing firm notions of distance between the old village and either great house is problematized. The village most likely expanded such that bond servants could have easier access to the second sugar works. With these considerations, I offer a rough


33 approximation of between 25 and 325 meters betwe en the enslaved village and the first great house, and between 150 and 575 meters away from Guild Hall. According to Higman s analysis of the plans of various Jamaican sugar estates from 1760 1860, an average of approximately 432 yards stood between a g iven enslaved village and its accompanying great house Higman 1987:29; this figure generally increased over time and ranged from approximately 200 yards to over 800 yards 1987:29. Bond servants seem to have had some degree of contr ol over the layout of their homes in the old village Armstrong 1999:178 At first glance, enslaved housing at Drax Hall appears to be arranged randomly, and such notions are also attested to in Edwards 1793 account 1990: 87. However, a more refined analysis reveals that the bond servants housing was purposefully generally perpendicular to the slope of the hill and ideally positioned to utilize prevailing winds 1990: 62,104,113. Acknowledging that there is no single, readily definable West African house type, Armstrong admits that observing definitive continuities in the construction practices of Jamaican enslaved housing would be problematic 1990:10; however, certain elements, such as the use of local materials and the presence of house yard areas, clear ly evidence some degree of influence Armstrong 1991:6. When more permanent materials w ere unavailable local, perishable materials could be relied upon in the construction of sometimes more temporary enslaved housing. I suggest this condition of epheme ral dwellings was most likely utilized at a myriad of plantations, including Drax Hall, Santa Ana de Biajacas in Cuba and Bulow Plantation East Florida Pointing to a Jamaica Journal article, Armstrong observes that comparisons have been made between Afr ican and Jamaican housing since the early to mid 1800s, The


34 Groundwork of all Negro habitations in Jamaica was as in Sierra Leone, the Negro Huts of Africa anonymous source dated 1818, cited in Armstrong 1990: 93. Further, Armstrong offers that eleme nts of both European and Amerindian influence may have contributed to enslaved individuals house design 1990:132. Primary source accounts indicate that Jamaican bond servants utilized housing of one two or less commonly three room, with better be haved bond servants, such as drivers and/or skilled labor having greater access to larger quarters 1990: 93,97. Bryan Edwards described enslaved individuals housing often consisted of 5 7 x 5 meter huts with no flooring 1990: 93. Roofing was most lik ely made of thatch 1990: 268. Armstrong observes that rafters could have been used to store various items, such as food and personal belongings 1991:7; I suggest this space could have possibly served as a covert location for stolen belongings, as well. As mentioned, economic considerations were always paramount in a planter s mind. If not the quality of the soil, the very proximity between the works and the enslaved village could make or break a sugar crop, as the quickened pace of harvest season deman ded an optimal layout to facilitate more efficient movement of enslaved populations. Both Armstrong and Higman have also argued that the general availability of land for enslaved settlements was a primary determining factor for the respective layouts of t hose villages at several Jamaican plantations. For example, after comparing layouts of bond servant dwellings at New Montpelier and Roehampton, Higman ascertained that the relative availability of land at the former allowed for a clustered settlement, w hereas rows were required at Roehampton, due to land constraints and, of course, the individual planter s visio n for his plantation 1974 :41 Armstrong similarly


35 concludes that the layout of the quarters at Drax Hall was, in part, affected by this avail ability of land 1990: 87. House and yard area Dialectical power relations were evident in the landscape of Drax Hall plantation. If the planter imposed authority via hi s positioning of the great house and the sugar works in relation to the enslaved village, the bond servants at Drax Hall, Armstrong argues, found a way of asserting their collective i dentity in the face oppression, the layout of their living arrangements Armstrong 1999:178 79 In these spaces, which have been conceived of by several scholars see Mintz 1974; Armstrong 1990; Battle Baptiste 2011 as comprising the house as well as the immediate outlying areas, enslaved individuals engaged in a variety of daily activities, including socializing and food preperation. Armstrong follows Sidney Mintz in designating this space as a house and yard area Armstrong 1990:87. According to Armstrong, these areas are present among all excavated house features at D rax Hall, evidenced through the presence of hearths and the recovery of large quantities of items such as tobacc o pipes and faunal remains Armstrong 1990: 187,216. Plantation Layout & the Age of Revolution Whether the Age of Revolution had any effec t on the layout of the bond servant quarters in the old village is up for debate. On the one hand, Drax Hall s management, at seemingly all stages in the estate s operation, allowed bond servants to arrange their quarters in a configuration of their cho ice; and this resulted in a relatively random, dispersed configuration, seemingly a sign of little, or perhaps unthinkable, concern for


36 the events of the Age of Revolution Trouillot 2005. From this standpoint, given the American Revolution and the o ccurrence of uprisings such as the Haitian Revolution of 1791, the 1831/32 Baptist War and intermittent maroon wars in Jamaica, one might expect, for example, a more linear arrangement which would facilitate easier monitoring by plantation managers, such a s that seen in the early enslaved village at Seville Plantation explained shortly. On the other hand, however, Theresa Singleton 2010 argues that a dispersed arrangement, most often in the form of multiple, smaller groupings, could also prove useful in controlling the enslaved population and spatially combating a possible enslaved rebell ion. As she 2010:170 observes, Attacks directed toward white overseers or slaveholders periodically took place in the Caribbean where nucleated plantation villages prevailed, the idea being that a concentrated population easier facilitated coordinated attacks. Of course, Drax Hall s functional operations extended over 150 years, and it is recognized here that what may have been considered an unthinkable hypothetical circumstance of rebellion under one ownership may have been a realistic concern un der different management. As such, neither theory concerning the village s dynamic layout is necessarily mutually exclusive. In their study of Seville Plantation, Armstrong and Kelly 2000 determined that, in this instance, the layout appears to show mor e flexibility given to enslaved individuals over time, evidenced in a non linear arrangement of bond servant quarters, versus the plantation s earlier configuration. Armstrong 1990 hypothesizes this most likely occurred because the owners were too preoc cupied with the construction of the new great house. However, one may also argue that the notion of rebellion among their enslaved, in the minds of the contemporary planter, was simply too far removed from the realm of


37 possibility, an unthinkable Troui llot 2005 circumstance which may have arguably been similarly manifested in the permissive layout of the old village at Drax Hall, as well. Given conditions throughout the Americas and the Caribbean, I argue it is possible, too, that Guild Hall may have been built in a more recessed position on the landscape, compared with that of the first great house, due to similar concerns. Barile 2004 notes that on Middleburg plantation, between 1820 30, storage buildings were built between the great house an d the enslaved quarters, the latter of which were moved to the edge of the estate and subdivided into smaller groupings of buildings. At this point, however, it is important to reconcile a historical dichotomy, that enslaved rebellions in Jamaica did, on o ccassion, occur ; and yet, a consideration of these circumstances seems not to have affected certain material conditions at some plantations, such as the occasional access to firearms at Drax Hall, as well as the respective layouts of the enslaved villages at Drax Hall and the late village at Seville Plantation. Sidney Mintz 1995:16 argues a deep seeded fear of rebellion was present among Jamaican planters, generally, which forced them into dialectical negotiations with enslaved over bond servants r ights to be treated more fairly perhaps explaining aforementioned conditions. Although a real insurrection might not ever occur, this could only be facilitated if certain, albeit modicum, concessions were given. I would offer that it was precisely th e general success of these concessions which, on a daily basis, contributed to the popular notion of a rebellion being considered unthinkable among planters at Drax Hall and at Seville Plantation, possibly at one, or various, points.


38 Provision Grounds The provision grounds for Drax Hall s bond servants were in, more or less, two locations about five kilometers inland, behind the old village, along a 900 meter ridge see Figure 3.7, and also, along the sandy northern coast, in an ar ea without necessary nutrients in the soil for sugarcane cultivation Armstrong 1990:18,20,98,211. Significantly, these areas provided the bulk of nourishment for bond servants on plantations, and were also relied upon to feed urban populations, genera lly, in Jamaica Reeves 2011:186 87. The provision grounds were also utilized to graze cattle Armstrong 1990:18. As several archaeologists have noted, the more remote location of the provision grounds provided a chance for enslaved individuals to esca pe watchful eye of the plantation management and command some individual control over their lives Hauser et al. 2011:14; Armstrong and Kelly 2000:386. Such opportunities would have been realized in the provision grounds of Drax Hall, as well Significa ntly, however, this distance may hav e proved a double edged sword, at least in the case of t he northern provision grounds, for, as William Beckford offers of the location of provision grounds in Jamaica, generally, &if their grounds be at considerable distance from the plantation, as they often are to the amount of five or seven miles, or more, the journey backwords and forwards makes this rather a day of labor and fatigue, than of enjoyment and rest Mintz 1974:186.


39 Figure 3.7 Map of Southern Provision Grounds at Drax Hall Higman 1988:101. A variety of crops were grown in these areas, including cale, pine apples, corn and yams, for example Higman 1984: 212. Reeves 2011 cites several primary sources which recount a sexual division of labor in the provision grounds; men were apparently


40 responsible for breaking ground for new crops, while women tended to the day to day maintenance and gathering 2011:187. Markets It is interesting that the Age of Revolution may not have had any effect on the layout at Drax Hall, especially considering that, at market where enslaved could trade and sell their goods such as yabbas and crops grown from the provision grounds, bond ser vants seamlessly worked next to and communicated with, freed individuals, whites, maroons and other populations sympathetic to their bonded condition. Communication at these markets, as Mark Hauser 2011 :167 notes, quite possibly helped facilitate some o f the most notorious uprisings in Jamaica s history, such as the Baptist War which lasted fr om 1831 32. Hauser similarly observes the market as a site of resistance, where, like the provision grounds, one was able to break social taboos not allowed on the plantation Hauser 2011:167. Even travelling to the market also provided enslaved individuals greater knowledge of the landscape as well as access to contacts other bond servants, persons at maroon communities and/or other sympathizers, for example Mi ntz 1995: 18. Resistance Armstrong notes that runaways at Drax Hall were most often male field slaves. In 1780, ten individuals ran away, four of whom were female Armstrong 1990:42. This group was also comprised of skilled laborers 1990:42; for some, clearly an elevated status on the plantation did not equate to having one s freedom 1990:97. These former bond servants often took up residence in maroon communities, and could still, on


41 occasion, contact loved ones both on the plantation and at markets. Often, these runaways would congregate in maroon communities in Jamaica s mountainous interior, posing an ever present threat to the authority of their former masters. Notably, however, many bond servants would sometimes only abscond for severa l days before returning, just long enough to escape the drudgery of work and visit one s friends and/or family on other, usually neighboring, plantations Higman 1995: 178. Other forms of resistance varied in their passive versus actively aggressive enactment, ranging from everyday forms such as laziness and theft, to more extreme reactions such as infanticide or suicide Mintz 1995:16. Finally, what Armstrong posits as gaming pieces Armstrong 1990:137 worked ceramic delftware sherds, have also been interpreted as relating to West African, or West African derived, spiritual practices; see Figure 3.8. Singleton has found similar ceramic pieces at the coffee plantation Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre in Cuba; herself and other s cholars argue their presence represents cultural resistance Singleton 2001:110; Hauser 2008:29; these artifacts, as well as these notions, will be examined in greater detail in chapter five of this thesis.


42 Figure 3.8 Worked Delftware Sherds Armstrong 1990:138. Emancipation Enslaved populations in Jamaica led mostly by skilled laborers, took part in a rebellion in 1831/32 popularly known as the Baptist War or Christmas Rebellion, which Higman argues played a pivotal role in hastening emancipation Higman 1984:393. However, n o mention is made in Armstrong s volume of Drax Hall s en slaved having played any part. Although the British bond servant trade was made illegal in 1808, and the Emancipation Act formally freed all bond servants, it was not until 1838 that these liberties were recognized in Jamaica Armstrong 1990:50. Given their limited economic means to pursue fortunes elsewhere, most f ormer bond servants stayed on at D rax and


43 continued to l ive in worsening poverty. At this point, former owners, feeling no longer obliged to assist their previous enslaved workers, chose to discontinue the purchase of many goods formerly used by these individuals, including guinea corn and other grains 1990:237. Wages offered in Jamaica were also minimal and were mostly spent at the plantation store, where free laborers were sometimes plunged into, more or less, indentured servitude as they attempted, often hopelessly, to climb out of debt. Notably, Armstrong also mentions that, although late 1800s census data reports that the size of enslaved housing increased over time, data not analyzed here show that the size of the quarters in the old village actually decreased during the post emancipation period 1990:100. Conclusions This chapter has reviewed the different, major features of the slavery era plantation landscape at Drax Hall. Bond servants at Drax Hall were allowed to arrange their quarters as desired, within proscribed l imits; these individuals only sometimes elected to build housing closer to the works, thereby reducing labor via distance travelled. While the westernmost extremities of the old village were arguably out of sight for the overseer, stationed at Guild Hal l, over 500 meters away, the positioning of the enslaved village was geared towards ensuring some level of surveillance over bond servants when proceeding to and from the mills. The house and yard area, present among all house features, was a site where e nslaved individuals could command agency over their lives. In these spaces, as well as others, such as the provision grounds and markets, enslaved persons were potentially able to get away from the prying eyes of plantation managers and enjoy some notion of control over their lives. Of course, as Armstrong 1990:2


44 notes this data was comprehended due to equal contributions of both archaeology and the historical record. Documents indicate, for example, shifting sex and ethnic ratios over time. Labor on sugar plantations was physically draining. Long hours in the fields and in the works were frequent features of estate operations on Jamaica, generally; and planters may have relied upon outside hands for the most difficult of tasks, such as cane holing. Hired labor was certainly utilized at Drax Hall and, so far, has been generally ignored with respect to a possible material correlate in the archaeological record. This concern will also be taken up with respect to hired labor utilized in Florida as I wi ll elaborate in chapter three of this thesis Firearms were sometimes used as a means of protection and, moreover, to prevent the theft of bond servants from the plantation, indicating some level of trust by plantation managers; even if said weapons were locked up, the possibility always existed that bond servants could break in or otherwise gain access to them. In the next chapter, I will similarly review aspects such as slave demography, labor regime and material circumstances utilized at Bulow Plantation in East Florida, an estate wh ich produced a variety of crops, most prominently, sugar cane. In doing so, I will demonstrate both similarities and differences with Drax Hall, such as elements of surveillance, resistance, spati al layout and the importance of taking into account the presence of hired labor


45 Chapter Four Bulow Plantation Socio Historical Setting Sugar and Slavery in East Florida Sugar Like Drax Hall, Bulow Plantation operated as a sugar estate during the 1820s and early 1830s and was larger than many contemporary, neighboring operations. Sugar s brief expansion in the East Floridian landscape occurred only after years of unsuccessful attempt s on the part of the Spanish, British governments and Territorial era planters to encourage the crop. For example, during the Second Spanish period 1782 1821 the Crown offered land grants to those with enough cattle to sufficiently enact operatio ns at a given property and a willingness to take an oath of fealty Griffin 1999: 12. These policies, beginning in 1790, led to the migration of 750 Anglo American families, the heads of whom were planters Rivers 2000:68. Only after Florida was formal ly ceded to the U.S. in 1821 did sugar, and its planters, begin to experience any real notion of success Wayne 20 1 0 :35 42, and this was facilitated via several factors. First, Wayne 2010:41 argues that an individual named Moses Elias, an early nin eteenth century planter who emigrated from Cuba may have been vital in passing along agricultural knowledge to area planters. She also posits 2010:41 that the removal of Seminoles from large portions of the Floridian landscape, via the 1823 Treaty of M oultrie Creek, con tributed to the process. However Uzi Baram p ersonal communication, 2012 suggests that sugar s success was facilitated due to a stable marke t provided by the other fledgling U.S. states. P olitical factors worked with environmental con ditions which were conducive for sugarcane s production sugarcane annual rainfall below the St. Augustine peninsula typically exceeded 60 inches,


46 temperatures averaged 75 degrees and Bulow plantation lay around 30 degrees from the equator requirements Payne and Griffin 2001: 5; Sangster 1973:1 4. O Sullivan 2012:71 also cites a nutrient rich soil type, Tuscawilla fine sand &a poorly drained, loamy soil formed from marine sediments, which was present during the estate s operation; Griffin 1999:5 notes a similar presence of high quality soils composed, in part, of organic matter, which were responsible for sugar s growth in the St. John s area. Sugar plantations boomed in East Florida in the early 1820s, but especially from 1825 t o 1835 Payne and Griffin 2001:9. The Second Seminole War 1835 1842, however, brought these operations to a grinding halt, with the destruction of many Halifax area plantations. Coupled with the price collapse between 1840 70, very few of these operat ions would attempt to begi n anew following the conflict W ayne 2001:41. Slavery in East Florida While there were minimally successful attempts on the part of the different colonial governments to bring planters into Florida territory, these policies ha d the effect of ushering 5,000 enslaved Africans into Florida Rivers 2000:68. East Florida had a minimal presence of bond servants prior to this influx; but slow growth over time meant that by 183 0, there were over 4,000 enslave d individuals in the reg ion 2000:70. General observations regarding the nature of slavery must always be made cautiously, given the dynamic and varying experiences of those who endured bonded servitude. That said, there is a general consensus among historians that slavery in E ast Florida was of a variety not typically seen in the antebellum south, due to both the territory s unique geographic settings and its l ong history of Spanish rule Rivers 2000:66.


47 As Larry Rivers 2000:4 notes, Spani sh Florida was a popular haven for maroons by the 1730s; in addition to bond servants from Florida s plantations, those from the Carolinas and Georgia, too, made their way into the swamps, sometimes establishing settlements with the Seminoles During the First Spanish Period, the free blac k settlement of Gracia Real de Santa Teresa de Mos Fort Mos in modern day St. Johns County inspired hope, and desires to flee oppression, am ong many bond servants 2000: 66; Deagan and Landers 1999. Individuals who arrived safely at Fort Mose were, fo r all intents in and purposes, allowed to lead their lives relatively peacefully; the community lasted until its destruction in 1740. Except a brief interlude of British ownership 1763 1783, in which slave codes were passed restricting bond servants r ights, East Florida s unique standards of slavery were also fostered during th e Second Spanish Period 2000:67. For example, bond servants at this time were, on occasion, able to exchange military service for their freedom, though, not all suc h promises were honored 2000:66. Further, legislation existed which allowed bond servants to pursue grievances against their owners through the courts and als o to own property 2000: 2,66. Significantly, in antebellum East Florida, these attitudes and conditions a lso contributed to the institution of a task based system of labor by area plantation owners versus that of gang labor often used on Middle Florida cotton estates. This topic will be taken up in greater detail later in this chapter


48 Bulow Plantation Owners Located in present day Flagler County see Figure 4.1 below Bulow plantation began its existence with the name Good Retreat, under the care of John Russell. Russell, an English cotton planter who was, at the time, making his fortune in the Bahamas, interested in acquiring land in East Florida, worked out a rather unique deal with the Spanis h Crown in 1812 Payne and Griffin 2001:82; Spain offer ed Russell 4,675 acres of land in exch ange for the man s schooner O S ullivan 2012: 11. Russell, however, never formally established operations at Good Retreat. The onset of the American Revolution provided unforeseen hurdles in importing his bond servants and other possessions from the British owned Bahamas, preventing him from settli ng into the property. Russell died only three years after his acquisition, residing in the nearby city of Fernandina, having only made un known improvements Payne and Griffin 2001: 82. In the interim, four settlers were mistakenly given claims to one se ction of the territory O Sullivan 2012:15. F ollowing a protracted legal dispute, in which the individuals were evicted, Russell s heirs sold the property to Charles Wilhelm Bulow in June of 1821 for $9,944.50 Wilson 1945:230. Prior to his domicile in Florida, Bulow held several significant social distinctions South Carolina legislator, member of the board of directors for the Charleston branch of the Bank of the United States and a successful business man. Bulow quickly established his plantation a s one of the largest in the region; over 6,500 acres comprised the estate at this time, following a property acquisi tion from John Addison Payne and Griffin 2001: 82; Daniel et al. 1980:131.


49 Figur e 4.1 Map of Plantations in East Florida Wayne 2010:4.


50 Sugar quickly became the main crop of choice on the plantation, but was a costly endeavor. Planter John C. Cleland 1836 estimated that, during this time period, establishing a sugar operation from the ground up cost nearly $60,000 Payne and Griffin 2001: 82. Living only to see two years of the plantation s function, Charles Bulow passed away on May 7, 1823, stipulating in his will that his young son, John Joachim Bulow should receive his inh eritance, including the plantation, upon reaching a legal age; trustees administered the property during th is interim period Wilson 1945: 231. A soldier named John Bemrose recalls the especially harsh candor of John Bulow: &I never heard of a good trait in his character. Dissipated, and quarrelsome with his equals, tyranical to his dependents, his hands dyed red with the blood of three of his slaves! Truly earth groaned under him and Hell must have groaned for him! The th ird slave he murdered while I was in the city. The poor negro was attending as marker scorekeeper?, during one of his shooting matches, and he happened to make some mistake or blunder. This raised his master s anger and he immediately shot h im dead qu oted in Mahon 1966: 12. Perhaps because of these character flaws, Bulow was able to work threaten his enslaved into creating an immensely successful plantation operation over the next 11 years. John Bulow ran Bulo w Plantation until 1836 Payne and G riffin 2001: 82. Although the younger Bulow had believed himself on good terms with the local Seminoles due to years of trade and interaction, his assumption would prove wrong. On January 31,1836, the Seminoles attacked; at first, Major Putnam, the Mosq uito Raiders the Florida Militia and John Bulow were holed up within a wooden defensive structure; according to public display placard at Bulow State Park, it was possibly erected in the area between the great house and the enslaved quarters. However, the troops and Bulow,


51 were eventually forced to abandon the property entirely Payne & Griffin 2001: 16. What became of the enslaved population at Bulow P lantation is unknown. The ruins of several structures are still evident on the landscape today as a state park. Bulow plantation lasted for a mere fifteen years, from1821 1836. In 1970, Bulow Plantation was nominated to the National Register of Historic Places Wayne 2010:102. Bulow Plantation the Enslaved Population As Payne and Griffin 2001 :9 have observed, planters during the U.S. Territorial Period in Florida designated enslaved individuals into one of two groups of enslaved, bozales, African born individuals, and those born in the Americas Unfortunately, the exact ethnic makeup of Bulow Plantation is not indicated; though, with a closer analysis of the 1830 Mosquito County census records, it appears that bond servants were reproducing, and arguably forming family units at this time. Ci ting research by Drew Faust, Wayne 20 1 0 :13 argues th at planters in East Florida relied on a disproportionate number of males for labor on sugar estates. However, this assessment has been countered by Rivers 2000:89, who offers that gender parity had, more or less, been reached by 1830 on many estates in this region; forty nine percent of enslaved individuals of ten to fifty five years of age were female, and 51 percent, male, during this time 20 00:89. Rivers points out families, too, had begun to emerge during this period. Speaking on Middle Florida located within East Florida, Rivers 2000:88 quotes Peter Parish: [Bond persons] often found partners from neighboring farms or plantations. In 1830, Bulow Plantation, like other Halifax area plantations see Appendix 4.1 on CD fits this descripti on, and this is depicted in Figure 4.2 below Notably, Bulow


52 relied on a substantially larger workforce than plantation mangament on nearby estates; one hundred ninety three individuals during this period, compared with neighboring operations average of unde r 50 bond servants again, see Appendix 4.1 on CD Age Female Male Under 10 years of age 22 31* 10 23 33 23 24 35 23 26 36 54 9 24 55 99 0 2 Total: 193 *Note: Errors created in the scanned copy of the 1830 census necessitated my calculation of this figure. Figure 4.2 Enslaved Population at Bulow Plantation according to 1830 Mosquito County Census Mosquito County 1830 see CD As the table highlights, males made up 55% the population of all enslaved at Bulow, while females comprised 45% of this population. A closer look, however, reveals conditions of even closer gender parity among the adult population. Adult females, of ten years of age and over, composed 37% of the population at Bulow, while adult males in this age rage made up around 39%. Meanwhile, males under ten years of age totaled 16%, and females in this category comprised 11%; children, generally, totaled around 27 28% of the overall population at Bulow. I would argue that, given aforementioned historic descriptions, the high presence of children, and apparent conditions of gender parity among the adult enslaved population, I would argue that these bond servants wer e, most likely, of family and/or marriage units. This may or may not have been a purposeful act on the behalf of Florida planters to establish a naturally reproducing workforce rather than rely on a continuous importation of labor from Africa s slaving


53 co asts, as Van Norman argues for the case of Cuban slavery on coffee plantations during this period 2005; I will take up this latter topic in gre ater detail in the next chapter At this point, however, it is important to highlight an aspect of history whi ch many popular and scholastic endeavors alike often overlook for the sake of the simpler grander narrative. Although one may assume the fact to be readily apparent, populations are fluid ; enslaved individuals were born, bought, sold and often died in t heir state of bonded servitude. Such fluidity could, and did regularly, wreak havoc on the social relations of families and/or kin groups of those bound to servitude; an enslaved individual could have their entire life turned upside down by way of a singl e visit to the auction house. The case of Bulow Plantation is and was no different. To this end of giving voice to those who, sadly and quite often, are without a documented history, I will offer some additional figures and calculations. According to s everal oral histories Ormond 1941; Mahon 1966; U.S. Senate 1844, the numbers of bond servants either Charles or John Bulow owned, or hired, at any given time may have been highly variable. For example, in his Reminiscences James Ormond III, another are a planter, recalls that, during his childhood, around 1828, he stayed with John Bulow, and that the planter had three to four hundred bond servants in his employ Ormond 1941:9. Meanwhile, in the Reminiscences of John Bemrose, a soldier during the Seco nd Seminoles War, a figure of three hundred is cited Bemrose quoted in Mahon 1966:12. Finally, a statement made by delegate Charles Downing to the U.S. Senate in 1839 claimed that, at the outbreak of the war, in 1835, John Bulow had over two hundred enslaved individuals operating at the estate U.S. Senate 1844 in Baker 1999:1 18. While 1830 census figures reflect only 193 individuals


54 as officially registered to the plantation, I argue these higher quantities of individuals cited may have, in fact, been hired labor possibly used, much like in Jamaica, for the most demanding labor, such as planting sugar cane. Though, Downing s statement may simply reflect natural reproduction. How these figures reconciled, materially speaking on the landscape, w ill be explored later this chapter. L ittle is known of the identities and day to day lives of most of the enslaved at Bulow Plantation. However, at least four names and one story have been preserved through an account by Francis Pellicer, the resident o verseer at the time of the estate s destruction. As the battle unfolded, Pellicer recalled that the attacking Seminoles & got possession of four bond servants named George, July, Scipio, and Abraham Un ited States Senate 1837:16; see Baker 1999:118; one could reasonably argue it is possible these individuals hereafter aligned themselves and took residence with their former assailants. Hopefully with future research, more records of these individuals will come to light. Labor Labor in the sugarcan e fields would have been much like that in Jamaica, described in chapter three, including the use of animal labor in the fie lds Baker 1999:118; however, contrary to conditions in Jamaica, a task based system of l abor was used in East Florida. Under this regimen, enslaved individuals were assigned a certain number of daily tasks, harvesting corn and/or operating the sugar mill equipment, for example; and, when those tasks were completed, bond servants were allowed to tend to their own affairs Morgan 1982 :5 68; often, this time was used to maintain one s own crops, fish, hunt and/or spend time with one s kin a nd/or friends on the plantation


55 Ormond 1941:6; Rivers 2000:69 This mode of labor stood in opposition to that of gang labor, the far more ubiquito us variety of bonded servitude in the Anglo American South, wherein enslaved individuals were closely monitored as they performed the daily work reg imen Morgan 1982:564. Bond servants at Bulow Plantation, in addition to sugar cane, cultivated other crop s, including corn, indigo, cotton and rice. Although not thoroughly elaborated upon herein, each of these crops required different methods of cultivation, and could be particularly demanding in their own right. Indigo, for example, was harvested in mois t or rainy weather during the hot summer months; flies, mosquitoes and other insect pests would have been rampant Griffin 1999:11,12. Bond servants also had to endure horribly noxious odors, composed of indole, the chemical present in feces and carrion released dur ing the crop s processing 1999: 12. In addition to work in the fields, certain numbers of enslaved were also designated as house and skilled labor, such as carpenters and/or masons though, skilled positions would have been restricted to men Rivers 2000:76; Payne and Griffin 2001:10 Bulow Plantation Property Bulow plantation lies to the west of Bulow Creek, which drains into the Halifax River. Figure 4.3 shows Bulow plantation s approximate orientation on the landscape Daniel et al. 1980:136. A Spanish Land Grant map depicting the territory of John Russell s, and later, Charles and John Bulow s lands, is shown on Figure 4.4 O Sullivan 2012: 13. While acreage dedicated to specific crops varied over the course of plantation operations, generally speaking, Bulowville, as the estate is also known, comprised some 1000 acres of sugarcane with another 1200 acres dedicated to other crops, including


56 cotton, indigo, rice and corn; Griffin observes this exact aforementioned order was in order of priority during years of plantation s op eration 1999: 7. Notably, plantation occupants would have relied upon forms of sustenance which would not have bee n indicated on export inventories, including wild plants, and possibly pigs, chickens and/or various l ivestock Griffin 1999: 8. Unfortunately, no known maps dating to the period of the plantation s actual operation survive; though, various research and ar chaeological endeavors see Benton 1934; Wilson 1945; Stanton 1949; J. W. Griffin 1952; Baker and Gluckman 1967; Daniel et al. 1980; Strickland 1980; Baker 1991; Baker 1999; Payne and Griffin 2001; Wayne et al. 2001; Newman 2005; Collins and Doeri ng 2009a; Collins et al. 2010; O S ulliva n 2012 have provided insights into the nature and layout of the plantation. These studies were drawn upon for the creation of several conjectural layouts of the great house, the sugar works and the plantation generally, acc omplished by Daniel et al. 1980 see Figures 4.3, 4.5 and 4.6. Further primary sources also detail the landscape at Bulow Plantation. For example, W.W. Smith, a soldier, recalls that, to the east, behind the great house, grew sea is land cotton and ric e 1980: 135,136. Smith also noted that south of the main road was an area which consisted of an almost entire growth of palmetto trees forming a beautiful dark grove, continuing that the deep swamp &skirted the horizon & O Sullivan 2012 :71; Smith 1836 :171. Another contemporary source, Jacob Rhett Motte, an army surgeon, recalls that cane fields grew on either side of the road until approximately the backyard areas of the enslaved cabins Motte cited in D aniel et al. 1980:135


57 Figure 4.3 Bulow Plantation Conjectural Layout Daniel et al. 1980:136.


58 Figure 4.4 Spanish Land Grant Map depicting Russell, and later, Charles and John Bulows lands O Sullivan 2012:13.


59 Finally, Smith claims that the central region between the quarters and the great house lay open, possibly with corn growing from either a garden or provision grounds in the area Smith quoted in O Sullivan 2012: 72; the bond servant quarters and great house would have been mutually v isible to one another O Sullivan 2012: 105. This is supported via a viewshed analysis Rebecca O Sulli van conducted in 2012 2012: 104, and by way of a map of an 1850 plat map which shows this area as cleared see Figure 4.7 2012 : 105. Notably, while the former location of the indigo fields at Bulow plantation is currently unknown, they possibly lay in the rice/cotton growing region across from Bulow Creek, placed specifically to complement the aforementioned crops, enriching the soil Griffin 1999: 12; processing vats may have been installed at seven or eight acre intervals in this area Griffin 1999: 12. The plantation entrance road survives into today, is about a mile in length and headed eastward, terminates where the main house wo uld have been Payne and Griffin 2001: 85. Additional roads may have included a raised, linear feature which led from the main road to the sugar works, and, just north of the great house s pr evious location, an evident depression which ran north south adjacent to Bu low Creek O S ullivan 2012: 95. Dividing the agricultural fields, Bulow Creek was invaluable to the estate. In addition to providing a source of freshwater and a means of transpo rtation, for leisure, exports, emergency and/or possibly, escape, the waterway would also have been used for its marine resources, such as fish. Three boat slips, south of the site of the great house, are evident on the landscape see Figure 4.3. A coqu ina bridge abutment, constructed sometime after Bulowville s destruction, is also present Daniel et al 1980: 141.


60 Figure 4.5 Bulow Great House Conjectural Layout Daniel et al. 1980:142.


61 Figure 4.5 Bulow Sugar Mill Conjectural Layout Daniel et al. 1980:147.


62 Figure 4.7 1850 Plat Map of Bulow Plantation O Sullivan 2012:83. Great House Measuring 6.7 meters x 12.8 meters, the main mansion has been the subject of several archaeolo gical studies see Griffin 1952; Payne and Griffin 1999; Payne 2001; Daniel et al 1980. A ground level piazza also supposedly previously surrounded the


63 two story structure, though remains are not evident Daniel et al. 1980:137; this feature apparently accounts for previous figures, beginning with Bulow s 1836 U.S. Senate claim, which describ es the structure as 12.8 x 19 meters D aniel et al. 1980: 138. Da niel et al 1980: 140 opines that, stylistically, the mansion may have drawn on influences from great houses in Louisiana. Notably, hills where the great house could be ideally situated, as at Guildhall at Drax Hall Plantation, are almost non existant in East Florida, placing the structure on the same topographical level as the bond servant quarters; this is also the case at other plantations in the region Wayne 2010:99. Figure 4.5 indicates a conjectural layout of the mai n house Bits of the coquina fo undation are all that remain of the great house. The structure lay about 560 meters away from the sugar works see Fi gure 4.3 Sugar Works The sugar processing complex, located to the northwest of the property, would have comprised two buildings. Th e first, a one and a half story building, contained a steam engine which powered the sugarcane crushing mill. The second was a two story boiling house, T shaped, and complete with purgeries, a Jamaica train arrangement of kettles Payne and Griffin 200 1:88; Smith 1836: 174 and a utilitarian central area Payne and Griffin 2001:88; see Figure 4.6. On its longest end, the T structure was approximately 36.5 meters; on its shortest, 29 meters. The aforementioned soldier, Smith, described this area as surrounded by an immense forest of dead Live Oak trees Smith 1836:169 in O Sullivan 2012:71. The precise location of the sugar cane crushing mill within this arrangement is currently unknown. The buildings were approximately 310 meters away from t he nearest bond servant quarter, and 650 meters from the farthest


64 see Figure 4.3; significantly the works positioning on the plantation landscape would have necessarily forced bond servants to walk within sight of the owner on the walk to the structure s. Coquina ruins are present on the contemporary landscape see Figure 4.8. Additional Structures A chimney base, possibly indicating the presence of one of the plantation s kitchens is evident south of the main house see Figure 4.3; figure F on site plan; however, Daniel et al. 1980:143:144 note this feature may not be associated with plantation era operations. Other identifiable features include what is interpreted as either a well or a storage pit lies approximately equidistant from the main house and the enslaved quarters see Fig ure 4.3; Daniel et al. 1980 : 136. Also, the remains of a spring house are also located about 50 60 m eters northwest of the works O S ulli van 2012:86; Collins and Doering 2009 ; Collins et al 2010; Griffin 1952. O Sullivan s compiled listing of plantation structures on the U.S. Senate property loss claim is provided below Figure 4.9. According to Daniel et al. 1980 and O Sullivan 2012, the locations of some of the enslaved quarters have been found, evidenced by the presence of various coquina scatters.


65 Figure 4.8 Remains of Bulow Sugar Mill Travis Small; taken on 3/12/2013


66 Figure 4.9 Listing of Struct ures according to 1837 U.S. Senate Claim O Sullivan 2012:19. Enslaved Quarters The living spaces of African Diaspora bond servants have been given much attention in the archaeological literat ure see Vlach 1993; Armstrong and Kelly 2000; Lewi s: 1985; Joyner 2003. Enslaved quarters could have an incredible range in terms of square footage and material composition, relative to the time and place in which they functioned. As Larry Rivers 2000:134 observes, it was not until the 1840s and 50s that it became in vogue to take greater interest in the living conditions of one s enslaved, an often cited source explicating recommendations, such as square footage and proper ventilation for bond servant quarters, is Robert Collins 1854 article in t he Southern Cultivator Collins quoted in Orser 1988: 327. This concern typically manifest in more substantial housing, such as framed structures with chimneys, larger living areas and wooden flooring Rivers 2000: 134 ; Wayne 2003: 238. Notably, Florida was in line with regional patterns throughout the South, with one room wooden cabins with open air


67 shuttered windows and wood shingles being rather commonplace Rivers 2000:134. Thus, the Bulows dwellings, destroyed in 1836, can be seen as both typ ical and somewhat ahead of their time in several respects. For example, the foundations of the quarters at Bulowville were constructed out of coquina, limestone and crushed shell. Additionally, the structures, at the time of the plantation s destruction, were said to have been all framed, [with] board floors, and sh ingled United States Senate 1837 As referenced in chapter three, concern demonstrated via the institution of these more permanent structural attributes was most likely out of considerat ion for potential lost labor, because sickness detracted from bond servants ability to work. A contemporary rendition of Bulowville s landscape by naturalist John J. Audobon is depicted in Figure 4.10. Highlighted are renditions of potential slave quar ters, or possibly plantation out buildings O Sullivan 2012:21. Archaeological remains today consist of multiple arrangements of coquina scatters in a 656 foot radius, in approximately 66 to 131 foot intervals, surrounding the former great house Payne & Griffin 2001:88 Clusers on the northern and southern most end are approximately 600 feet about 183 meters from the main house O S ullivan 2012: 87. Those coquina blocks located closer to the arc s middle, more or less the main plantation road, are about 700 750 feet around 213 229 meters away 2012: 87. O Sullivan posits that these features are reliable and indicative of enslaved cabins because they likely have not moved since the plantation s destruction 2012: 92. She continues that, duri ng plantation operations, the cabins would have been situated at approx imately 50 foot intervals O Sullivan 2012: 89. Very little sub surface archaeology and/or surface collecting has been conducted at the site of the enslaved cabins. Though, O Sullivan s metal detector


68 survey recorded a high presence of metal artifacts, possibly nails, in two areas argued as the sites of bond servant quarters 2012: 91. Only axes and iron kettle fragments have been found in this area Payne and Griffin 2001: 86. Figure 4.10 John J. Audubon depiction of Bulow plantation structures O Sullivan 2012:21.


69 As I have previously cited, population estimates at Bulow Plantation could be h ighly variable; and these numbers of individuals would have needed lodging at the estate, provided they were, as I have argued, hired labor. Similar to circumstances at Drax Hall plantation in Jamaica, one of three options would have been utilized. First the bond servants may have been housed in temporary quarters, the presumably organic remains of which would, perhaps, be evidenced in the discovery of footings; second, these enslaved may have been expected to co habitate with the existing bond servan t community within the cabins; finally, both of these options could have been relied upon. In the event of the second circumstance, particularly, these living conditions would have been exceptionally uncomfortable. O Sullivan calculate s that, in 1830, Bu low Plantation s conventionally established population of 193 bond servants shared approximately 8,832 square feet among them in the slave quar ters, or 45.76 square feet 2012: 18. This end figure alters drastically with the inclusion of population figures from aforementioned oral histories. For example, if three hundred bond servants did in fact stay within the enslaved quarters at Bulow Plantation for any length of time, thes e individuals would have shared only 29.44 square feet among them ; an average of 6.5 bond servants may have been made to share a single 12 x 16 living space. Figure 4.11 below offers additional calculations based on these varying reports, granting great er insight into the real and possible living conditions of Bulow s bond servants and hirees.


70 1830 census Downing, 1835 Bemrose, after 1825; Ormond, around 1828 Ormond, around 1828 Number of enslaved individuals 193 200 300 400 Average square feet per person 45.76 44.16 29.44 22.08 Average number of people per cabin 4.2 4.35 6.52 8.7 Figure 4.11 Square Feet Available for Enslaved at Bulow Plantation Notably, the 1830 census records revea ls that five free laborers worked at Bulow Plantation, including one woman between 24 and 34 years old, one boy under 10, and three girls under 10. It is possible that these individuals were unrelated, however, as I have reviewed previously, there is a significant likelihood that, by 1830, a reproducing population of bond servants had been established. It is presently unknown who, exactly these individuals were, or how, or when, they acquired their freedom; though, one may assume, given John J. Bulow s character, that these former enslaved were not manumitted under his operation of the estate. It is possible that these individuals were of the same family unit. These individuals may have stayed in the great house working as house labor; t hough, the possibility also exists that thes e former enslaved lived in the cabins, as labor for the fields. If this latter circumstance was the case, these individuals would have further affected the amount of available square footage available for each bond servant, overall, 44.6 square feet inste ad of 45.76, in 1830. As noted previously, forty six cabins were reported as destroyed by the Seminoles during the 1836 attack on Bulow plantation. This fact warrants two points of mention.


71 First, according to Griffin 2003:172, it was common for th e Seminoles to leave the enslaved quarters intact during raids against St. Johns area plantations. Such evidence at Bulow plantation is accounted for by one soldier who was present at the siege: The Indians had not burnt the negro houses, and every thing in them seemed to have been left untouched, since the hasty flight of the inmates. There was more corn in them than we could take away, and a good deal of useful negro furniture. There were a great number of these houses, as Mr. Bulow had upwards of Two h undred negroes they surrounded the Fort in a semicircle, and were distant about 150 yards from it. As they afforded the Indians a fine screen to crawl up behind unseen, and a favorable position to make an attack from, we, at one time thought of burning t hem down, but did not, as we did not wish to create more destruction than the plantation had already suffered Smith 1836:173 174. It should be noted that other contemporary accounts of the battle describe all of the plantation s buildings as having been destroyed O Sullivan 2012:25. Due to the above account s explicit reference to the enslaved quarters, however, I am inclined to privilege this version of the history of Bulowville s destruction. Seco nd, Payne and Griffin 200 1: 16 offer that it was commonplace for Seminoles to spare the enslaved quarters during these attacks, possibly out of empathy, even as the great house and mills were sacked. I put forward the possibility that, given the nature of the destruction of Bul ow plantation, John Bulow would have been more than willing to hoist the blame of the cabins destruction upon the Seminoles, and thus attempt to collect monies he felt entitled to under the pr operty loss claim. Had the quarters been destroyed under other circumstances it stands to reason that John may not have been equally eligible for said payment. Of course, one could also argue that Seminoles, or possibly even those runaways who escaped Bulow plantation at the time of its destruction, came back to des troy the remaining structures following the battle. How the cabins came to be in their ruined state, then, is up for debate


72 A second point of concern with this figure of 46 cabins is the rate at which the quarters were constructed, all at once versus spr ead out over time. O Sullivan conveys that Charles Bulow, or more likely, his bond servants, constructed many of the plantation s buildings during his lifetime; Charles W Bulow immediately took possession of the said tracts of land and planted and impro ved a part of one of the tracts and erected buildings &[and after his death the executors of his will] still keep a great number of slaves on the said land employed in the cultivation of the cane O Sullivan 2012: 16. Permanent or impermanent enslaved qua rters may or may not have been constructed during this time. Most literature concerning Bulow plantation has thus far ignored the possibility that any number of cabins could have been erected and/or recycled at any point to accommodate for the Bulows inc rea sing human holdings over time; [ though, O Sullivan 2012:15,16 alludes to this possibility.] This aspect is significant because, contrary to the numbers I have provided above, it is very possible that even the historically established populations of 193 and at least 200 individuals, respectively, were forced to make do with far less space than has been calculated here. In their review of Bulow Plantation, Daniel et al 1980:145 offer that perhaps African style dwellings commensu rate with enslaved quarters observed in Louisiana may have been used. Perhaps future archaeological research could reveal post molds showing the location of these ephemeral quarters. A map created by O Sullivan depicts the modern day locations of coqui na ruins which, she asserts, provide evidence for the foundational remains of the slave cabins at Bulow Plantation see Figure 4.12. Notably, O Sullivan 2012: 90 has compared Collins et al 2010 survey with that composed by Daniel et al 1980, provi ding, arguably, a


73 more accurate rendering of the original locations of plantation structures. Charles Bulow was relatively unique in his semi circle arrangement of the bond servant quarters around the big house. While a similar configuration can be found at Kingsley Plantation, there are significant differences, which will be discussed. As O Sullivan 2012 observes, there are three competing, although not mutually exclusive, theories as to why the Bulows would have maintained this potentially risky layo ut. First, it has been argued that bond servants may have been given some degree of flexibity in the design of their living quarters. For example, at Kingsley plantation, a Figure 4.12 Comparison of Daniel et al. 1980 Survey with Collins et al. 2010 Survey O Sullivan 2012:90.


74 nearby contemporary estate which specialized in cotton production, one prior enslaved individual may have been allowed exactly this possibility. Because Zephaniah Kingsle y, the plantation s owner, was frequently away on business affairs, Anna Jai Kingsley, his wife, was, during these times, charged with running the plantation s affairs. D.L. Schafer 2003: 55 notes that Anna would have lived in circular living patterns du ring her childhood at Kingsley, similar to Wolof living patterns in West Africa. Another related reason may have been Kinglsey s concern with runaways; in an attempt to prevent such activities, he was apparently unusually permissive towards his bond se rvants, giving them padlocks for their cabins and arming them for defense, in addition to providing them training for certain tasks, such as skilled labor Tide water 2012 A second theory concerns defense. Florida s socio political environment was such that relations between the Seminoles and the territory s planters were, quite simply, tenuous. Kingsley s plantation, for instance, was destroyed once du ring the Patriot War of 1812 O S ullivan 2012: 118, and it is possible Charles Bulow knew of this circ umstance prior to Bulowville s construction. Some planters maintained better relations than others with area Seminoles, usually facilitated by means of trade. Such was the case at Bulow plantation where, according to historical sources, John Bulow though t himself in good standing with the local Seminoles o f Mosquito County Ormond 1941: 5. Nevertheless, conflict could always break out in any moment; such was the case during the Second Seminoles War. The semi circle of cabins may have been used in a defe nsive manner at this time, with the housing structures serving as a barrier between the conflict and the great house.


75 Finally, O Sullivan 2012 notes that the cabins layout may been out of consideration for possible insurrection from within. Slave reb ellions were a rare, if not unthinkable, scenario that most planters did not realistically expect to occur at their plantations Trouillot 1995. However, various historical circumstances, including the rebellion in Haiti in 1791, a thwarted uprising in 1811 in New Orleans, and a planned and thwarted insurrection in South Carolina in 1822, only one year after Charles broke ground at Bulow Plantation, likely gave the man pause in considering how best to arrange his bond servants. My own conclusions wi ll be weighed following a brief consideration of Kings ley Plantation and the panoptic. The Panoptic The similar se mi circle layout is also preserved at Kingsley Plantation. Here, however, the enslaved quarters were set slightly farther back, approximate ly 1000 feet from the great house see Figure 4.13; O Sullivan 2012:89, 119,120; Stowell 1996:73. Nevertheless, in consideration of my previous argument, that the Bulow s slave cabins did not enti rely encircle the great house, the layouts of the two plant ations may share more in common than has been previously asserted. Both maintain a crescent shape of bond servant quarters located some distance from, but oriented toward, the main house. Supporting this hypothesis of surveillance, Rebecca O Sullivan has investigated related research concerns at Bulow. Utilizing technologies such as GIS and LiDAR, O Sullivan performed a viewshed analysis which ascertained that all of the bond servant cabins were fully visible from the first and second floors of Bu low Pla ntation s great house 2012: 49,50.


76 Figure 4.13 Kingsley Plantation; A slave quarters B great house O Sullivan 2012:89 Interestingly, Bulow and Kingsley plantations broke with a trend seen among bond servant quarter layouts on many North American plantations, a linear, nucleated arrangement sometimes called the Ante Bellum Occupation Form; this is described in Appendix 4 .2. Enslaved Quarters Layout Conclusions Returning to the debate of, traditional West African living arrangements versus defen se versus surveillance, I suggest that Bulowville s layout was most likely built out of consideration of the last two aforementioned hypotheses. Even though relations between Charles Bulow and the local Seminoles were supposedly good, even he was probably aware of the potential for such arrangements to worsen. Further, the possibility


77 of rebellion, although remote, was still a concern which likely pre occupied the minds of the resident planters, to some degree. Finally, I find the hypothesis that enslaved individuals may have been allowed to have any influence whatsoever over their permanent living arrangements, with respect to spatial layout and/or positioning on the landscape, to be unreasonable in antebellum Florida, due to the aforementioned conditions, but also for one other possible reason. As O Sullivan highlights, it was commonplace in North America for bond servant owners to take responsibility in the construc tion of the enslaved quarters O Sullivan 2012:80; Poesch and B acot 1997 and it is highly unlikely Charles Bulow would have reconcile d the preferred style of the enslaved with that of his own choosing. O Sullivan s hypothesis that the bond servant quarters extended to the Creek on both the extreme northern and southern ends of the arc, completely enclosing the great house, seems unlikely 2012:87. I t is unlikely that either Bulow would have placed his slaves living quarters so close to the water, as this would have more easily facilitated escape. Runaways were a serious problem for planters, as sugar was a very valuable, tech nically difficult crop to produce. Serious financial loss loomed as an ever present possibility if a given technically proficient bond servant absconded for any extended period. Further, if a revolt were to arise, the only easy means of escape for the Bu lows would have been Bulow Creek, a slim prospect if, say, the boats were burned or otherwise made unavailable. A comparative analysis by Kerri Barile 2004 shows that these fears were realized within the landscape at several South Carolina area plantat ions. For example, changes on the Middleburg Plantation landscape, during the time period between 1820 1830 show that the threat of slave revolts caused owners to divide slave


78 communities into multiple, smaller villages, set farther away from the main hou se O S ull ivan 2012:58; Barile 2004: 134. Given these historical circumstances, it is perhaps less likely that the younger Bulow would have continued this spatial layout. Finally, an utterly enclosed spatial arrangement could have proven a dead ly gamble ; in the event of insurrection, the arrangement could have been easily turned against the Bulows. In the 1800s, planters were well aware that bond servants and runaways join ed with local Semino les and maroon communities Usherwood 2012. With this in mi nd, is it possible that some of the coquina ruins of O Sullivan s enslaved cabins might actually be the remains of Bulow plantation s missing out buildings? In an effort to establish definitive patterns, the locations of nails associated with previously recorded plantation structures were noted in O Sullivan s 2012 study O Sullivan 2012: 41; see also Baker 1991; Baker 1999. Such structures at the extreme eastern end of the north arc are, by O Sullivan s inferences, part of th e slave cabin area 2012:41,109 However, I find the evidence somewhat unconvincing. Nails are a ubiquitous feature of many nineteenth century Florida buildings; hence, areas one and five, as I have named them see Figure 4.14, could be any number of the plantation s missin g features the blacksmith s shop, or the gin or corn houses, for example see Figure 4.9. As mentioned, unfortunately, very little subsurface archaeology has been undertaken at, or near, the bond servant quarters at Bulow Plantation. Further research in this capacity could reveal other potential artifacts or features which may definitively allow the ruins identification as enslaved quarters.


79 Figure 4.14 Coquina Block Sc atters indicating Bond Servant Quarters O Sullivan 2012:88. Resistance? Implicit in notions of resistance is a dialectical tension. With respect to plantation archaeology, this has been interpreted to be manifest in the material culture t hat was manipulated by master and enslaved. As I will elaborate in chapter five of this thesis, at other plantati ons in Cuba, enslaved individuals were able to actively manipulate their living areas as a means of resistance to the ever watchful eye of the planter Singleton 2001: 105 108. O Sullivan s viewshed analysis also revealed that the cabins covered areas behind them from view of the great house 2012: 49,50.


80 Similar to Sidney Mintz s house and yard configuration, Whitney Battle Baptiste 2011 defines the areas immediately surrounding the bond servant quarters at the First Hermitage plantation as yard spaces, where culture is transformed, cultivated and maintained and everyday activities of food preperation childcare, clothing repair and a dornment, recreational storytelling, a nd music making served as a foca l point of captive domestic life and provided venues for strengthening social relationships Battle Baptiste 2011:93 She continues that this space was, like house and yard configurat ions seen in the Caribbean, especially significant for, and dominated by, enslaved women 2011:93 ; other studies have also documented this configuration at plantations within the U.S. see Epperson 1990; McKee 1992. Such locations could serve as a pla ce for kin and friends to gather and relax, and possibly escape from the harsh realities of slavery and pla ntation labor. Singleton 2001; 2010 an d Armstrong 1999 have also argued this space as a form of resistance to imposed spatia l norms and plant er authority 1999:178 Conclusion s This chapter has reviewed the socio historical setting and spatial layout at Bulow Plantation. A special emphasis has been given to the enslaved quarters and population figures, illuminating several lines of realistic, and potential, future research. For example, unlike previous asse ssments which have offered a static representation of labor at Bulow Plantation, I have argued the notion that oral histories depicting much larger numbers are, quite possibly, hired labor. These individuals may have had to endure living in the same quart ers as the pre existent population, and this may have resulted in exceedingly cramped, uncomfortable living conditions for these persons. The presence


81 of free laborers may have also affected this available space. Additionally, I have argued that the ensl aved population was most likely naturally reproducing at Bulow Plantation in 1830; this condition accounts for an exceptionally high percentage of individuals less than 10 years of age, some 27 28% of the overall bond servant population. Further, coquin a scatters which have been mapped along the most extreme northern and southern arcs, are, arguably, not slave cabins at all. Rather, owed to their positioning along Bulow Creek, I argue these structures are out buildings, such as the blacksmith s shop, wh ich have not yet been located. Three possible reasons exist for the layout of the bond servant quarters: concern for defense, insurrection, or, less likely, West African derived living patterns; though, no theory is necessarily mutually exclusive. Regar dless, an element of the panoptic was present to facilitate surveillance. Future research endeavors may uncover potential sites of resistance, such as house and yard/yardspace areas. Upon reflection, another question concerns the locations of burials for the enslaved individuals of Bulow Plantation; where, for example, were the three individuals laid to rest whose lives John Bulow took Mahon 1966:12? Other studies, such as Armstrong and Kelly 2003, support the possibility of a house and yard conte xt. In the next chapter, I will trace various aspects of the demographics, labor regime, and material conditions of the enslaved population at the Cuban coffee plantation of Cafetal del Padre/Santa Ana de Biajacas; this will include an analysis of the spa tial arrangement of the bond servant quarters with respect to the great house, as well as some of the work areas.


82 Chapter Five Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre Socio Historical Setting Coffee and the Cuban Bond Servant Trade Coffee Beginni ng in the early 1820s, during Florida sugarcane s earliest stages, Cuba s landscape, too, was evolving due to plantation agriculture; at this time, the colony s economic base was based around several agricultural products tobacco, sugar, and coffee Van Norman 2005:58. Cuba is approximately 100 miles equidistant from both Jamaica and Florida. In these tropical environs, coffee was first introduced from Saint Domingue in 1748 2005: 48. Beginning around the 1790s coffee became commercially viable and seamlessly meshed with the concurrent plantation agriculture system which catered to other aforementioned cr ops 2005: 9. One such coffee estate, Santa An a de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre, lo cated in the Matanzas province, on the north coast, about 100 mil es from Havana, will b e discussed in this chapter 2005: 114. As I will elaborate later this chapter, Santa Ana de Biajacas was unique in important respects, including its previous heavily male, mostly African population, and the presence of a 3.35 met er wall which surrounds the former enslaved living areas. Figure 5.1 shows Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre s position on the Cuban landscape. Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre lies in the elevated, and hilly, region of Matanzas near the Alturas de Bejucal Madruga Limonar mountain range, some 160


83 Figure 5.1 Map of Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre on the Cuban Landscape Singleton and Torres de Souza 2009:458. m eters above sea level Van Norman 2005:72; Singleton 2005: 186. The estate, itself, is located on a hill top and could presumably be se en from a distance 2009:460, a purposeful feature the management undoubte dly utilized to encourage notions of an idyllic setting at the cafetal. Notably, contemporary planter Pierre Laborie Laborie 1798: 9 advocated taking elevation into account when establishing a plantation; and Van Norman 2005 mentions that a number of cafet ales reflect this consideration, in addition to other aspects discussed later this chapter, to be key in plantation layout 2005: 174.


84 Coffee production peaked during the 1820s 30s, and was a major crop grown in several Caribbean locales, includi ng J amaica, St. Domingue and Cuba Van Norman 2005: 9; Brazil too, was a major producer 2005: 9. Although only a secondary crop, in terms of overall contribution to Cuba s economy coffee bean agriculture did exceptionally well for its roughly half ce ntury of popularity. The crop became especially prevalent in both western and, after 1850, eastern Cuba B ergad et al. 1995:29. As Van Norman 2005 notes, profits from Cuba s other major crops tobacco and sugar, also encouraged a positive feedback lo op of coffee plantation development and economic gain in the colony 2005:58. S ignificantly, Bergad et al 1995: 29 and Van Norman 2005: 92 observe that, until sugar s dominance in the Cuban landscape in the 1850s, there were just as many enslaved on cafetales, statistically speaking, as compared with sugar plantations during this period of growth. A confluence of additional aspe cts also contributed to Cuba s, and the coffee sector s, expansion, during this period; this includes reforms which freed u p restrictions on importations of enslaved Africans, land reform legislation, and the St. Domingue rebellion, which drastically reduced said colony s sugar export s, allowing Cuba to compete Van Norman 2005: 61,90,113. The rebellion also affected the exod us of the resident planter class into a variety of locales including Cuba with all of their planter knowledge in tow 2005: 60. That large sums of capital upfront were not required, and necessary acreage for production was minimal were also key logisti cal factors which accounted for many planters decisions to initiate cafetales Singleton 2001: 100.


85 Coffee plantation agriculture boomed in the early nineteenth century. I n 1804, eighty four cafetales exi sted in western Cuba Van Norman 2005:84; t his growth increased nine fold to 779 cafetales in the reg ion by 1817 2005:115. Only ten years later, 206 7 cafetales were recorded 2005: 115. Ingenios sugar plantations too, also grew in like fashion; in 1817, six hundred twenty five est at es dotte d the area 2005:115; by 1841, there were 344 ingenios in Matanzas, alone Bergad 1990:32. In this optimal environment of greater elevation and of damp temperature, fairly consistent between 75 80 degrees, coffee be an agriculture flourished Singleton 2006:186; Thomas 1998: 128. Interestingly, the output of coffee exports was highly variable during the first half of the nineteenth century; for example, exports in 1819 hovered around 50,000 quintales, dipping to 20,000 only one year later; production h ad soared to 80,000 quintales by 1830, but by 1835 had, ag ain, dropped to around 40,000 B ergad 1990:59. Bergad 1990 opines this was most likely owed to the volatile nature of the crop, which could be extremely susceptible to env ironmental stressors. A pproximately 3 5 years were needed to establish and make a crop profitable Van Norman 2005: 66; if damaged, it could be difficult to re establish operations Such was the case when Cuban coffee crops were virtually wiped out in western Cuba during hurric anes in both 1844 and 1846, sending exports plummeting 2005:232; Singleton 2001: 100; only 2 3000 quintales were shipped from Mat anzas in 1845 Bergad 1990:59. Relatively flat lands near the coasts facilitated the destruction of most cafetales, includin g Santa Ana de Biajacas, destroyed in 1844 Singleton 2001: 102. Few planters were willing to re establish operations in the region given the 3 5 year wait time The loss of the U.S. as a market for Cuban coffee, following a tariff increase also created


86 difficulties for the industry Singleton 2001:100 Finally, the continuing success of the Brazilian coffee market, which had been competing with Cuba since the 1830s, resulted in a significant reduction in coffee prices Singleton 2001: 100; Bergad 1990: 58. Cuban Bond Servant Trade Cuba was the single largest importer o f enslaved African labor for the Spanish Bergad et al 1995:38. Bond servants built and maintained Cuba s system of plantation agriculture well pa st the mid nineteenth century B erg ad et al 1995:33; indeed, the trade was vital during coffee s key years of production, and imports soared to meet the demand, not only for coffee, but also tobacco and sugar operations on the island. Over 51,000 individuals were forcefully migrated onto Cuban soil during the last ten years of the eighteenth centur y Fraginals 1977:189. H owever, these figures ballooned to over 137,000 individuals between 1810 1819, and peaked between 1830 1839, when over 200,000 enslaved ind ividuals were taken from their respective homelands 1977:189 Van Norman 2005 argues that, although con ditions on cafetales differed from ingenios in Cuba, debilitating cir cumstances on sugar plantations resulted in high mortality rates among bond servants on the island, generally, necessitating a rise in importation of enslaved labor ove r time 2005: 105; evidencing this condition, Van Norman offers that between 1807 1826, Imports grew by 69 percent while the population e xpanded by only 44 percent 2005: 105. Although great numbers of females were c ertainly among this population, 36% i n 1827 in order to meet the needs of the colony s large sugar plantation operations, generally speaking, import s in Cuba were slanted male 2005: 105,106.


87 Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre Plantation Management Santa Ana de Biajacas began as a 1000 acre stock raising plantation sometime in the late eighteenth century Singleton 2006: 274; coffee agriculture was added at a later, unknown point, utilizing slightly less than half of this area for such production Singleton 2006: 274. One theory c onsidering the plantation s otherwise unknown origins places its earliest operations under the care of French immigrants who cultivated and later deserted the property, sometim e between 1808 to 1812, after Spain expelled French citizens from all its colon ies Singleton 2001: 100. Though, notably, immigrants from the Canary Islands, Spain, France, Galicia and the U.S., for example, were also among those individuals who founded cafetales throughout Cuba at this time Van Norman 2005: 61. In the early nin eteen th century, Richard O Farrill, a Montserratan of Irish heritage, immigrated to Cuba, spending the rest of his life making a fortune trading bonded servants Singleton 2006:274 75. This funding laid the groundwork for a rather wealthy family lineage from this point forward, i ncluding O Farrill s grandson, Ignacio O Farrill, a Catholic priest, who eventually came to own the plantation. Ignacio s namesake is preserved in the cafetale s title from this point forward, El Padre S ing leton 2006: 275. R ising debt over the course of his lifetime necessitated the younger O Farrill s mortgaging of his properties, including ten enslaved individu als in 1829, before passing away in 1838 Singleton 2006:275. Operations at Cafetal del Padre were, then, signicantly reduc ed, and forty bond servants were transferred to the sugar plantation San Juan de Nepomuceno Singleton 2005: 187.


88 The coffee facilities at Santa Ana de Biajacas were destro yed in 1844 during a hurricane and coffee operations were never restored Singleton 2006: 275. Either before, or after this point, the plantation s remaining enslaved workers were, too, transferred to the aforementioned ingenio under the administration of the Royal Treasury of Cuba, and the plantation was later subdivided into 33 small er subsistence farms Singleton 2006:275; Singleton 2013 As Van Norman acknowledges, coffee plantation owners frequently owned multiple estates which produced a variety of crops Van Norman 2005: 18. Implied within this notion i s that these individuals could not be everywhere at once, and would have necessarily left others in charge. Members of the O Farrill family, being financially well endowed and also in possession of several estates, like other plantation owners would most likely have relied on an overseer to direct the enslaved population in their stead. I will elaborate on this role later this chapter. Santa Ana de Biajacas Enslaved Population A vital component of this landscape study concerns the bond servant po pulation who made the estate s operations possible. Singleton 2006:275 cites a probate inventory which indicates seventy seven enslaved individuals living at Santa Ana de Biajac as in 1838 ; of these, twenty four were women and fifty three were men; and f ive children under five years of age three girl s and two boys The same document also indicates these individuals naciones, a contemporaneou s designator which loosely corresponds to ethnolinguistic groups in Africa Significantly, Singleton 2012 c ites the work of Gwendelyn Hall who argues


89 that these designators were, in fact, self identifiers which Africans sometimes responded with when prompted for their nation. Of this group, there were Singleton 2005:191 : 17 Congo Ki Kongo speakers of An gola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo 16 Carabali Igbo and Ibibo speaking people of southeastern Nigeria 12 Ganga a Mande spea king people from Upper Senegal 12 Lucumi Yoruba speaking people of southwestern Nigeria 11 Criolla born in Cuba 5 Maena a Mande speaki ng people from Senegambia area 4 Mina Akan Ewe p eoples of southern Ghana and Togo Although any number of factors could account for this diverse make up, Singleton offers that this may have been a purposeful attempt to prevent on e group from overpowering the others and organizing ethnically based insurrections Singleton 2005: 191 an activity which would have been more easily facilitated through these individuals use of a shared language. Such was the case in 1833, wherein an enslaved rebellion centered on cafetal El Salvador was found to have been organized by Lacumi speakers, including the contramayoral Van Norman 2005: 217. Of course, populations shift, and at its peak, around 102 enslaved workers were present on t he estat e lvarez 2007; Singleton and Torres Singleton and Torres de Souza 2009: 459 note that this figure is most likely due to acquisitions, though some Cuban born individuals are clearly evident. I have also previously traced the population changes which occurred following Ignacio O Farrill s death in 1838 Singleton 2006: 275; four bo nd servants also escaped at this time Singleton 2005: 190. According to calculations offered by Garcia Rodriguez, Westrate and Ada Ferrer 2011:15 in 1834, only 89 out of 1,024, or less than 10%, of cafetales in western and central Cuba op erated wit h 61 90 bond servants; this is the case with Santa Ana de Biajacas, which utilized 77 individuals in 1838 Singleton 2005:190. The majority of


90 cafetales during this period fifty nine percent, operated with a workforce of thirty or less individuals Garc ia Rodriguez et al. 2011:15 Citing work by Doria Gonz l ez Fern ndez 1991:171, Singleton argues that the plantation s two male to one female ratio was typical of Cuba like that among the overwhelming majority of ingenios, throughout the course of t he estate s operation Singleton 2006: 275. Further, Singleton observes the low number of children at S anta Ana de Biajacas in 1838 is commensurate with observa tions made by other historians, such as del Carmen Bar cia, Bergad, and Garcia, who claim that a low birth rate among enslaved necessitated a constant influx of new African laborers 2006: 275; Bergad et al. 1995:36. One could also cite Pierre Laborie s 1798 treatise The Coffee Planter of St. Domingo which also advised the use of a mostly male work force 2005: 74. As Van Norman argues, these notions have been facilitated via sugar s overshadowing of the impact of Cuban coffee in the academic literature 2005:124. However, Singleton s concurrence with previous demographic assessments of western C uba s cafetales stands at odds with Van Norman s appraisal that the general population demographic was closer to 1.8 to 1, and even closer to parity on cafetales in western Cu ba during the 1830s and 40s 2005:124. A dditionally, he counters Singleton s as sesment that debilitating conditions on cafetales like those on ingenios, necessitated a constant introduction of enslaved labor, arguing instead that populations were reproducing at these locations during the yea rs of coffee s peak production, in the 182 0s 30s and early 40s, and that these conditions were facilitated among the planter class as a means of creating a self reproducing workforce 2005: 111,131. He bases this argument on an analysis of four cafetales of varying sizes in the eastern vuelta a baj o,


91 which lie s in wester n Cuba, adjacent to Matanzas, the region which was historically most developed for coff ee agriculture at this time Van Norman 2005: 94. Although he does not directly include the province of Matanzas in his discussion of popula tion figures among several cafetales and individual villas and partid os within the vuelta abajo 2005: 123, he does not make any reference t o possible variance in the Matanzas region, or elsewhere nearby, which approach Singleton s and Fernandez demograp hic description of western Cuba around 1838, the ti me of Ignacio O Farrill s death. F urther Van Norman does generalize his descriptions to western Cuba in various instances throughout his discussion in addition to referencing Santa Ana de Biajacas later in his work 2005: 96,111, 201, 234. For example, he cites the partido of Puerto de la Guira which, in 1841, had a 61% female population among its 6 ingenios and 73 cafetales 2005: 126. At cafetal M ariana in Cayabajos, where 101 bonded servants were relied upon, roughly 6 out of every 10 individuals were creoles 2005: 133. Meanwhile, in the San Marcos/Artemisa area, Cafetal Campana had 43 females and 42 males in 1832 43 creoles and 42 Afri cans 2 005:129; an 1808 padron local population count in this region similarly reflected that 10% of the ensla ved population was under 16 2005: 125. In 1843, Cafetal San Francisco/Cafetal Liberal, also located in Cayabajos had 144 enslaved individual, forty four percent of whom were female; sixty one of these individuals were born in Cuba and the average age of the younger population was 6.75 2005: 131. Van Norman does acknowledge that the majority of early coffee operations in western Cuba utilized a mo stly male labor force 2005:68. Gonz l ez Fern ndez s evaluation actually fits this description, as figures cited in her assessment were taken


92 from Matanzas cafetales from 1817 1991: 164. However, Gonz l ez Fern ndez also continues, in agreement with Va n Norman, that there were more women on cafetales compared wit h ingenios, generally, 36.2% versus approximately 13%, or less 1991: 171. Further, she is also in consensus with Van Norman in arguing that less demanding labor conditions on cafetales facilit ated the establishment of a young, Cuban born population who were often used, like their parents, for labor 1991:171. A s proof, she notes a considerable number of criollos under 15 years of age, explained by the fact that women in the fertile age r ange translation Stephen Shalk comprised 17% of the overall enslaved population, and nearly 50% of all female bond servants 1991: 171. This notion of closer gender parity as a general condition among western Cuban cafetales in the 1830s and 40s i s perhaps bolstered when taking into account the presence of an 1811 plantation management treatise written by Dr. David Collins Collins 1972 in Delle 2000:174 which espouses both the economic benefits of a self perpetuating workforce as well as the beli ef that a more gender balanced workforce would prevent sexual jealousies over partners. In addition to conditions of gender parity, as Van Norman argues, less demanding labor conditions discussed later this chapter, as compared with those on co ntempo raneous sugar plantations, and a more balanced diet, provided by a greater variety of crops, f acilitated these conditions 2005: 164. He also cites contemporary historical sources, such as an account by writer Frederika Bremer; after visiting first an ing enio Santa Amelia and then cafetal la Industria, she noted of the latter, the slaves [here] &w ere well fed and contented 2005: 164,165. Significantly, however, Singleton


93 2007:656 cites documentary sources which indicate bond servants on cafetales were given few rations. Santa Ana de Biajacas, then, presents an interesting case. On the surface, in 1838, even Singleton readily ci tes that 14% of the population, eleven individuals, were Criollos born in Cuba Singleton 2005: 191; further, women a ctually comprised a significant pe rcentage of the population, thirty one percent 2005: 191. However, Singleton also cites that children at Santa Ana de Biajacas constituted only 6% of population Singleton 2006: 75. Considering the minimal presence of c hildren and apparent contemporaneous popular attitudes, future research may be necessary to determine just how typical Santa Ana de Biajacas population demographic was for the Matanzas region in 1838. One is also left wondering how this condition may h ave affected the socio cultural fabric at the plantation; how might the enslaved have responded to potentially more laborious conditions which restricted possibilities for child rearing? Further, how did these bond servants react to, and with, those ind ividuals who were forming family units on other plantations? I posit it is likely that male bond servants, at least, were seeking p artners on other nearby estates. Significantly, in addition to natural reproduction, sales and runaways, and a lim ited numb er of manumissions Van Norman 2005: 192, another factor which could affect enslaved populations was disea se. Although enslaved on cafetales fared better than their bonded counterparts on ingenios, cholera, as one of several possible virulent diseases, wa s always a concern among these populations. Epidemics in 1832 and 1833 wreaked considerable havoc; following a hurricane which likely facil itated the outbreak in 1833 2005: 182, over 22,000 enslaved in western Cuba died from cholera in eight

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94 months 2005: 178. Yellow fever, which peaked from 1820 21, also caused m ajor problems in the region 2005: 178. Enslaved on ingenios were, most often, affected disproportionately, owed to malnutrition, mor e difficult working conditions, compare d with that on cafetales, and disease facilitating living conditions which will be elaborat ed upon later this chapter 2005: 144,180. A critical factor of Van Norman s argument is not simply that the bond servant population in western Cuban cafetales was reproducing, but that these individuals were forming family units, and through this process, creating the nascent foundations for a cr eolized, Afro Cuban culture 2005: 31; this topic wi ll also be reviewed later this chapter. Labor Notably, while Spanish ownership of East Florida played a major role in effecting a task based system of labor, the situation on Cuban coffee plantations played out much differently. On these estates, as Van Norman argues, the labor regime was largely det ermined by proscriptions indicated in contemporaneous publications on coffee agriculture, such as those of the Sociedad E conomica de Amigos del Pais 2005: 60,63 and, in particular, Laborie s treatise. Laborie, for example, argued for the use of gang labo r described in chapter two of this thesis 1798:175; though, Van Norman includes the work of Mary Mann, who wrote in 1887, that a mixture between gang and task labor forms for duties such as harvesting and weeding, was most often relied upon 2005: 150,1 51. Van Norman also cites other sources which support the use of this system, wherein enslaved men, women and children were given a set amount of work to do for a given day before being released to tend to pers onal affairs 2005: 150,151.

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95 This condit ion was unlike that used on neighboring ingenios, where the exclusive use of gang labor prevailed 2005: 151. Notably, toward the end of Cuban coffee, in the 1840s, many owners, like management a t Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre shifted their h uman holdings, by rent, sale, or simple transferrence, to ingenios 2005: 234; bond servants who previously experienced an easier work regime on the cafetal suddenly had to acculturate to a much stricter, more demanding work regime 2005: 234. During the i nitial 3 5 years of any given plantation s operations, labor activities were somewhat different than those demanded thereafter. In these earliest years, enforced labor was split between establis hing plantation infrastructure, such as buildings a nd roads, and tending to junior coffee trees in the nursery. Notably, coffee fields on a given piece of land only produce a viable crop for twenty to thirty years; this factor, in addition to desires among plantation managament for increasing land holdings over tim e, necessitated that bond servants clear new agricultural plots usually every few years 2005:146. As the plantation evolved into production mode, labor activitie s, and typically, the demographic of the enslaved population, shifted considerably 20 05: 146; and this usually occurred in the third to fifth year of operation 2005: 146. Time became of greater significance during these periods as more component structures of the plantation came to life in the service of coffee production: drying table s, storehouses and coffee mills, for example; and, as Van Norman argues, planters were acutely aware of the increased need to monitor and regulat e time and labor activities 2005: 166.

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96 As Laborie inferred, and many planters followed, a bell was to be u sed to arouse the enslaved at around one hour before daylight, 1798: 175 at which time the bond servants were accounted for by the overseer and given the day s daily work regimen. This bell marked the start of a daily rhythm to the work operations of the day Van Norman 2005:142 43; this supplemented the seasonal rhythm of coffee agriculture bon d servants also experienced 2005: 150. Following receipt of the day s tasks, Laborie espoused that enslaved immediately go to work, maki ng not time even fo r breakfast, a break of 30 45 minutes whi ch came around nine or ten 1798: 176; this period was supplemented with only one other break, last ing from noon to two o clock 1798: 176. Aside from these sanctioned times of rest, bond servants were more or less engaged in constant labor until their task quota was met, usually around sunset 1798: 176; the extra time could then be used to tend to one s own affairs Van Norman 2005:147 Gonzlez Fernndez similarly notes that bond servants were required to work 15 or 16 hour days 2001:172. Laborie also advised that enslaved be allowed to have Sundays off 1798: 177. Significantly, as Van Norman argues, while much of the day was strict ly controlled, enslaved individuals did find ways to resist, making time, and space, for themse lves 2005: 145; these aspects will be taken up later this chapter. Van Norman offers that labor for bond servants at larger cafetales, such as Angerona, could be more regimented as owners or managers were motivated by a perceived need for greater securit y 2005: 151. Given the larger nature of Cafetal d el Padre/Santa Ana de Biajacas, operating with more bond servants than 81% of the estate s contemporaries Garcia Rodriguez et al. 2011:15, in addition to the presence of a 3.35

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97 meter wall which enclosed the bond servant village ad dressed later in this chapter, I offer that it is entirely plausible that a more regimented variety of labor was in place for l abor activities, at one, or various points, in the estate s history. During times of harvest, most ofte n, in late fall/winter, an average day s workload for bond servants in the fields consisted of necessarily filling two baskets with c offee cherries Van Norman 2005:150,156. As Higman 1988 describes, harvested cherries were then transferred to the coffee mill house, where the beans had their shells removed sometimes by hand, but sometimes powered by water or animals and were then cleaned, before bei ng raked over drying platforms during daylight hours Hig man 1988:162. Coffee beans were then stored, and retrieved at the end of harvest season, at which time the parchment covering of the coffee beans was removed via a wooden grinder winnowed ; onl y at this point was the collected fruit then readied for sale 1988:162. As Delle 1998:74 observes, Laborie advocated for, and most Cuban planters instituted, divisions of labor based on gende r, age and class For instance, the great gang, composed of both able men and women over sixteen, was required to tend to the major field duties, such as breaking ground usually men a nd harvesting Delle 1998:74; Laborie 1798: 175. The second gang, which consisted of both men and women, tended to the jobs of pruning and weeding 1798: 166; these individuals were between the ages of 12 and 16 1998:74; 1798: 175. Finally, a third gang, comprised of youths of 6 or 7, and up to fifteen years old, was responsible for ot her labor, such as sewing 1998:74; 1798:1 75. In practice slave owners were not above using children for more agriculturally relevant tasks; Van Norman observes an 1810 inventory at Cafetal C ampana which listed girls as young as seven and boys as young as four who picked

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98 co ffee cherries in th e fields 2005: 128. Given that Singleton observes there were five children under five years of age, it stands to reason that one, or several of these individuals, were possibly utiliz ed for such tasks. E lderly bond servants were made to watch over the e state s provision grounds, care for small children and maintain poultry Laborie 1798: 168. Notably, Laborie championed the utilization of women, who were considered superior, more dextrous cherry pickers Van Norman 2005:159,160; Laborie 1798:156; t hese individuals however, were barred from all skilled positions, save that of the Doctress, or Hosp ital Matron Delle 1998:110; Laborie 1798: 167. Women were also often relied upon during the sorting stage, wherein remaining debris among the dried c offee fruit was sifted out Van Norman 2005: 159,160. Laborie also advocated that women could serve as cooks for the mostly male population 2005: 74. When not working in the fields, male bond servants performed duties such as skilled labor, raking th e ripened coffee cherries on drying platforms, breaking ground, and/or moving quantities of coffe e beans to the sorting area 2005: 159,160. Breaking limestone for structures such as walls and wells were also needed periodically, especially during the p lant ation s earliest operations 2005: 161. Both small and large groups were utilized to accomplish the estate s various necessary tasks 2005:142. Laborie, for example, advised that enslaved work in pairs for jobs such as wood cutt ing, for the sake of s afety 2005: 74. Both during, and in between, harvesting, weeding served as a significant source of constant labor, and was assigned in lie u of more important activities, such as the construction of plantation st ructures 2005: 150. Other labor expended on the plantation

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99 included duties such as planting saplings, pruning and maintaining the coffee trees, as well as repairing necessary tools and/or machinery 2005: 151. As V an Norman 2005: 139,235 has argued, the lessened de mands of coffee agriculture, generally, as compared with that exerted on contemporaneous ingenios, typically facilitated the formation of family groups; though, this latter condition, as reviewed, was evidently not present at Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre. Similar to the cases of East Florida and Jamaica, there is no known quantified amount of labor that bond servants in Cuba invested in the maintenance of their provision grounds 2005: 159. Laborie advised that bond servants provide all of their own rations, and t hat the purpose of this was to, emotionally and physically, attach them to the estate Van Norman 2005: 162 ; Laborie 1798:38 Though, Va n Norman argues along with other scholars that this was also to prevent damage to land in event of rebellion 2005: 196. Despite this proscription, records from cafetales Resurrecion and Rosa indicate that quantities of jerked beef tasajo were purchased for their resp ective enslaved populations 2005: 165. It is, perhaps, possible that owners at Sa nta Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre did this as well. In addition to provision grounds, land was also provided fo r raising pigs and chickens 2005: 162 ; Singleton 2005:194 A position often but not always, held by enslaved individuals during the e igh teenth century, the mayoral or overseer was, like that in Jamaica, a conflicted role. On the one hand, these individuals were relied upon by plantation owners to encourage maximum economic output; on the other hand, these persons often sha red their peers bonded state the seemed reason Laborie did not inherently trust the individual, a trait presumably also felt by the c ontemporaneous planter class Laborie 1798: 196. Hugh

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100 Thomas indicates that cafetal owners may have expressed a general prefe rence for certain individuals based on skin tone, ethnicity and/or one s perceived intelligence 1998: 114,130. According to Laborie, the mayoral was actually to have little to do with the consistent, direct surveillance of the enslaved population, partic ularly during activities such as picking cherries and weeding 1798: 177. Rather, the overseer was to spend the remaining time looking over the plantation s structures for necessary repairs, and among the bond servants provision grounds, and roads, for e xample 1798: 177; such activity also likely discouraged bond servants from being where they were not authorized to be. The mayoral was also responsible for tracking the number of coffee plants 1798: 112 and most likely, locking in the enslaved populat ion at Santa Ana de Biajacas /Cafetal del Padre at night 2005: 172. Significantly, Van Norman references that free laborers were utilized on some Cuban coffee plantations 2005:7,74 ; though, Singleton makes no such reference concerning the workforce at Sa nta Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre. Coffee Plantation Layout In Theory Van Norman observes that, in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the cafetal was in the Cuban popular imagination, a sit e of orderliness and beauty 2005: 63 and that many owners tried to depict these estates as showplaces of refinement and the pinnacle of genteel plantation life 2005:235; t his faade which owners used to mask the realities, and unequal power relations, of slavery, was materially manifest in displays such as elaborate gardens, lined with finely crafted gates, and even statuary courtyards 2005:234. Popular literature, such as Ciri lo Villaverde s Cecilia Valdes 1882, played a significant role in perpetuating these notions sgs76.

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101 Landscape portraits, too, often in the form of lithographs, affected popular perceptions of the Cuban landscape, and of coffee plantations; one example can be found in Estaban Chartrand s Landscape 1880 see Figure 5.2 below; notably, a boho is depicted among the predominantly natural scene ry These visuals encouraged individuals from abroad, such as contemporary New Englander Mary Gardner Lowell 2 003 to see, first hand, the beauty of the Cuban landscape. Figure 5.2 Landscape 1880, by Esteban Chartrand; at right, a boho is depicted Scarpaci and Portela 2005:8. Though, several significant contemporary sources played even bigger roles in effecting this notion, and moreover, how the ideal cafetal was to function. The Socieda d Economica de Amigos del Pais, an organization of planters dedicated to Cuban developmen t and the guides they published, which covered a variety of issues, such as physical layout, costs and various technical advice related to the functioning of the plantation s mac hinery, is one such example Van Norman 2005: 63. One me mber of the Sociedad Economica, Pablo Baloix, was instrumental in relaying these no tions to the planter class. 2005: 65. Beginning in the late eighteenth century, his publications

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102 conveyed how to build and manage an ideal cafetal. Cultivo del Cafeto his most famous work for example, compared various attributes, such as types and quantities of structures and equipment, and the numbers of enslaved labor and acreage required to operate a successful estate, among si x cafetales of varying size 2005: 65. Though, as Van Norm an 2005 argues, Laborie s 1798 treatise was the most influential work on the subject. According to Laborie, lines of fruit and shade trees and other ordered features were crucial to the fu nctioning of the plantation 2005: 76. Symmetry was also ideal ly achieved in the coffee fields, which were equally proportioned to approximately 3 acres Delle 1998:109 ; these spaces, and the rest of the property, were then intersected with roads of 1 2 meters at regular intervals which connected all areas of the pl antation Van Norman 2005: 74. Perhaps the most significant trait, insomuch as it concerns this thesis, is that Laborie advocated a centralized positioning of the plantation s structures, surrounded by agricultural fields, such that the great house co uld maintain surveillance over estate operations 1798: 36; the houses excepting the great house &are placed upon the most accessible situations, and usually upon the summit of some hill &where water may be conveyed. There the several settlements are arra nged, as much as possible, within light and reach of the mansion house & 1798: 36. He did not specifi cally cite economic concerns, but did recognize that the fatigue of ordinary labor for enslaved individuals was much increased, when daily pe rformed at great distance 1798: 13 a consequence which would have had implicit effects on the overall output of the plantation. Van Norman observes that, for Laborie, the placement of the great house at the center of the estate was of such importance, that this attribute was to take precedence over any

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103 potential co nstruction or access issues 2005:173; Laborie 1798: 13,36. This arrangement allowed the plantation owner to watch over the enslaved quarters and coffee works without the bond servants necess arily kn owing Van Norman 2005: 173; and as Van Norman points out, this feature has bee n described as a panopticon 2005: 173. In the case of Cuban coffee plantations, this feature also undoubtedly had consequences for activities in the provision groun ds, as well. These agricultural fields were located within close proximity of both the bond servant quarters and the commercial fields 2005:196; Singleton similarly notes that those at Santa Ana de Biajacas were located either within or outside of a w all enclosure which surrounded the bohos Singleton 2006:277. Unlike many Jamaican sugar plantations, such as Drax Hall wherein bond servants were able to experience some semblance of privacy in these areas, ens laved individuals on Cuban cafetales coul d not In addition to surveillance, control was also affected via a manipula tion of space. Van Norman 2005: 172 succinctly offers a primary argument of both Delle 1998, 1999 and Hi gman s 1988 works, that the location of buildings on a plantation had an underlying rationale of control of space. Within the nuceated arrangement, divisions of space dictated where enslaved were, and were not, allowed to go, under threat of force. For instance, a seperation of the owner s kitchen from that of the ove rseer s, which was spatially distinct from those of the remaining enslaved population, re enforced spatial hierarchy Van Norman 2005: 85. This arrangement was in place at cafetal Mariana 2005: 85. Laborie developed two ideal layouts, though he ackn owledged that the lay of the land usually prohibited the actualization of every aspect of these forms Higman

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104 1988:160 ,161; 1798: 21 ; see Figures 5.3 and 5.4. Regardless of placement, certain structures were staples of all coffee plantations. For examp le cisterns were often relied upon to separate the pulp from the raw coffee beans; and these were located centrally with other plantation infra strure Delle 1998:110 A mill house was also located here, which ho used three required structures: the washin g, or cleaning, mill molino de limpiar; the fan, or winnowing, mill molino de aventar; and the grater mill molino de quitar la cereza 2005: 86. Higman notes that the mills in Laborie s models were powered via water 1988:162; a source of running w ater, too, was important i n the operation of an estate Laborie 1798: 11. Finally, a storage location and drying tables were also necessary infras tructure for the plantation Van Norman 2005: 86. Laborie also conceived of other infrastructure, such as a p oultry yard, stables and outhouses Higman 1988:161; see Figure 5.4. Interestingly, although somewhat expensive, he also advised construction of a hospital for bond servants, on the basis of these individuals humanity the plan the hospital &co ncerns the life of human beings, a reflection of sentiments popularly shared among the planter class in the late eightee nth and nineteenth centuries Laborie 1798: 95. As I have argued in chapter four of this thesis, this attitude was born not only out of misg uided paternalistic notions, but out of economic concern, the possibility of lost labor.

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105 Figure 5.3 Laborie s First Conceptualized Layout Higman 1988:160. In the fields Laborie touted, and many planters instituted the use of plantain trees as shade for coffee plants, which protected from the heat, as a means of increasing yields Van Norman 2005: 73; other trees, such as citrus, mango and calabash may also have been uti lized in this fa shion, relative to location 2005: 74.

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106 Figure 5.4 Laborie s Second Conceptualized Layout Higman 1988:161. Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre Layout M ajor architectural features of Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre detailed in previous studies see Singleton 2001; 2005; 2006; 2007; 2012; Singleton & Torres de Sauza 2009 include: t he gre at house; a wall enclosure; f eatures of the enslaved quarte r s;

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107 coffee drying platforms secadores or tendales ; and, a warehouse/infirmary. These are depicted on Figure 5.5 below I argue these structures orientation indicate the planner most likely followed Laborie s advice on centralization within the plantat ion landscape. Notably, Singleton 2007:656 indicates that additional infrastructure not yet excavated includes a detached kitchen building...and a building that contained overseer accommkodations and coffee processing equipment 2007:658. Accordi ng to historical accounts, the plantation began with a size of approximately 1000 acres or 30 caballerias for the purposes of raising livestock; in time, 470 acres were eventually be converted for coffee agriculture, while the plantation s original funct ion as a portrero stock raising farm also remained Singleton 2006:274;

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108 Figure 5.5 Layout of Santa Ana de Biajacas Singleton 2007:661. notably, included within this acreage was one caballeria 33.6 acres which was often set aside by plantation owners for animal pens, as well as crops to feed the bond servant populus sweet pota toes, corn, beans and malanga among others Singleton 2006: 277; Van Norman 2005:7 5,145 Within this arr angement, existed both individual plots for each bond servant as well as a larger group plot 2005: 145.

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109 Great House As Van Norman argues, and Laborie suggests, in addition to the overseer s house the location of the great house was one of the most important aspects of plant ation design 2005:173; Laborie 1798:36. Singleton concurs with scholar Perez de la Riva, that Santa Ana de Biajacas great house was typical of contemporaneous others in its French H Frame design, perhaps supporting notions of the plantation s French heritage Singleton 2001:100. Although not explicated in Singleton s research, the structure seems to have occupied an area of a pproximately 40 x 45 meters see Figure 5.5. Van Norman offers that some great houses were construc ted out of simple materials, such as crude wood, while man y others preferred mampostera a core construction &of hardwood covered with several layers of a plaster made of limestone and crushed rocks 2005: 81; of the latter variety, he notes that, to the beholder, the building would have appeared to be made purely of stone 2005: 81. At Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre, the great house was constructed of mampostera Singleton 2005: 187. Some planters used elaborate decorations and buildin g features, such as statues, mahogany furniture and roman pillars Van Norman 2005: 81,82. Great houses, like that at Santa An a de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre, we re often situated on a hill 2005:81; Singleton and Torres de Sauza 2009: 460. This feature was designed specifically with the vista of the landscape in mind; Singleton cites of Alvarez Estevez s description, that the estate w as a natural amphitheater Van Norman 2005: 81 As Singleton notes, the structure may have been two stories and/or possibly topped with a terrace azotea Singleton 2001: 106, evidenced by the presence of an stairway shaped incision on the exterior south wa ll Singleton 2001:106; see Figure

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110 5.6. Architectural indications of balustrada on the outsi de of the north wall also evidence use of the rooftop as a viewing area Singleton 2001: 106. Si ngleton argues that a possible notion of panopticism may have been in effect at Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre Singleton 2001: 106. From this secon d floor, bond servant owners could potentially watch over the enslaved population within the enclosure, and beyond, without the enslaved kno wing they were being watched T his would instill notions of self regulation of public behavior, without surveillanc e ever having to actually take place; only in this case, the punishment for transgression was potentially brutal phys ical and/or pyschological abuse. As Foucault 1977:201 notes, this observation was to assure the automatic functioning of power tha t enslaved individuals wo uld maintain discipline, and their bonded state, in part, by continuing to practice this behavior of self monitoring. Singleton 2001:105,106 and Van Norman 2005: 170 note that the panoptic effect was also in place at Angero na, the largest cafetal in Cuba, with some four hundred bond servants at one point. From atop the central bell tower, one could e ffect the aforementioned conditions among the enslaved population; see Appendix 5.1 Singleton 2001:105, 106.

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111 Figure 5.6 Stairway Incision at Great House at Santa Ana de Biajacas Singleton 2001:107.

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112 Wall Enclosure The location of the bond servant village, approximately 70 180 meters from the great house, is still e vident on the landscape today; the partial ruin of a trapezoidal shaped wall, 71.5 meters on its widest, eastern most side, and 104 meters on its longest, northern most side, enclosed t his area Singleton 2005: 187 ; Singleton 2006:272 ; the structure also stands 3.35 meters high Singleton 2001: 102 ; s ee Figures 5.7 and 5.8. Two presumed entrances/exits are evident in the wall s structure see Singleton 2001:101 ; the first lies on the eastern most portion of the north wall; if walking out, the great house is immediately evident to one s right. The other opening is on the southern most section of the east wall, perhaps 25 30 meters away from a specialized buildin g T he wall was constructed of mampostera As I have offered elsewhere in this thesis, resistance is a dialectic, in which power is constantly contested for, and responded to. As Sin gleton argues, the wall was a material, spatial Singleton 2001: 104 manifestation of this dialectic, which was constructed following a local ordinance due to an enslaved rebellion in which fifteen whites were killed and twenty four farms were loo ted and destroyed in 1825 Berg ad 1990: 239; Singleton 2001: 103; under the regulation, houses were to be enclosed in fencing or a palisade, 4 or 5 varas a Spanish measurement of around .85 m eters high with a locked gateway for security Single ton 2001: 103. In a later study she would elaborate that the wall symbolized th e fear that Cuban slaveholders had of the people they held in bondage and their desire and need to control them in a brutal fashion Singleton 2005: 198. Santa Ana de Biajacas may also, indeed, have been among plantations targeted by maroon groups betwee n 1837 1838 Singleton 2001: 106.

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113 Figure 5.7 First Photo of Wall Enclosure Singleton 2005:184.

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114 Figure 5.8 Second Photo of Wall E nclosure Singleton 2005:185.

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115 However, Singleton also notes that few owners likely complied with the regulation due to the expense 2005: 197. The wall enclosure is posit ed to have served several functions, including : to keep enslaved in; to keep others out; p ossible aesthetic concerns ; and, m ore abstractly, to re inscribe the authority of the owner onto the plantation landscape Singl eton and T orres de Sauza 2009: 459,460; Singleton 2006:274. Concerning the first issue, Singleton argu es that the wall likely served the &purpose of discouraging enslaved workers from running away 2005: 197 ; 2012 There is little explication as to the wall s eff ectiveness, save the fact that, as referenced previously four bond servants ran away followi ng Ignacio O Farrill s death in 1838 2005: 190,197. As Singleton observes, the wall was also designed to keep individuals from outside the plantation from contacting the enslaved population 2006: 273. One group, rancheadores or pursuers of slave runa ways were known periodically to steal bond servants from one plantation, particularly during labor shortages, and re sell them to different estates 2006: 274; this was of special concern during years of 1831 34 high sugar prices and a cholera epide mic which led many to turn to theft of human property Van Norman 2005: 191,192. Singleton observes Fraginals notion that these individuals were displaced white peasants 2001: 174. Runaways, themselves, scared the planter class, as intermittent raid s, involving the removal and/or destruction of property and, more signficantly, the freeing resident enslaved could cost an owner considerable capital, in addition to concerns of safety Singleton 2006: 273. As Bergad notes, the notion of

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116 rebellion was fa r from unthinkable from the minds of these planters, many of whom had only just fled St. Domingue Van Norman 2005: 1 31; Bergad 1990:240. P lantation owners were also paranoid of travelling salesmen and abolitionists, such as David Tu rnbull, for similar reasons 2005:191,192; 1990:240. A third function of the wall may have been aesthetics, in order to hide the unattractive appearance of the bohos Singleton and Torres de Sauza 2009: 459. Singleton cites Epperson 1990 and other scholars work where enslaved housing was hidden in subtle ways Singleton and Torres de Sauza 2009: 460; this would have been easily accomplished at Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafet al del Padre where the wall was high enough to obstruct the view of the bond servant quarters from either afar, or up c lose 2009:460. As discussed cafetales were used as places to entertain guests, and the presence of the quarters may have perceivably detracted from this qua lity 2009: 460. Laborie also su btley references this ideal of obscurred e nslaved barracks, which, in one of his layouts, are placed behind a row of trees Delle 1998: 110; see Figure 5.3. A final, less obvious, function of the enclosure like the great house was to re inscribe, materially, the authority of the owner over and likewise, to reinforce the subo rdinate position of the enslaved population. Although some of the enslaved certainly escaped, in its presence on the landscape, the owner no doubt hoped that the wall would serve to subconsciously deter bond servants i nevitable desires for freedom; in the enslaved village, a gaze out of one s boho would have witnessed a village teeming with life, but the 3.35 meter wall was always present, a constant reminder of imprisonment which stood in the background of all social interaction within the space.

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117 One research concern of Singleton s studies at Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre has included determining the commonality or rarity of wall structures, generally, among cafetales in western Cuba Singleton 2006: 274 Singleton cites two references which indicate the presence and/or recognition of walled enclosures, including the aforementioned ordinance. The second citation comes from an 1861 publication, Estudios progresivos by Alvaro Reynoso Singleton 2006: 272. In addition to proscriptions on an ideolized enslaved village, including wide, clean streets adorned with beautiful trees, 2006: 272, Singleton notes Reynoso s mention of such enclosures: for the best security, one could fence in the entire [sl ave village] with a tall, large wall, although we are convinced that such a precaution is not necessary Reynoso in Singleton 2006: 272. Although she remarks that such a structure appears to be relatively rare none besides Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal de l Padre and another plantation, Angerona, was observed in Singleton s assessment of various cafetales, Van No rman notes that one individual, Abiel Abbot, witnessed the construction of a wall at cafetal Limonal which was to encircle the entirety of the p lantation 2005: 161. Enslaved Quarters Before bond servants were able to establish permanent quarters on the landscape, most often, temporar y facilities were necessary Van Norman 2005: 8 5. Laborie 1798; 16 offered a variety of advice on the const ruction of two initial, temporary structures one for the master and one for the enslaved; this included the use of impermanent materials, such as wooden pins, lianas creeping plants and wooden beams, which would leave minimal if any trace in the arc haeological record. As Laborie advised, such temporary quarters should be placed at the border of any

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118 woodlands, as to avoid offensive exhalations emitt ed from newly opened lands 1798: 17; he may be referring either to burnt and/or rotting vegetation though, this proscription is perhaps more interesting given that such proximity of temporary quarters to the woods may have more easily facilitated escape. Following the completion of the plant ation s other major structures, such as mills, the great hou se an d drying platforms, more permanent enslaved dwellings, known as bohos were constructed Van Norman 2005: 85. A s Singleton has observed, bond servants at Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre stayed in boho s or seperate, post in hole, cabin/h ut like structures which were wood fra med, with thatched roofs Singleton and Torres de Sauza 2009: 458. These structures, most often, had dirt floors Van Norman 2005: 85,167,169. Walls were made of guano, limestone if available clay, wood suc h as ba mboo and/or interwoven palm reeds and/or branches 2005: 167; the Royal Palm Roystonia regia species, in particular, was utilized by indigenous Arawaks, and this species may have remained the favored, and available, choice used by bond servants Gravett e 2000: 7. Like most enslaved housing throughout the Caribbean and U.S., inc luding Jamaica and East Florida, furnishings within these spaces were minimal, and typically included a bed, a chair, and perhaps a desk. As John Vlach highlight s the use of the term boho in Haiti, denoted a living space with loose affiliation with the Arawak housing tradition 1986: 71. These structures, similar in form to Haitian shotgun style houses, consisted of one rectangular room with a frontward facin g gable and &a small porch 1986: 71; though, they differed in materials utilized, being primarily made of thatch cachibou and balifer

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119 branches, for example 1986: 71. Figure 5.2 depicts a boho in eastern Cuba. These structures were also similar, and in part, deri ved from, West African housing traditions, which also utilize d a rectangular house form 1986: 71. Singleton makes no such reference, but it is likely these housing forms were modified, from these traditions for enslaved living structures in Cuba. According to the estate s probate inventories, Santa Ana de Biajacas/ Cafetal del Padre had between 30 45 boho s at any one ti me Singleton 2005:199; Singleton and Torres de Sauza 2009:459. Over 100 postholes have been analyzed, and Singleton has identifi ed patterns indica ting three complete structures, bohos, measuring approximately 16.2 x 23 feet and two partial structures of indeterminate size and shape Singleton 2006: 276. Singleton claims that the the boho s were, most likely, not constructed o f wood, given the paucity of retrieved nails in the assemblages Singleton 2005: 187. The structures orientation on the plantatation landscape, whether facing the great house directly, or any other varia tion, is presently unknown Singleton 2006: 277. Th ough, Van Norman notes that bond servants often built shelters and organized them much as they would have done in their homelands, implying that many owners allowed for some level of flexib ility in determining layout 2005: 168. Significantly, Van Norm an theorizes that the use of boho s on cafetales also prevented widespread disease, unlike the more confined condtions often instituted at ingenios and cafetales in later years 2005: 181. Also of note, according to Laborie, boho s were among those item s, including two hens, provision grounds, utensils, which were to be given to bond servants as signs of

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120 status, as these individuals transitioned into working among the great gang 1798:175 ; enslaved were also a llowed to marry at this time 1798: 175. A s a coffee estate matured, the enslaved quarters either retained their form as boho s, or were re created as open style barracones Van Norman 2005: 168. Van Norman offers a depiction by contemporary planter Edwin Atkins as long double rows of stone hu ts with streets between 2005: 168. Singleton notes that these structures could be L shaped, but were also constructed in multiple shapes and sizes, and were connected by mutually shared walls Singleton and Torres de Sauza 2009: 459; bond servants staye d within these subdivided spaces, which had one room cells or cubicles 2009: 459. Alternatively, some owners, beginning in the 18 50s, utilized a barracon de pato a large rectangular structure with a central yard are known as a patio, with a single entry/exit point, which was used as a me ans of increased surveillance S ingl eton and T orres de Sauza 2009:459; Van Norman 2005: 169. Singleton notes that these structures grew in prominence, particularly, among ingenios in the 1850s following attempted slave insurrections and a general percep tion of lax standards 2009:459; 2005: 170; as I have discussed, the wall enclosure at Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre was likely instituted for similar reasons. Van Norman notes that some owners began t o implement these structures, also, due to increasing bond se rvant populations over time 2005: 170. Although planters attempted to control the living arrangements of enslaved in barracones, Singleton observes Avaro Reynoso, a contemporary Cuban planter, complained that many would go a gainst the planters authority, cooking in their rooms

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1 21 without proper ventilation, co residing with one s partner, or even creating divisions and subdivisions Singleton 2001: 108; though, she notes no such modifications have yet been evidenced among boho s at Cafetal del Padre Singleton 2001: 108. As Van Norman argues, By directing slaves into boho s &masters created conditions that allowed for a refiguring of African norms &with consequences for demographic chang e, and for the reimagining of personal and group identifications as well as cultural practices 2005:167. Drying Platforms Partial excavations of Feature D see Figure 5.5 evidence the prior location of the estate s coffee drying platforms, masonry platforms which were arranged horizontally over the batey, located about 60 meters from the wall enclosure and 65 meters from the great house Singleton 2007:658; Singleton notes that Santa Ana de Biajacas had between 18 to 22 drying platforms 2007:658. Feature D occupies an area of 60 x 21 meters 2007:658. On other plantations, these platforms were sometimes elevated vertically forming an immense stair like structure 2007:658. Warehouse/Infirmary Singleton posits that the foundations of on e structure, Feature B, indicate a warehouse /infirmary, also listed in a probate inventory 2007; 2012 Although its full dimensions are not explicated and/or are unknown, the building s eastern wall is approxim ately 18 20m long, and the structure is oriented northwest, seeming ly toward the enslaved village see Figure 5.5 Similar to the wall enclosure and the great house, the building was constructed of mampostera Singleton 2005: 187. Van Norman notes

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122 that on larger plantations, sometimes separate structures were designated as hospitals for enslaved; this function was also sometimes rendered out of bohos or the mill building 2005: 87. Resistance Bergad 1990:238 notes that o fficials in Matanzas had a considerable problem with bond servants ability to buy alcohol. Unlike Jamaica, where the consumption of liquor was tolerated, and even encouraged, among bond servants in Cuba, th is act was formally forbidden; though Laborie advised the dispensation of quantities of rum if enslaved were to work in the mills and/or in the rain 1798: 176. Notably, bottles could, and were often, re used; even bottle fragments could be used in the production of basket or hat making Singleton 2006: 281. Bottles and b ottle fragments have been found at Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre 2006: 279. Large quantities of European made tobacco pipe fragments have been recovered in the area of the enslaved village 2006:279,281. Singleton highlights that bond servan ts were given relatively few material possessions in Cuba and tobacco pipes were not among them 2006: 279; thus, these pipes arguably represent bond servants ability to acquire items beyond owners desires. Nine ceramic discs have been recovered from El Padre, measuring 8 to 15 millimeters, one from the warhouse/infirmary, and the rest from the enslaved vill age Singleton 2006:281,282; Singleton argues that the finished and unfinished pottery sherd fragments were smoothed, evidencing use beyond the objects original, intended function Singleton 2006:281,282. Similar artifacts, discussed in chapter three see Figure 3.9, were found at Drax Hall Armstrong 1990:137 138, and Singleton notes these types of

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123 a rtifacts, hypothesized as gaming pieces i n Caribbean settings 2006:282, have also been recovered from Spanish missions in California, Montserrat, and other post European contact sites in Africa Singleton 2005:195; 2006,282. As Singleton observes, today, a game known as Chiney Money is popular among Monteserratans Singleton 2006: 282; this game like another throwing game, Paw Paw which utilizes cowrie shells, may have some derived connection from African divination rituals Singleton 2001: 110; though, she acknowledges that bond servants may have used these artifacts in, perhaps, very different ways, or ascribed them mul tiple meanings Singleton 2005:196. Van Norman might argue that the introduction of these cultural practices contributed to notions of a nascent Afro Cuban identity developing at this time. Other s ignificant finds include blue glass beads. Referenced in chapter three of this thesis these objects have a long standing tradition of use among various Central and West Afri can groups, and as several scholars have argued, women in particular Stine et al. 1996: 49. Stine et al. 1996 argue that in Central and West Africa, beads had both r eligious, and secular, meaning, functioning in capacities such as trade, ceremonial use and/or personal adornment, and connoting attributes, such as cla ss and wealth 1996:53; beads were, and still are, frequently used in the creation of charms or amulets 1996: 54. In many traditional West and Central African contex ts, the color blue w as used to e ffect protection and success, or an inve rsion could cause death 1996:63, potentially useful guards against plantation management. With relocation abroad, newer generations and the passing of time, new cultural meanings were applied to thes e objects, re lative to context 1996:53. L ike the ceramic discs, one could consider thes e artifacts as a form of

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124 cultural r esistance, in the maintenance of a collective identity. Interestingly, while many are Venetian in origin, some recovered beads a t Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre were i mported from Bohemia Singleton and Torres de Sauza 2009: 460. Some o f these items may also have been brought from Africa, and would likely have been considered very valuable to bond servants who survived the voyage 2009: 460. A substantial quantity of Spanish or Spanish American sherds, including Mexican Aucilla polychrome and Spanish Triana blue on white, have been recovered from within the enslaved village at the estate Singleton 2005: 19 3. Smaller numbers Mexican and Central American sourced re d slipped pottery and El Morro, either produced within Cuba, or imported, are also among the assemblages 2005: 193 Of note, two sherds of low fired, coiled made earthenware, similar to Afro C aribbean wares and/or c olonoware, have been recovered and were apparently from a large, globular vessel known as a pote used for preparing slow cooked foods Singleton 2005: 193. S uch wares have also been found at maroon sites, perhaps demonstrating so me affiliation Singleton and Torres de Sauza 2009: 460. Similar to the worked delftware sherds, Singleton notes that their presence demonstrate how enslaved were able to shape their lives materially with goods bey ond those given to them 2009: 460. Si ngleton argues m ore evidence is necessary before any d efinitive judgements concerning pottery production at the estate are made 2006: 280. Many bond servants participated in the t he coartacion system. Under this arrangement, individuals were able to purc hase certain freedoms, such as multiple days off in a week, and ideally, full emancipation Van Norman 2005: 192. Although many ensla ved individuals participated in the system, such as those at cafetales Resur recion,

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125 Angerona and Paciencia, in reality, most died, or fled, long before ever being able to fully realize dreams of freedom 2005: 193. As Bergad 1990: 239 offers: The most common form of resistance to servitude practiced by Matanzas slaves in the early nineteen th century was flight One frequently employed practice was for enslaved individuals to flee from i ngenios to cafetales Van Norman 2005:201. A lthough many owners did not want enslaved populations from neighboring operations asso ciating, some let their bond servants find mates on plantations as a way of diffusing tension 2005:201. While the wall structure certainly made such action s difficult at Santa Ana de Biajacas, records indicate that the estate s bond servant population hid twenty runaways and cimarronnes for a period, bef ore the mayoral, Remos Leon, was informed of their presence on Christmas Day 2005:201; Singleton 2012 Van Norman notes one instance in which a ritual specialist, or brujo Federico Gang, fled ingenio Calisto to clandestinely take up residence at cafetal Recompensa in 1844 2005: 195. While at the coffee estate, he was paid to e ffect harm against a much loathed mayoral 2005: 195; his subsequent actions of intervention resulted in an upr ising against the overseer 2005: 195. Of course, thos e who fled bonded servitude w ere not limited in terms of potential settlemen t areas on the Cuban landscape, however permanent or temporary. For example, Singleton and Torres de Souza 2009:462 note that some groups of individuals, known as palenques set tled down and, on occasion, practiced forms of horticulture; such maroon communi ties were considered a threat by plantation owners, as these spaces were sometimes used as staging points for raids. Other individuals, known as cimarrones were compr ised o f small bands of runaways who stayed mobile throughout

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126 the Cuban countryside Singleton and Torres de Sauza 2009: 462. The case of one such group, headed by a bond servant named Jose Dolores, attacked multiple stock raising and sugar plantations, among ot her locales between February 1843 and March 1844 B ergad 1990: 241. Mountaineous areas, in particular, served as ideal covert locations. Rebellions were a major concern for colonial authoriti es in Cuba; an uprising in Guamacaro in Matanzas province in 1 825, for instance, led to a revising of the 1788 Codigo Carolino, which resulted in an ordinance requiring the enclosure of boho s with a palisade 4 to 5 varas high about 11.2 14 ft high Singleton 2006: 271. Uprisings in June 1835 on Ingenio Car olina and Cafetal Burato, and others in the early 1840s, also instilled fear into the hearts of slave owners; as Bergad notes, these events came to a head with La Escalara, a brutal reaction against bond servant rebell ion in 1844 1990:239. Bergad ar gues that many planters believed British abolitionists were behind these activities, and that planters were concerned, for similar reasons, over the increasing African presence on the island due to the rise of the sugar industry 1 990:239,240 As Singlet on observes attempted revolts accounted for part of nearly 400 acts of violence which occurred in Matanzas province in the second quarter of the nineteenth century 2001: 108. Notably, cholera outbreaks has been theorized by several scholars as serving to fuel desires for rebellion among enslaved, many of whom were from central and western Africa where such conditions were perceived to be symptomatic of transgressed acceptable norms b y the bond servants owners Van Norman 2005: 223,224. Less obvious, everyday forms of resistance, were, however, invariably the most employed form of resistance. As I have mentioned, for example, some cafetales had

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127 hospitals, and as Delle 1998:163 observes, enslaved individuals, by both feigning and enduring true sick ness and injury, were able to avoid their obligations to the estate in these spaces, for however temporary a period S ingleton 2006: 271 notes the presence of house yard areas among various plantations studied in Virginia and in Jamaica Armstrong 19 90; Armstrong and Kelly 2000; McK ee 1992; Epperson 1990. One could argue that this activity may have been disallowed at Cafetal del Padre, on the basis that owners tended to pride themselves on the appearance of their clean, orderly estates, espoused by L aborie and other contemporary popular writers. H owever, if taking into account Singleton and Torres 2009 aforementioned point regarding the wall s utilitous function in hiding the bond servant quarters from view one could also argue that perhaps the wall s construction also served to hide such pre existing activities or perhaps the wall s construction facilitated them at Santa Ana de Biajacas. As I have remarked elsewhere in this thesis, house yard areas wer e sites of overt, and cultural, resistance, in which bond servants were able to exercise some agency over their lives. In the bohos, and perhaps, elsewhere enslaved individuals could spend time with one s family and friends preparing traditional, or ne w, dishes, and engaging in other socializing activities. The use of indigenous languages, for example, was one method by which bond servants established ties among themselves. Owners could be particularly fearful of these activities, and rightfully so; contramayorales, f or instance, used the Lacumi language in order to coordinate an attack on cafetal Salvador in 1833 Van Norman 2005: 212. Although not disallowed universally, in 1842, one individual was

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128 whipped on cafetal Perseverancia for speaking to h is fel low bond servants in Lucumi 2005: 227. New, and traditional, styles of dance, as well as music and spiritual practi ces, as Van Norman argues, were forms of agency expressed by bond servants, as well as expressions of a nascent Afro Cuban identity 2005: 197,198 ,204 Esp ecially on days of celebration, festivos and Sundays, dancing and drumming were used as a means of bonding with one s fam ily and/or community 2005:203. T he trunks from yagrumas trees, in particular, were used for bodies of drums and animal skin were som etimes used for the heads 2005: 204; These instruments, in addition to throwing objects, such as glass beads, could also be used in spiritual practices another medium in which bond servants arguably began establishing a nas cent Afro Cuban culture. Other material culture, too, assisted i n these practices; following the uprising at cafetal Recompensa in 1844, the mayoral found more [items including] &some sacks filled with vile things in the form of relics of [the kind] that the negroes believe contain magic and also a headdress that was extensively adorned with precious stones [pedrer as] and feathers of birds 2005: 200. In th is way, religious practices expressed notion s of resistance based arou nd collective identity. Si gnificantly, Van Norman observes that bond servants on cafetales, generally, had more time to engage in such activities as compared with those on ingenios, due to the excessive labor demands of the latte r 2005:205 Although not discussed further herein foodways, too, served as a means for the burgeoning Afro Cuban population to both establish roots with their respective heritages, and as a means of facilitating new traditions and a new collective identity. Recipes, for example, could be passed down orally through generations, and/or

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129 remodified to conform to available agricultural resources. Foodsharing, in the form of stews eaten from communal bowls, was al so a crucial aspect among the many traditional African styles of cooking, and among the e nslav ed populations in Cuba 2005: 197 99. Faunal Remains As Singleton argues, the presence of less than one hundred animal fragment bones may provide evidence that meat was a rare commodity for enslaved at Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre Singleton 2006:277. However, a s Van Norman observes of an account by Adriel Abbot, in his tour of the Vuelta abajo region, meat, and pork, in particula r, was raised commonly in Cuba, and would h ave been readily available 2005: 194; Swine are raised on the islan d with great ease, especially in connexi on [sic] with a plantation 2005: 194; Abbot continues that corn, plantains and mangos served as a particularly n utritious and abundant feed 2005: 194. Given this condition, I argue in favor of Singleton s hypothe sis that bond servants here, perhaps, consumed salted or preserved fish and meats containing little or no bone, in addition to small animals raised by the population Singleton 2005: 194. Indeed, as Singleton notes, it would be curious that bond servant s, here, would have such a limited access to animal protein, especially given that the cafetal operated a portrero unless such access were forbidden Singleton 2006: 277. Conclusions This chapter has reviewed a variety of theoretical, and actual, material circumstances among bond servants at Santa Ana de Biajacas. As Van Norman argues, the presence of a mostly African, non reproducing workforce at the estate, in 1838,

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130 appears to out o f step with other cafetales in contemporary western Cuba. Rather, conditions on neighboring estates, as I have demonstrated, frequently facilitated the establishment of family units, and the foundations of a nascent Afro Cuban culture; though, this is per haps seen even at Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre where 11 Criollos were recorded, including five children For planters on western Cuban cafetales, issues of surveillance and economics were paramount; because structures were closer together, own ers were ab le to both monitor their population an d theoretically increase output due to bond servants lessened walking distance between structures. Order and the maintenance of power were key notions planters aspired to; and these notions were touted in a variety of manuals and guidebooks in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centures. For instance Laborie s recommended nucleated layout for plantations was followed at most western Cuban cafetales, including, I argue, Santa Ana de Biajacas. However, as I have reviewed, enslaved individuals had their own ideas of space, and acceptable cultural behaviors within these areas, and these two notions worked together to establish a nascent Afro Cuban identity among the small Creole population at t he estate. African derived divination practices, for example, laid the foundation for other, later spiritual forms, such as Santeria. The consumption of liquor allowed bond servants some limited capacity to subvert planter authority. Freedom was pursued with great vigor by bond servants through a variety of mechanisms, including brief absconscion, the coartacion system and/or full on flight. Those who escaped into the countryside sometimes maintained as roaming bands, but on other occassions, chose to live in maroon encampments; both groups posed a considerable threat in the eyes of the planter class.

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131 In the final chapter, I will compare the spatial relationship between and among, the bond servant quarters, the great house and most of the work are as at each plantatation, as a means of determining if any useful general izations/differences can be ascertained concerning slavery era plantations in East Florida, Cub a and Jamaica.

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132 Chapter Five Comparative Analysis/Conclusions Cultural Landscape In Discipline and Punish Foucault 1977 describes spatiality as one aspect of his technologies of power a means by which human bodies are controlled. He cites, for example, a French printing workshop which operated during the la te eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: By walking up and down the central aisle it was possible to carry out a supervision that was both general and individual: to observe the worker s presence and application, and the quality of his work; to compare wor kers with one another, to classify them according to skill and speed & 1977:145. In this way, the supervisor was able to enforce behavioral standards and encourage productive output. Significantly, the spaces the workers occupied were undoubtedly under stood in ways very different from that of the supervisor, and vice versa. Notions of a cultural landscape highlight these understandings, which can articulate and reproduce social relations. As J.E. Hood 1996:123 describes, Cultural landscape can be e xtended to include all aspects of culturally defined space &including architecture and internal building spaces, gardens, yards, town organization, regional communiction networks, field s and wasteland ; this includes the so called natural environment 1 996:123. As he continues 1996:123, Meanings supporting certain social relations can be imbued into objects and landscapes in order to help legitimate those social relations. Michael Rotman and Deborah Nassaney 1997:42 similarly assert that the b uilt environment a component of the cultural landscape actively serves to create, reproduce and transform social relations. Indeed, various spaces within the plantation landscape can be

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133 understood as spaces which articulated, and legitimated, class and power in different ways, even as these notions were contested. As Felicia Silpa mastersthes,70,71 and other scholars see Vlach 1993:8 and Payne 1999:50 argue, the great house and its surrounding vista can be seen as one component of the planter s cul tural landscape. Silpa msthes71 notes of Payne s analysis 1999:50 that, The owner s home held the central position that symbolically represented power, control order, and social status With the exception of a only sometimes small contingent of e nslaved personnel designated as house labor on any given plantation, the great house area was all b ut off limits to bond servants, a restricted space one would be punished for entering unauthorized. Though, as Lauren Knight 2010:70 observes, this feature of the cultural landsca pe was seen by bonded servants, and free laborers who worked within the space in ways very dif ferent from the owner and sometimes, even fellow bonded servants, as Slaves working at the Mansion were less likel y to interact directly with one another throughout the day, as they performed chores, fostering fewer community connections ; the five free laborers living at Bulow plantation, for example, may have been socially cut off from the rest of the bond servant p opulation. Surveillance was also exercised from these standpoints, which could have a profound effect on enslaved persons behavior in affected areas; Bulow, and possibly Santa Ana de Biajacas, for example, display the panopticon. The wall enclosure sur rounding Santa Ana de Biajacas can be understood in these respects, in addition to being a fixture capable of embodying multiple meanings and/or interpretations. For planters at the cafetal, the wall certainly functioned in some capacity as a visual, mate rial reminder of the owner s authority. However, as Singleton has

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134 argued, the wall symbolized the fear that Cuban slaveholders had of the people they held in bondage and their desire and need to control them in a brutal fashion Singleton 2005: 198. Fo r bond servants, the wall enclosure would have visually backgrounded all social interaction, preventing one from gazing out onto the plantation landscape. Factors Affecting Plantation Layout When these plantations in three politically and geographically separate colonies were chosen, I had a notion that perhaps the respective colonial owner of a given region may have had a significant impact on, not only the settlement pattern of the enslaved living area, but the spatial relationship between this config uration and the great house that a characteristic mode of slavery could be physically and essentially manifest on the landscape owed to the political atmosphere under which the structures were created. Do these assumptions hold? What other factors may account for these spatial aspects? Also, what similarities and/or differences can be observed between and/or among these plantations regarding these aspects? Am I able to include work areas in these explorations of spatial relationships? As I have r eviewed, a variety of aspects could impact the placement and/or configuration of the great house and/or bond servant quarters on the plantation landscape. These are: geo political region; proscribed laws; planter treatises; allowed flexibility for bond se rvants; informal advice; cost; geological factors and/or crop; surveillance; defense; and, spatial economic concerns. Cross Cultural Analysis As I have discussed in chapters three, four and five of this thesis, the layouts and spatial arrangements of bond servant quarters and great houses can be quite diverse, even

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135 as certain continuities are often observed among and between plantations in a giv en geo political region. For example, plantations in North America, and especially the American Southeast, commonly display the Ante Bellum Occupation Form, wherein a nucleated arrangement of quarters, often in rows along a road, was regularly located t o one side of an estate Orser 1988; Prunty 1955; Lewis 1985. Territorial era planters, prior to the Civil War, commonly observed this pattern utilized by their English forebears Orser and Nekola 1985:71. Similarly, Singleton 2010 notes that this se ttlement pattern is commonly observed among plantations in the British owned Caribbean; in both cases, the symmetry enforced upon the quarters can be seen as keeping with Georgian ideals commonly witnessed in colonial British architecture. Implicit within this notion is that the quarters were built to specific spatial standards directed by plantation management. Significantly, however, this pattern was observed neither at Bulow plantation East Florida nor Drax Hall Jamaica. Although East Florida was, for most of i ts history, ruled by Spain Bulow plantation, and others in the region, were most often operated by planters of English heritage. Spanish influence, in the form of a typical bond servant quarter layout and/or spatial relation to the great ho use, does not seem to be evident in the region. Rather, I argue Bulow keeps with an antebellum, British derived tradition seen in the American Southeast of a planter directed, symmetrical layout of the enslaved quarters. Though not affecting the layout of the bohios, per say, the presence of a wall enclosure at Santa Ana de Biajacas may indicate that the Spanish/Cuban government had an effect on the estate s use of space. Following a rebellion in 1825, authorities in

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136 Matanzas directed that owners surround their enslaved quarters with a masonry wall 4 or 5 varas high Singleton 2006:271. Laborie, the Sociedad Economica, Roughley and other contemporaneous writers also contributed to popularly followed proscriptions of the proper, centralized location of great houses, including overseers housing, bond servant quarters and work areas; many of these accounts propounded the benefits of a nucleated layout with the works, great house, and enslaved quarters within close proximity to one another. Roughley 1 823:164, for example, advised that a mill yard &being central among the surrounding cane cultivation, is a place most desirable. Laborie s advice concerning a centralized positioning of plantation structures seems to have been followed at Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre, as well. An important treatise which was adhered to by many planters in the nineteenth century Higman 1988:80 83, was Thomas Roughley s The Jamaica Planter s Guide 1823, which propounded that the overseer s house &shou ld be placed so, that all the works can be seen from it, and not far fro m the boiling house 1823:184. T hough as Higman 1987:29; 1988:81 notes, Roughley said nothing of the need to see the enslaved village ; he continues that this may have been due to a general change in social attitudes, that owners, over time, became less concerned with the possibilities for rebellion, as populations in Jamaica became increasingly creolized and perceivably more acculturated 1987:29. Notably, I exempted Roughle y s proscriptions in my description of Drax Hall because all major plantation structures were completed by 1790, some 33 years prior to the treatise s publication; it is possible, however, that whoever was

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137 responsible for the placement of Guild Hall was re flecting similar views in the structure s recession from the old village on the plantation landscape. The dispersed, non linear configuration of the enslaved quarters at Drax Hall supports a notion that bond servants here, were allowed some flexibility in determining the placement of their housing within proscribed limits On western Cuban cafetales, including Santa Ana de Biajacas, the degree of lattitude enslaved individuals had when arranging their bohios is up for debate. Bond servants on at leas t one plantation an estate belonging to the husband of a Mrs. Jenckes may have purposefully arranged their living areas similar to the semi circle shape of West African Wolof patterns Lowell 2003:93; this heritage has also been arguably, though I bel ieve, wrongly, attributed to the enslaved quarters at Bulow plantation. Thus, it is difficult to say with certainty to what degree Spanish ownership and/or other advice directly affected, specifically, the layout of the enslaved village on western Cuban cafetales, including Santa Ana de Biajacas. At times, informal advice, too, may have contributed to layouts of the bond servant quarters and/or great houses. While it is unlikely that Charles Bulow was in communication with Zephaniah Kingsley directly, it is possible that Charles was aware of this arrangement through word of mouth. Cost could also play a significant role in the organization and control of enslaved labor on an estate. For example, as Singleton cites, Santa Ana de Biajacas is one of few cafetales likely to have implemented a walled enclosure around the enslaved quarters, owed to the high cost of 5,270.70 pesos Singleton 2005:197. Further, although not observed at the aforementioned estate, some cafetales eventually evolved their bohio

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138 structures into barracones; Scott, however, has argued that many planters may not have elected for this option, owed to the significant expense Singleton 2006:273. The expense of constructing aquaducts also affected plantation owners decisions of where to place works structures among Jamaican sugar plantations Higman 1987:24. Geological factors, such as soil quality and topography could affect the placement of both of these areas. At Drax Hall, for example, the enslaved quarters and great houses were both built in areas marginal for cane production Armstrong 1990:89,90; similarly, bond servants were also housed near work areas, such as brickyards, rice fields and/or turpentine processing facilities, sometimes at a considerable distance from the ma in house Wayne 2003:238. At Bulow plantation, I argue that enslaved housing was purposefully not abutted against Bulow Creek; such a positioning which would have more easily facilitated escape. O Sullivan 2012:119 has argued that a nearby well most l ikely accounts for the placement of the works at Bulow plantation. Meanwhile, as I have referenced, bond servant housing at Drax Hall was often situated on hills in order to take advantage of prevailing winds Armstrong 1990:113. Both g reat houses on thi s estate were also situated on hills in order to exert varying levels of surveillance over the enslaved population. The vista view facilitated by Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre s position atop a hill, too, arguably allowed for some level of sur veillance. Surveillance was a key factor unto itself for the placement of bond servant quarters in a universally proximate position in relation to the great house at these three plantations. At Bulow, I agree with O Sullivan 2012 that this element was o f particular significance, owed to the threat of possible rebellion from the resident enslaved population. Surveillance was clearly evident between the enslaved quarters and the great

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139 house. I would also argue that surveillance was a primary factor in th e arrangement of the quarters at Bulow plantation; quite simply, the structures stood closer, proximally, to the great house than the works. Higman 1987:29 observes this pattern among some Jamaican sugar plantations, as well. Surveillance also appears to be of significant concern among cafetales in western Cuba, generally; the great house lay no farther than 180 meters from the former location of the bohios at Santa Ana de Biajacas. As Van Norman argues, notions of the panopticon were a regular conditi on among western Cuban cafetales, owed to the closely nucleated settlement advocated by Laborie 1798:36; Singleton 2001,106 has similarly put forward this possibility at Santa Ana de Biajacas. Interestingly, as I have commented above, strict surveilla nce over the village proper seems not to have been a factor at Drax Hall post 17 90; Guild Hall stood up to 525 meters away from the outer perimeter of the old village a distance too far for the resident overseer to exercise any absolute levels of sur veillance of the bond servant quarters on the outer, westernmost perimeter of the old village; though, as I have also argued, drivers housing may have been strategically placed in order to watch over these portions of the estate. Nevertheless, enslaved individuals were still forced to build their houses within proscribed limits. What I broadly refer to as defense could also be a considerable concern for plantation owners. As Singleton 2010:170 argues, a dispersed layout could potentially slow coll ectivized action, such as rebellion; and this settlement pattern may have been purposefully facilitated at Drax Hall. Guild Hall may have been constructed in a more recessed position on the landscape due to similar concerns; bond servant quarters may ha ve been purposefully disaggregated and placed far from the main house at Middleburg

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140 plantation for precisely this reason Barile 2004:135,136. Seminoles were a concern for East Florida planters; Bulow plantation, for example, was destroyed by Seminoles d uring the Second Seminole War. The walled enclosure at Santa Ana de Biajacas would have discouraged individuals such as rancheadores, or maroon groups, from causing problems for plantation management. At Drax Hall, t he overseer, based at Guild Hall, was a ble to watch over bond servants as they proceeded to and from the old village and the works, in the center of the cane fields. Prior to this period, the location of the works directly adjacent to the first great house would also have allowed the owner t o observe the enslaved population with ease. In the case of Bulow s sugar mill, I have argued that its positioning would have similarly allowed the owner to observe, from the great house, enslaved individuals movements from their quarters to the locatio n. At Santa Ana de Biajacas, the placement of the coffee drying platforms, and most likely other coffee processing infrastructure/areas, could be also be monitored from the position of the great house. Finally, spatial economic considerations were als o of paramount consideration to plantation owners, generally, when arranging the bond servant quarters. In his comparative study of plat maps of Jamaican sugar plantations, Higman 1987:28 ascertains, among other conclusions, that The site of the estate labourers village was determined very largely by the location of the works. As he continues, this placement minimized the time cost of movement Higman 1987:28, allowing bond servants to process more cane, more quickly. While at Drax Hall, bond ser vants only sometimes electively placed their quarters in this fashion, Higman alludes that it was more common for Jamaican sugar planters to dictate this more proximate placement 1987:28.

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141 Although beyond the scope of this thesis, it should be noted that a variety of factors could affect plantation layout, generally. Topographical features, such as hills, could sometimes be invaluable for the placement of windmills, used in the processing of sugarcane, as at Drax Hall; t opography could also affect plantat ion layout and shape generally, preventin g adherence to ideal models, a point well understood by Roughley Higman 1988:80. In the case of Jamaican sugar plantations, Higman 1988:81 notes that, Another factor limiti ng the size of the cane supply are a and the location of the works was th e capacity of the factory. Windmills, gradually replaced over the course of the eighteenth century on many Jamaican sugar estates, for example, were unable to process the amount of cane that animal and water powered operations could Higman 1988:81. Living on a Plantation: Enslaved Agency and Resistance I have previously discussed instances in which bond servants on Cuban plantations sometimes reconfigured spaces within barracon structures, also performing illicit activit es such as cooking indoors Singleton 2001: 108. Van Norman also cites that, within the confines of the bohios, bonded servants were able to renegotiate notions of individual and collective identity, through oral transmission of traditio nal foodways, recipes, stories and languages, for example. Religious practices were one way in which enslaved individuals were able to exert agency, affecting plantation management in different capacities; at ingenio Calisto, for example, a ritual special ist was paid to cast spells against the resident overseer Van Norman 2005:195. Bond servants also often worked, where possible, to improve the interiors of their quarters, crafting objects such as

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142 furniture Vlach 1993:166. These same notions can be a pplied to Bulow plantation and Drax Hall, as well. Activities on the plantation were not, of course, confined to the interior of the living quarters. The areas immediately outside bond servant quarters were also sites teeming with activity, what I have referred to as the house and yard configuration alternatively, yardspace or homeplace. Like the interior of the quarters, in these spaces, bond servants reenacted and reimagined new, and traditional, cultural forms through practice and material express ion rituals, births, burials, the socializing of children, cooking and other activities. Such activities constitute the house and yard area as a part of the cultural landscape Spencer Wood and Baugher 2010:464. The yard area also potentially containe d certain features, such as birdhouses, sometimes crafted of hollowed gourds Vlach 1993:167, which would have added a pleasant dimension to the bond servants space, perhaps a vital way of distracting one from the horrors of slavery around him or her. B irdhouses also had the function of keeping away insects which could damage crops and pester the bond servants 1993:167. Enslaved individuals at Drax Hall, and often, elsew here on Jamaica s sugar estates, may have been able to realize some measure of p rivacy in their provision grounds Hauser et al. 2011:14. The location of Drax Hall s provision grounds closer toward the shore would have fulfilled this role Armstrong 1990:18 At Cafetal del Padre, however, I argue the relatively close location of t he provision grounds, potentially within the walled enclosure, would have precluded any such possibilities Singleton 2006:277. Similarly, assuming such provision grounds were present in the central semi cleared area between the bond servant quarters a nd the great house at Bulow Plantation,

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143 surveillance of the enslaved population would have been easily facilitated via this positioning. Nevertheless, these areas were spaces in which enslaved individuals could bond with one another without the strict ove rsight of plantation management Vlach 1993:15 also highlights that enslaved individuals sometimes felt comfortable claiming work areas as theirs; though, Wayne 2010:99, notes that, in East Florida, these areas were sometimes strictly off limits dur ing certain hours, owed to the possibility of theft of the valuable cash crop. Roughley also advised that overseers stay in the works facility during times of harvest, to ensure maximum quality labor output from the bond servant population. Thus, one c an see these areas as potentially contested spaces, in which bond servants consistently attempted to exert their sense of space as planters fought dutifully against such notions. Those areas in, and around, workspaces were also important aspects of th e plantation s cultural landscape. This study concurs with Delle s 1998 spatialities of resistance those areas in which bond servants sought to escape the demands of slavery, are also part of the plantation s cultural landscape. He cites hospitals for example, where enslaved individuals endured very real injury, sickness and death; though, sometimes healthy individuals sought refuge in these areas. Covert paths, cutting through swamps or forested areas, for example, could sometimes allow bond se rvants to escape surveillance to and from various areas within, and beyond, the plantation Vlach 1993:13. Higman 1988:291 and Vlach 1993:12 14 highlight that the firmly delineated boundaries envisioned by owners held only certain value in the eyes of bonded servants, whose African derived traditions encouraged these individuals to incorporate intra plantation networks and knowledge of the countryside, and sometimes markets, areas

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144 far beyond the bounds planters intended, or desired. Even when forced into the confines of the plantation landscape, bonded servants at Bulow, Drax Hall and Cafetal del Padre/Santa Ana de Biajacas, and elsewhere, could always look into the distance for some notion of potentially obtai nable freedom. In Jamaica and Cuba, the mountains were an ever present backdrop at Drax Hall and Santa Ana de Biajacas/Cafetal del Padre, respectively. In Florida, bond servants could look to the swamps for potential reprieve from the plantation order, t aking up with local Seminoles. Beyond the Plantation Site : Maroons As I have referenced throughout this thesis, enslaved could sometimes abscond for extended periods, taking up covertly in the mountains, at other plantations, in the countryside, swamp s, caves or any other of a number of places for extended periods, what Terrence Weik has referred to as grand maroonage 2005. However, sometimes bond servants would escape to these places only temporarily, for several weeks or perhaps only a few days, so called petite maroonage 2005. At each estate I have reviewed plantations in the nearby area could be accessed easily, with knowledge of the landscape obtained by absconding hiring out, and/or sanctioned trips to the market, as the case may have been. For example, Figure 4.1 shows other East Florida p lantations in the nearby area; McHardy Plantation was about 5 mi les away and even the farthest, New Sm yrna Beach, was less th an 35 miles away. These inter plantation networks can also be understood as part of bond servants cultural landscape. Even if not escaping to another estate, bond servants often utilized campsites and caves in t he countryside, arguably additional elemen t s of their cultura l landscape Spencer Wood and Baugher 2010 : 464 Vlach 1993:13; Anthony Andrews personal communication The cultural landscape

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145 could also be expanded to include waterways, which Vlach declares an alternative territorial system Vlach 1993:13; these waterways could be used not only to transport goods to market, but also to visit other plantations, gain knowledge of the surrounding landscape and/or to escape 1993:13. Importantly, as Baram 2012 notes, bond servants taken from Africa would have understood the landscape of their new surroundings in ways very different from those born in a given region, by sheer virtue of the formers ex posure to multiple surroundings. I f place is, as has been argued, a vital factor often inextricably linked w ith identity, such notions should be considered in the context of the trans Atlantic trade. How might have enslaved individuals renegotiated their individual and collective identities after being permanently uprooted from their homelands? In what ways w ere f ormer notions of place retained or re im agined ? On the other hand, in what ways were new places i.e., within the respective plantation landscape, and be yond ascribed meaning? It is impossible, of course, to know how, exactly, these differen ces in understanding played out amon g these individuals, but it is a fact worth taking into consideration. Future Research: Housing Bond Servants In this thesis, I have followed Heath s 2012 suggestion, concerning an examination of the living conditions of temporary and/or hired labor. These individuals most likely stayed in some form of temporary dwellings consisting of more perishable, an d easier to assemble materials, such as palm frond s, guano and/or wattle and daub relative to location; this housing was possibly similar to that utilized by official bonded servants of the estate during any given plantation s earliest operations.

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146 Another form of temporary housing was modular housing, utilized in British controlled territo ries, including the Bahamas and Barbados as well as on some estates in North America ; notably, many planters from the Bahamas brought this knowledge with them when they moved to the Florida Keys Gravette 2000:44. Also of importance, F rench owned island s used a variety of this form as well, as in Guadalupe 2000:42,43. Although variations existed, the modular hut was a lightweight, wooden prebuilt structure, and could be added to, or moved as needed 2000:43. The modular hut s dimensions never exce eded a width of ten feet wide, and its length was double its width 2000:43. The structure s sole entrance, in the front, was reached by stairs 2000:43. Given the English heritage of the plantations respective former owners, is it possible this type of housing was adapted for populations at Bulow and/or Drax Hall at one or various points? Significantly, a notion of differential status among bond servants at Drax Hall can be observed in the ar chaeological record Edwards 1793 account offers that the planter determined status of an enslaved individual on the plantation was sometimes reflected in hi s access to more spacious/better living arrangements Armstrong 1990:93; Reeves 2011: 204. Though, it may be assumed that however compliant some bon d servants at Drax Hall may have been, that most, like most enslaved throughout Jamaica, were never elevated from their respective relatively low status on the plantation. With future archaeological research, perhaps a basic hypothesis which could be te sted is that more one and two room structures were constructed throughout the course of the plantation s slavery era history than three room structures. This differentiation in available living space is significant because it further contributes to notio ns that not all

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147 enslaved indiviudals were alike; at various intersections, certain individuals made decisions which had the pote ntial to increase their status, in the ey es of the plantation management, and, through this, their available living space, while others did not. C ertainly, those who misbehaved, such as those who chronically resisted planter authority, were denied such opportunities to better their lot. Such understandings also grant greater insight into the quality of life/living conditions f or the enslaved at Drax Hall and the ways that dialectical resistance manifest materially in the landscape. As Lewis 1985 :38 notes, overseers housing, in th e North American Southeast, was commonly located to one side of the owner s house, among o ther plantation dependencies, buildin gs used for multiple purposes, such as housing, kitc hens and workshops, as opposed to within the site of the enslaved quarters location, proper Perhaps with future research, similar notions of status differentiation ca n be observ ed in the archaeological record at Bulow Plantation and/or Drax Hall. Conclusions Centering this thesis are the individuals who worked on the plantations. I have traced various aspects concerning bond servant population demographics at three plantations, critically analyzing those at Bulow plantation and Cafetal del Padre/Santa Ana de Biajacas, in particular, as a means of greater understanding bond servants living conditions and family structures on these plantations. For instance, I have argued that, given situations of gender parity among the adult population, and the high presence of children at Bulow plantation, it is likely that these individuals were, together, of family units. These North American born populations would have have u nderstood the plantation landscape, and their world, in ways different from their African born

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148 ancestors; new cultural forms would have developed in tandem, such as religious practices and foodways knowledge, even as traditional forms were passed down and/ or modified. Van Norman has argued this circumstance of family units among most cafetales in western Cuba; notably, the higher quantities of enslaved labor at Santa Ana de Biajacas may have resulted in a more regimented variety of labor on the estate G arcia Rodriguez et al. 2011:15. Why was the demographic at Santa Ana de Biajacas so different? In what ways did these enslaved respond? I have argued these individuals were most likely forming families on other nearby cafetales. Notably, significant, and increasing, numbers of creoles were also recorded over Drax Hall s long history, and would have experienced/expressed similar notions of changing cultural forms and family structures. I have also traced the importance of incorporating oral histories as a means of better understanding the labor utilized at Bulow plantation, and of plantations, in general. James Ormond III, for example, recalls the presence of some 300 400 individuals on the property. Is it possible a large part of this population was composed of temporary hired labor? Like Heath 2012, I have also argued the importance of taking into account hired labor which is frequently silenced in the production of an estate s history Trouillot 1995. Temporary labor can be a difficult presence to locate, owed to these individuals absence in records such as censuses and/or probate inventories. In addition to receipts, oral histories, too, can be a vital source of informatio n for highlighting these individuals significant contributions. In Fairbanks 1984 article, he argues the need for more extensive comparative analyses of plantations, so as to understand certain aspects of enslaved life, such as burial

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149 patterns; follo wing this, I have analyzed the spatial orientations between the great house, bond servant quarters and work areas at three plantations in three geo politically separate regions Concerning the utility of my comparison as a means of distinguishing particul arities and universals of spatial arrangements of bond servant quarters and great houses, I find my approach to have mixed results. First, I shall offer a critique. I would argue that, while informative, these plantations offer a potentially skewed under standing of the nature of slavery in these given regions. Each case study is unique in its own way. For example, although coffee plantions in western Cuba were ofte n touted in popular literature, and among planters, as showcases of refinement, the un ique wall enclosure at Santa Ana de Biajacas clearly evidences that social relations on the plantation were no less volatile. Adding to this dichotomy, while bond servants on most contemporaneous cafetales were creating family units by 1838, this does not appear to be the case at Santa Ana de Biajacas. Meanwhile, although sugar plantations in Jamaica often demanded the use of strictly regimented gang labor, stri ct oversight over the outer perimeter of the bond servant quarters by the overseer s dwelling Guild Hall, was seemingly lessened by 1790 at Drax Hall. At Bulow plantation, a task system of labor was utilized, and the bond servant population was evidently forming family units, even as these individuals endured the terrible cruelty of John Bul ow and the unceasing surveillance of the panopticon inspired configuration of the bond servant quarters, a settelement pattern seen nowhere else in Florida but Kingsley plantation. All of this said, I find the comparative approach to be of utility in h ighlighting notions that slavery, as it was experienced by bond servants, could be of an exceptional nature, even within a spatial temporal frame conventionally understood to be of a certain kind of slavery.

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150 I argue that my study could be strengthene d through additional comparative analyses of plantations within, between and among those of different regions. More extensive analyses of spatiality in East Florida, for instance, could prove vital in understanding the universals and particulars of the spa tial arrangements of bond servant quarters and/or great houses among plantations in the region, generally. In the vein of O Sullivan s 2012 research, I think a viewshed analysis as a means of better understanding issues of surveillance and power could a lso be beneficial to the studies thus far carried out at Drax Hall and Cafetal del Padre. How might these aspects compare to a study of Bahamanian English owned cotton plantations? Haitian French owned coffee plantations? Early Chesapeake tobacco pl antations? Sign i ficantly, in 2004, a database known as DAACS the Digital Archaeological Archive of Comparative Slavery, created by the Thomas Jefferson Foundation, came online The database was initiated in order to compare data from p lantations within the Caribbean, South Carolina, and Chesapeake regions, dating between 1700 and 1850, against that at Monticello, and the North American Southeast, as a means to better understand various facets of African American life, such as diachronic variation; such information will prove invaluable in the field of comparative enslaved studies, such as that undertaken with this thesis. contains details on faunal remains, settlement patterns, 3D laser imagery, artifacts and other information which has contributed to a better understanding to the site s current listing of 22 plantations. Interestingly, while Seville plantation is included, Drax Hall, is not. It is assumed that, with time, perhaps plantations from additional regions and colon ial r egimes from within the African Diaspora will be added. I champion the notion, too, that this database can be

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151 used to better understand the intersection of power, space and enslaved agency at various plantations, as well as other issues, such as spati al economy and foodways analysis. In George Marcus 1995 argues that the interconnected global theater begat of capitalism has rendered subalterns and their experiences and perspectives as notions which can be universally understood via the use of multi sited ethnographies, as well as mor e traditional, single site studies, relative to research objectives. Charles Orser 1996 puts forth a similar notion in his archaeological study examining the interconnected relations between an nineteenth century peasant village and a maroon community in Palmares, Brazil. In the same vein, I argue this thesis shows that crossing imperial boundaries and national origins is productive for the archaeological study of plantations, and the enslaved populations which made their existence possible. In summ ation, there are a variety of ways to go about better understanding the vastly complex past lives of the enslaved; this comparative study has been but a small step in this direction. These plantations were united in at least one signficant respect, they w ere all operated by those in bonded servitude who wanted nothing more than the free will to live their lives as they deemed fit. Enslaved individuals responded to this desire, wherever possible on the plantation landscape, or in flight. They responded in the maintenance, creation and passing down of cultural traditions, such as languges, foodways and spiritual practices. These individuals also fought to create and preserve familes, no matter which empire controlled the territory or the national origin of power.

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152 Appendices Appendix 3.1 Cumulative Ownerships of Drax Hall

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155 Armstrong 1990:281 84.

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156 Appendix 4.2 The Ante Bellum Occupation Form As multiple scholars have outlined, most layouts of enslaved quarters were designed to facilitate control via surveillance Singleton 2010:168; Orser 1988:323; Poesch and Bacot: 1997. Very often, this is manifest in the form of rows, or clusters, of bond servant quarters, often nucleated, which ran alongside the main road leading to the great house see Poesch and Bacot 1997:90; Lewis 1985; Orser and Nekola: 1 985; Orser 1988:323; Morgan 19 98:104; Vlach 1973; Baker 1999: 118; Joyner 2003. As Charles Orser 1988:322 notes, this pattern has been described by several scholars, beginning with Merle C. Prunty, as the Ante Bellum Plantation Occupance Form Single ton 2010:168; Prunty 1955; though, Singleton notes this pattern has also been observed throughout Brazil and the Caribbean Singleton 2010:168. However the arrangement of bond servant quarters on some U.S. estates could also differ, such as the random configuration seen among early tobacco plantations in the Chesapeake 2010:168; Morgan 1998:104. Clearly, Charles Bulow did not follow either of these contemporary trends.

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157 App endix 4.2 Layout of Mt. Vernon Plantation, VA Lewis 1985:39.

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158 Appendix 5.1 Angerona Plantation; watchtower depicted at left Singleton 2001:105.

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159 Bibliography lvarez, Lisette R. 2007 El boho: vivienda esclava en las plantaciones cubanas del siglo XIX La Jiribilla. [ ] accessed 4/25/2013. Armstrong, Douglas V. 1985 An Afrojamaican Slave Settlement: Archaeological Investigations at Drax Hall. In The Archaeology of Slavery and Plantation Life ed. T. Singleton, pp.261 87. Academic Press, New York. 1990 The Old Village and the Great House: An Archaeological and Hist orical Examination o f Drax Hall Plantation, St. Ann s Bay, Jamaica Blacks in the New World. University of Illinois Press, Urbana. 1991 The Afro Jamaican Community at Drax Hall. Jamaica Journal 241: 3 8. 1999 Archaeology and Ethnohistory of the Caribbe an Plantation. In I, Too, Am America: Archaeological Studies of African American Life ed. T. Singleton, pp.299 310. University Press of Virginia, Charlottessville. 2003 Creole Transformation from Slavery to Freedom: Historical Archaeology of the East End Community, St. Johns, U.S. Virgin Islands University Press of Florida, Gainesville. 2011 Reflections on Seville: Rediscovering the African Jamaican Settlements at Seville Plantation, St. Ann s Bay. In Out of Many, One People The Historical Archae ologyof Colonial Jamaica eds. J.A. Delle, Mark W. Hauser and Douglas V. Armstrong, pp.77 101. The University of Alabama Press. Armstrong, Douglas V. and Kenneth G. Kelly 2000 Settlement Patterns and the Origins of African Jamaican Society: Seville Planta tion, St. Ann s Bay, Jamaica. Ethnohistory 72: 369 97. Baker, Henry A. 1991 Archaeological Excavations at the Bulow Dwelling House, 1982. Florida Archaeological Reports No. 23. Florida Division of Historical Resources, Bureau of Archaeological Research. Tallahassee 1999 Fifteen Years on Bulow Creek: Glimpses of Bulowville. The Florida Anthropologist 521 2: 116 123. Baker, Henry A. and Stephen J. Gluckman 1967 Archaeological Investigations at Bulow Plantation Ruins State Park: A Preliminary Report. Manuscript on file, Florida Master Site File, Tallahassee, Florida.

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