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Publisher: New College of Florida
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Subjects / Keywords: Women and Development
Latin America
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theses   ( marcgt )
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Abstract: This thesis examines gender equity in Brazil and Argentina by studying the subtopic of female economic opportunity. In this comparative study, the questions asked are if, and how, the diverse industrial economic development patterns of Brazil and Argentina have influenced female economic opportunity. Additionally, how these economic opportunities have or have not impacted the livelihood and agency of women in these two nations is discussed. Utilizing economic and gender theory, the economic opportunity of women in this paper is measured through six indices of equality, gender and development, such as the GEO, HDI, WEO and others. The historical context of economic development and women's rights and employment is also considered, as well as factors that have enabled or hindered the progression of these variables. This paper illustrates the seemingly contradictory concept that although Brazil possesses a higher degree of women's economic opportunity in comparison with Argentina, Argentina has a higher degree of human development and gender equity based on the country's gradual industrial transition in the 20th century.
Statement of Responsibility: by Laura Libby
Thesis: Thesis (B.A.) -- New College of Florida, 2013
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The New College of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Local: Faculty Sponsor: Dean, Erin; Hernandez, Sarah

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Classification: local - S.T. 2013 L69
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Permanent Link:

Material Information

Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: Libby, Laura
Publisher: New College of Florida
Place of Publication: Sarasota, Fla.
Creation Date: 2013
Publication Date: 2013


Subjects / Keywords: Women and Development
Latin America
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: This thesis examines gender equity in Brazil and Argentina by studying the subtopic of female economic opportunity. In this comparative study, the questions asked are if, and how, the diverse industrial economic development patterns of Brazil and Argentina have influenced female economic opportunity. Additionally, how these economic opportunities have or have not impacted the livelihood and agency of women in these two nations is discussed. Utilizing economic and gender theory, the economic opportunity of women in this paper is measured through six indices of equality, gender and development, such as the GEO, HDI, WEO and others. The historical context of economic development and women's rights and employment is also considered, as well as factors that have enabled or hindered the progression of these variables. This paper illustrates the seemingly contradictory concept that although Brazil possesses a higher degree of women's economic opportunity in comparison with Argentina, Argentina has a higher degree of human development and gender equity based on the country's gradual industrial transition in the 20th century.
Statement of Responsibility: by Laura Libby
Thesis: Thesis (B.A.) -- New College of Florida, 2013
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The New College of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Local: Faculty Sponsor: Dean, Erin; Hernandez, Sarah

Record Information

Source Institution: New College of Florida
Holding Location: New College of Florida
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: local - S.T. 2013 L69
System ID: NCFE004813:00001

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1 AND INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT IN BRAZIL AND ARGENTINA BY LAURA J. LIBBY A Thesis Submitted to the Division of Social Sciences New College of Florida In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Bache lor of Arts Under the sponsorship of Erin Dean and Sarah Hernandez Sarasota, Florida, USA May, 2013


2 Dedication This project is dedicated to women around the world who maintain their dignity in the face of bigotry, sexism, machismo, and other soci oeconomic limitations on a daily basis that many Western women could never fathom. May your dignity and determination light your way into a new 21 st century era of greater equality. This project is also dedicated to my parents, Susan and Brian Libby, as w ell as the most courageous and determinedly kind women in my life, my grandmother Mary Josephine Alexander Goff, who will be forever missed by our family.


3 Acknowledgements I would like to thank the many New College professors who encourage academic excell ence I would like to acknowledge the unwavering support of my family, who has always had faith in even my most seemingly unattainable dreams, even when my dreams involved me moving to a foreign continent The patient and thoughtful staff of the New Coll ege Jane Bancroft Cook library Professor Akam, at Northern Arizona University, for inspiring me to expand my education and teaching excellent courses on George Orwell and 9/11 Bens Bells of Tucson for reminding me that kindness is something we choose, no t granted Fantastic public school teachers Sandra Smith and Maria Oertle who taught me to speak in class and have confidence in my intelligence My laughing New College friends For all the bad bosses and angry people who I have dealt with in close proxim ity in the past five years; you have taught me tolerance and forgiveness My friends around the US and the world whose enduring friendships have not only served to enrich adventures abroad that we fared together, but reassure my belief that people have fa r more in common than they might imagine Lastly, I would like to point out that any mistakes or misinterpretations are entirely my own, and reflect in no way on the institution I attend or the sources I utilize for this study.


4 Table of Contents Cover P Chapter Two: The Economic Developmen t of Brazil and Argentina from a Historical Perspective 29 53 Responsibilities ge 9 5


5 Table of Images 1. Graph 1.1: The Cycle Economic Opportunity Development...Page 13 2. 3. Graph 4.1 : Brazil and Argenti na: A Comparison of Their Female Rates of Labor 4. Graph 4.2: The Percent of Women Employed in the Industrial Sector of the Economy 5. Graph 4.3 : Structure of the Human D evelopment 6. Graph 4.4 : Brazil: 2007 2011 HDI Scores in Compari son With Other 7. Graph 4.5 8. Graph 4.6 : Argentina: 2007 2011 HDI Scores in Com par ison With Other 9. Graph 4.7 10. Graph 4.8 : The Structure of the Gender Inequality Index (GII 11. Graph 4.9 : Gender Inequality Index Trends (199 5 2011) Sample: Ranging from 12. Graph 4.10 : Gender related Development Index and Gen der Empowerment 13. Graph 4.11 : Global Gender Gap Index Detailed 2012 Rankings: Brazil and Arge 14. Graph 4.12 Ranking of 113 15. 94 16. 94


6 IN BRAZIL AND ARGENTINA Laura Libby New College of Fl orida, 2013 ABSTRACT This thesis examines gender equity in Brazil and Argentina by studying the subtopic of female economic opportunity. In this comparative study, the questions asked are if, and how, the diverse industrial economic development patterns of Brazil and Argentina have influenced female economic opportunity. Additionally, how these economic opportunities have or have not impacted the livelih ood and agency of women in these two nations is discussed. Utilizing economic and gender theory, the ec onomic opportunity of women in this thesis is measured through six indices o f equality, gender and development, such as the GEO, HDI WEO and others. The historical context of s rights and employment is also considered as we ll as factors that have enabled or hinder ed the progression of these variables. This thesis illustrates the seemingly contradictory concept that although Brazil possesses a higher na has a higher degree of human development and gender equity industrial transition in the 20 th century Professor Erin Dean Professor Sarah Hernandez Anthropology Sociology


7 Acronyms BRICS S trong developing economies: Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa FDI Foreign Direct Investment GDI Gender related Development Index GDP Gross Domestic Product GEM Gender Empowerment Measurement GGG Global Gender Gap Index GII Gender Inequality Index GINI A measure of the statistical dispersion of income, created by Corrado Gini GNP Gross National Product HDI Human Development Index HDR Human Development Report IMF International Monetary Fund ISI Import Substitution Industrialization NGOs Non G overnmental Organizations UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNDR United Nations Development Report WE O Economic Opportunity Index WB World Bank WTO World Trade Organization


8 Chapter 1: Introduction elopment strategy more be neficial to society as a whole women and men a like than the one which involves women as Kofi Annan Ghanaian Diplomat and Former UN Secretary General child mortality and increase the employment opportunities for women, which then affects the political dialogue and gives women the opportunity for a greater role in Amartya Sen Developmental Economist and Nobel Prize Laureate


9 Foreword When I was seventeen years old, I graduated from high school early and moved to a foreign country for one year, where I did not speak the language, nor know a soul on the entire continent. Some might think that was crazy, and in hindsight, it partly was. However, I would not be the same person that I am today without that experience. On my first day as a Rotary exchange student on my flight to So Paulo, Brazil, I could not have fathomed what challenges awaited me, nor the friendships or experiences ahead. I also could never have anticipated how horribly difficult and simultaneously phenomenal that year ab road would be. Then again, that is the joy of traveling. Living abroad for a year at such a young age, in a massive city with Brazilian host families, was primarily empowering. In comparison to attending a language class a few hours a week in the US A I le arned that I could in fact learn languages quickly and with ease when immersed in a culture. That human nature is extraordinarily similar across borders also became evident. Granted, there were days, even weeks when my homesickness would not abate, and my stomach refused to absorb any more strange foods. Conversely, there were magnificent days when locals asked me a foreigner! for directions, and I accomplished and experienced things I never imagined doing, such as spying pink dolphins in the Amazon River. The most difficult aspect s of my year abroad were two fold. The first aspect was being tre ated differently as a woman, while the second was learning how to be adept at being continually inept. In Brazil, while independent and powerful women are becoming more celebrated, the opinion of a woman is still overshadowed by the superior opinion of a man. Being ignored by my host family who preferred the opinion of my close


10 demeaning a nd frustrating. Ho wever, it taught me to appreciate my truly privileged position as a woman living in the United States, and helped me comprehend the daily difficulties faced by women from various other places around the world, particularly in Latin Americ a where machismo is still a powerful reality. After growing up in my American household, I had never perceived that my gender could serve as a determinate to education, employment, access to healthcare, social obligations and other opportunities. Particul arly after starting college, the injustices women faced abroad, often as the only breadwinner in a household as well as the primary parent raising multiple children in a society where a woman was not allowed to vote or denied access to healthcare for her t hird, fourth, or fifth pregnancy, overwhelmed me. As I learned through various college anthropology and economics classes, women, who so often served as the cornerstones of families, communities, and indeed societies as a whole, were treated as second clas s citizens, based on a plethora of internal and external influences. Yet development projects in the past 50 years have focused almost exclusively on empowering men Nevertheless thanks to an increase in gendered approaches by various international Non G overnmental Organizations (NGOs) in the past 15 to 20 years, women have steadily come into focus as the lynch pin in terms of development program successes abroad, particularly in the impoverished and vulnerable regions in the world, such as in the state o f Pernambuco, Brazil. Generally, w omen involved in development programs, such as micro lending, spent for the family unit and not for individual means; hence comes the concept that investing in women is an investment in communities. The


11 key seemed to lie in the opportunity of women to self organize and empower themselves through these programs after all, who would know best what these women require to succeed, and what areas they are lacking, than women themselves?


12 I. Introduction This comparative study, bas ed on empirical evidence from the indices reports, ethnog raphies and compellations drawn from the fields of anthropology, sociology, economics, and gende r studies, dive s into the topic of women and development in Latin America. I have actively worked to e nhance the interdisciplinary quality of this analysis, and it is important to note that these multiple perspectives do not always present a coordinated world view in terms of my thesis question. In order to simplify the expansive topic of women and develop ment in Latin America, the primary focus of this thesis is the correlation between economic development and access to economic and employment opportunities Examining the economic opportunities and livelihoods of women encompass es historica determined identities, the experience of women in the development process, and other mitigating factors. Due to the constraints posed by writing a succinct undergraduate thesis my focus to explore if and how the diverse industrial economic development patterns of Brazil and Argentina have influenced economic opportunities for women. Additionally how these economic opportunities and develo pment processes have, or have not, affected the livelihoods and agency of women in those nations is discussed. I argue that d ue to the complexity and successful development of the economic a higher level of female employment o pportunity and economic participation is evident in comparison with Argentina. Argentina while successful in terms of human development among other factors has delayed its economy


13 expansion from agriculture to the industry and services sectors Due to hi storically protectionist policies, Argentina has refrained from joining Brazil on the fast track to competitive economic development. I suggest that based on this economic trajectory, Argentinean women are left with fewer economic opportunities than their Brazilian counterparts. However, this is not to say that Brazilian women possess greater equity or empowerment than Argentineans; in fact, this thesis illustrates a fascinating contradiction that Argentinean women possess greater equity and level of empowe rment than Brazilians based on various economic index measures such as the Global Gender Gap Index. Graph 1. 1: The Cycle of Development The premise of this thesis is illustrated in the flow chart above and this line of thought will be elaborated upon in the subsequent pages. This chart illustrates the concept that the effects of modernization lead to industrialization and economic growth in Latin America, which in turn triggers higher human growth Generally, this human growth leads to a reduction in the gender gap and eventually to the increased economic opportunity of women. As noted in the 2012 World Development Report, expanding Industrialization; Higher Living Standards; Lower Gender Gap M odernization and Globalization Economic Opportunity


14 economic opportunity for women increases school enrollment for gir ls, which in turn boosts labor participation in the future (United Nations, 2012, 56). This illustrates that greater employment opportunities for women in one generation can lead to better education and employment oppor tunities in the next generation, inch ing closer to higher gender equality. II. Why Brazil and Argentina? I selected these two developing Latin American countries because of the similarities in their economies, colonial history, political contentions in the past 20 th century, geographic size and location, as well as their divergence economic growth paths i n the past 50 years. Historically, Brazil and Argentina were colonies at the hands of the Portuguese and Spanish for centuries, achieving political independence at a similar time (a subject which will be discussed in depth in Chapter 2). Politically, both nations suffered at the hands of authoritarian military regimes in the 20 th century although today both are democracies The se 20 th century military regimes dramatically impacted both Brazi lian and Argentinean societies, particularly in terms of the economic plans put in place during these eras (this topic will also be discussed in Chapter 2). Geographically, Brazil and Argentina are neighbors in the south central region of South America s haring s imilar ecosystems and landforms. The two countries are also the two largest Latin American nations in terms of g eographic size Brazil has a total geographic size of 3,287,357 square miles (the fifth largest geographic country in the world), while Argentina has a land mass of approximately 1,056,642 square miles ( the eighth largest nation in terms of geographic size ) (World Bank, 2012). Both countries have significant population s : Brazil has a population of 196.7 million, while Argentina


15 has a popul ation of 40.76 million, according to a recent World Bank development report (World Bank, 2011) Economically both Brazil and Argentina are upper middle income countries with high levels of gross domestic product ( GDP 1 ) Despite their similarities, t he pa st 50 years have been characterized by a profound diverge nce in the economic growth patterns of the two nations. Why has this occurred? Many point to the powerful Brazilian complex industrial sector which is one of the most promising worldwide. In contras t Argentina exceeds Brazil in human development measures, according to the Human Development Index (HDI), which is discussed in depth in subsequent chapters I h ave kept these significant contrasts in mind while writing this thesis, and believe that drawi ng upon these seemingly contradic tory development positions deepen the interpretation of conclusions made in the fourth and fifth chapters of this thesis I focus upon the facts that Brazil and Argentina are two Latin American powerhouses who compete inten sely in economic, technological, touristic political, and natural resource fields today. Their historical similarities and competition in these various fields makes them excellent cases to study opportunities in the wor k forces of developing countries. III. Contrasting Development Constructs The development process is tentatively defined in different manners in every social science field. For the purposes of this analysis, two different aspects of development are conside red: that prioritized by the fields of anthropology ( and other 1 The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is the market value of all services and goods produced within a country, typically within a year. GDP per capita is used as an indicator of the standard of living within a nation within the field of macroeconomics. The GDP of a nation is calculated by using the equation: GDP = private consumption + gross investment + government spending + (exports imports) (Cypher et al, 200 4, 33).


16 social sciences), and that prioritized by the field of economics. In terms of anthropology, gender studies and sociology the concept of development in this thesis entail aspects of human deve lopment a nd the decrease of inequalities, particularly gender inequality. Development in terms of economics in this analysis entails a focus upon the process of economic growth and stability, as illustrated by statistical data. Before delving into these contrasting development constructs, it is useful to c onsider the limitations and the problematic definition of development in a global context The influence of Western constructs on international development is skillfully outlined by politi cal scientist and International D evelopmental Theorist, Sue Ellen Charlton begins her article by discussing the definitional conflict stemming from the fact that although contemporary dev elopment is viewed as occurring only in developing nations (or the more problematic term Third World countries), Western term and concept in origin. This is problematic in that the West itself ha s already undergone development; critics p osit that the West unfairly molds the development process of the global South. Charlton additionally notes the significance of t he hierarchical structure of the 20 th century international system She emphasizes the dominant Western political, economic, an d cultural influence of the rest of the world, as well as the rise of non nation state actors. These non nation state actors ( organizations such as the UN and its affiliates including UNICEF and UN Women) encompass both private and public organizations tha t make a significant impact on women by focusing on their issu es specifically, sometimes more so than domestic governments (Charlton, 1997, 9). Charlton


17 furthermore discusses that the hierarchy of international nation states are typically determined by the level of industrialization, the size of a po pulation, and military strength. She applies this concept to the international hierarchy of the past 100 years, which has been dominated by the United States and other Western nations These nations have possess ed significant leverage and power over developing or Southern nations, including Brazil and Argentina. In terms of po litical control, Charlton discusses the repetitive cycle of colonialism, imperialism, and developing world dependency in relation to develo pment. She notes that these processes at one point directly extracted local or regional control from its dome stic location in the developing world and placed it in the capital of a Western colonizer. This iety, for (Charlton, 1997, 7). The loss of stature women suffered will be disc ussed in depth in Chapt er 3, beginning with an analysis of sociologist Ester Boserup and her book, Development IV. Feminist Development Theories : WID, WAD and GAD In this section, we see the impact Western ethnocentric understanding of organization and dev elopment has had on feminist perspectives T hese perspectives are in play within the umbrella topic of women and development, which more specifically is expounded upon through an analysis of th ree 20 th century theoretical waves of feminist development fram eworks These waves of feminism influenced the environment in which the Western world. The


18 communications scholar Nalini Visvanathan (1997) who se work explicitly focuses on women and their role in development. The first of the three frameworks is Women in Development, or WID, which is the oldest of the three perspective s WID relates to the modernization theory of the 1950s 1 970s, which portrayed traditional societies as patriarchal and authoritarian, while modern societies were democratic and fair to all individuals. WID focuses on Western values a nd pinpoints the individual as a mechanism of social change (Visvanathan, 199 7, 17). While some l iberal feminists view modernization as a sensitive approach to the oppression of women, progressive feminists tend to find modernization theory distorted (Visvanathan, 1997, 17). WID utilizes a non confrontational approach, focusing on the need for women to be incorporated in economic systems through changes enacted in law makin g administrations and economic structures. The second wave of feminism theory in development is Women and Development, or WAD. WAD emerged in the 1970s based on WID criticisms and modernization theory. WAD stems specifically from the dependency theory, which blossomed out of Marxist notions of the exploitation of agricultural workers and in the 1970s was applied to women being exploited by multinational corporatio ns (Visvanathan, 1997, 22). WAD and dependency feminists view the inequalities between men and women as a component of the global economy, determined by capitalist accumulation (Visvanathan, 1997, 22). WAD highlights the idea that women cannot be integrate d into development because women have inherently always been a component and not independent variable, of the development proce ss. Critics of WAD note that this


19 framework fails to analyze the relationship between oppression, patriarchy and modes of produc tion, which weakens the economic linkages between women and development (Visvanathan, 1997, 19). The third and most recent theory is Gender and Development, otherwise known as GAD, which was introduced in the 1980s and 1990s. GAD draws upon both WAD and W ID theories of thought. However, GAD is primarily based on socialist feminism, and is an the reproductive sphere er in the economy and greater society. GAD anticipates the active participation of the state in the process of social reproduction, according to Visvanathan, and gives credi t to the wants of women to obtain economic independence through community organization and public education through its holistic approach to development. Furthermore, GAD acknowledges that patriarchy acts both across and within class divisions to oppress w omen, and that it is necessary to stir up the existing class relations between women and men to promote positive change in terms of equality between g enders (Visvanathan, 1997, 19). The analysis and theory of this thesis is most closely align ed with GAD, p articularly due to its emphasis on women as active individuals in terms of economic participation and independence. Visvanathan acknowledges that the three component approaches of WID, WAD and GAD were primarily created b y Western feminists However, that is not to say that women and their role in development have been a Western manifestation; in fact, Visvanathan notes that in the South or developing


20 world, independent feminist movements have roots that are far deeper tha n many Westerners are conscious of, which will be discussed in Chapter 3. While the UN Deca de for Women, which began in the developing regions of Asia, Latin America and Sub Saharan Africa, it is necessary the Decade of Women or even WID, WAD and GAD (Visvanathan, 1997, 27). However, t hese feminist frameworks are relevant to the development process when perceived through the lens of devel opmental economics, which will be a fundamental framework used to analyze the gender data p resen ted in this thesis. V. 20 th Century Origins of Economic Development and Related Frameworks After considering the valuable gender frameworks noted above it is ti me to turn to the various 20 th century economic frameworks and their influence upon human development, including gender equality and economic opportunities in developing economies. Development economics took root in the 1970s and 1980s when economists beg an to heavily focus upon the diverging tendencies of developed and developing economies and to consider how economic factors influenced life quality (Cypher et al, 2005, 12). The central concern of development economics is the relationship between the econ omy, economic policies, and poverty H ow economic success in the long term positively influences the degree of human development in an economy is also a focal point of developmental economics, including but not limited to: meaningful employment, access to sufficient food, shelter education and health care. Economists James Cypher and James L. Dietz outline the fundamental structural changes that must occur in order to create a pro cess of qualitative development in The


21 Process of Economic Development (2004) which will be a point of economic reference throughout this thesis. Cypher and Dietz consider the following structural changes in their analysis: industrialization; a decrease in agriculture; changing trade patterns; increased application of human capita l and knowledge to production and undertaking essential institutional change. The authors also note the potential domestic barriers to development, which include but are not limited to: inequalities in the existing distribution of income and wealth; the le vel and efficiency of physical infrastructure; the role and level of development or organized banking; the role of the state; and the extent and importance of political corruption (Cypher et al, 2004, 22). Cypher and Dietz endorse the role of the state as one of the most important factors and potentially most influential blocks to effective development. The most important facet of structural change in terms of this analysis is industrialization, for as Cypher and Dietz note: Economic growth and developmen t are strongly associated with an increasing increasingly important too as an economy matures even furthe r. Wages tend to be higher in the industrial sector than in agriculture, because the level and use of technology is greater. This leads to higher levels of production and worker productivity, and the resulting higher income that is created is shared by wor kers and owners of enterprises. Production methods also become relatively intensive in the use of knowledge human capital and of physical capital. As part of this unfolding process, the urban population tends to grow both relatively and absolutely compared to the rural population, as rural workers migrate to the cities in search of the higher income promised by urban and industrial pursuits (Cypher et al, 2004, 19). The critical relationship between the maturation of the industrial sector (through the proc ess of industrialization) and development plays a causational role in human development, for economic growth should lead to higher wages, increased urbanization


22 and the rising value of human capital including both female workers and their significant contr ibution to the GDP of a nation. In development economics, industrialization is considered to enable socioeconomic shifts in a nation. Industrialization guides an economy from being agricultural based to industrial based, and eventually service based (Cyphe r et al, 2004, 19). Essentially, the industrial sector serves as a launch pad for developing countries in modern times. As such, studying the industrial growth a country undergoes offers a view of its industrialization proces s and subsequent human developm ent. However, it is important to note that these concepts of industrialization and human development are all projected in the long term not the short term In fact, in the short term, industrialization has been noted to increase labor exploitation (which heavily impacts women) and environmental degradation For example, this economic growth at times displaces women from their traditional fields of work, such as textile and household agricultural production. This occurs when industrialization triggers an i ncrease in urbanization, encouraging families to relocate from rural to urban or metropolitan regions for employment reasons. In this process, women are relegated to vulnerable forms of employment, which is a topic that will be expanded up in Chapter Three through a Nonetheless, c highly developed economic nations, such as Sweden, Denmark, England and the United States. These nations boast not only high levels of economic development but also human development, including low gender inequality Hence, it is plausible to suggest that industrialization and development correlate over time with a decreasing gender gap in the long term.


23 To apply these concepts to the cases of Brazil and Ar gentina, the industrial activities of both countries are thoroughly examined in the next chapter, as industrial sector growth is a composite part of industrialization and economic development. Both countries implemented policies of import substitution indu strialization (ISI), a topic which will be expounded upon in Chapter 2. Today, Brazil has on e of the most developed industrial sectors in Latin America. The Brazilian industry sector is comprised of machinery and equipment, automobiles, airplanes, textiles petrochemicals, steel, and computers. Overall, industry makes up 26.4% of the total national GDP of Brazil, and approximately 14% of the labor force (Economy Watch, 2012). The Argentinean industrial sector is primarily composed of retail a utomotive and b iodiesel facets, although its telecommunication and informational technology i ndustries are also augmenting (CIA World Fact Book, 2012) Beyond this consideration of the structural changes proceeding economic growth and their relationship both to and with the framewo rks of capitalism and socialism, and how these frameworks have impacted the evolution of contemporary international development. Gender and development specialist Nalini Visvanathan offers an excellent scrutiny of the 20 th century political frameworks and the creation of the Bretton Woods institutions within the gender and development paradigm in The Women, Gender & Development Reader (Visvanathan, 1997). Visvanathan begins by stating that capi talism and socialism have both divided and overwhelmed the field of gender and development, starting from the era of polarized political opposition during the Cold War. She notes that most economic theories that are relevant in the discussion of gender and women are still polarized today, and reside either


24 in the radical political economy framework or the capitalist framework (Visvanathan, 1997, 4). Within the context of the capitalist framework, there are three major motifs. The first is the free market m odel, which favors private capital and market forces and a reduced role of government in the economy. The second is the Malthusian approach, concerning population control and resource scarcity. The third is the interventionist model, entailing government i ntervention through regulatory methods in order to administer public goods and redistribute income equally (Visvanathan, 1997, 4). Within these models, economic growth is the primary determiner of development, which assumes that nations always strive for t he highest rate of economic growth, calculated by gross domestic product (GDP) and gross national income (GNI). GDP can be defined as the total value of income created within the borders of a particular country, while GNI is the total value of all income a ccruing to residents of a specific country, regardless of the origin (domestic or international) of that i ncome (Cypher et al, 2004, 33). Understandably, critics from fields other than economics have criticized this approach for its narrowness offering cr itiques such as how does income determine social development? Economists have responded by producing various economic indices such as the Human Development Index, which evaluate multiple participatory and economic factors in order to produce a well rounde d image of development in statistical terms. A different publication, entitled Questioning Financial Governance from a Feminist Perspective (2011), accentuates the fact that there is a lasting strategic silence regarding gender in the process of developmen t as implemented by ministers of finance and central banks in capitalist systems. This piece expose s the false assumption that


25 financial and monetary policies are gender neutral. This assumption leads to a silence regarding gender and policies, for policy makers presume that policies sufficiently acknowledge gender and equality, which is false This silence leads to a dearth in financial governance for the adequate and just organization of social and gender relations in a society (Young et al, 2011, 1). A c cording to this publication, this false assumption leads to the reinforcement of gender inequalities due to the implication that there is nothing that should be altered in the creation of policies. Three major gender biases are outlined by this publicatio n, based on the research conducted in 2000 by Elson & Cagatay: a) deflationary bias ; b) male breadwinner bias; c) given to low inflation and fiscal restraint compared to public spending to create and more so than men because it limits the available social services for citizens, of which women are the primary beneficiaries, including educational and health services. These in turn are linked directly to prenatal and maternity services, which are two areas that impact infant and mother health and mortality levels Male breadwinner bias entails the successful incorporation of women workers into the l abor market as second class or part time employees, for first class, high earning jobs are reserved for men. It is implied that men should possess these jobs in order to provide for their household, as the patriarchal head of the family unit. Commodificati on bias is explained specifically as the macroeconomic process of balancing budgets. The authors argue that this process increases unpaid and informal work in society, which is consequently absorbed into the expanding workload of women, their families, and their communities (Young et al, 2011, 3). This is a valid


26 example that can be applied to rural regions of both Brazil and Argentina, where women are more likely to suffer from the consequences of balancing of budgets, created by urban and metro focused ec onomists and policy makers upon the marginalization of women through popular macroeconomic policies (Young et al, 2011, 47) Bakker first notes that the restructuring prescribed to struggling economies in the developing world emphasizes debt reduction through cutting social spending and increased taxation This process severely impacts women, particularly those who are the most marginalized and rely heavily on governmen t support for their livelihood. Additionally, are more likely to be employed in precarious jobs, such as temporary or part time positions Bakker discusses that the acceptance of financial cuts that direc tly affect women legitimate the denial of gender equality in policy within the social constructs of financial markets. This implies that the employment needs of women are superfl uous and undermined by society, despite the fact that women not only connect and build families at the community level, but also make major contributions to national economies, as will be discussed in depth later on. V I The Structure of This Analysis This interdisciplinary thesis is divided into five sections: this introduction ( chapter one) sections of historical context, frameworks and analysis (chapters two through four) and finally the conclusion (chapter five ) This introduction is comprised of the contrasting fields related to international development, as well as the gende r and economic development frameworks that are utilized for further analysis in later chapters.


27 Acknowledging the dif fering focuses of both economic and anthropologic development theories is fundamental to this analysis and both approaches are discussed a nd their differences contrasted. Keystone theories of women and development, written by notable feminist development theorists including but not limited to Ester Boserup and Lourdes Benera pa i red with Latin American Gend ered Paradoxes (2005) Making Transnational Feminism: Rural Women, NGO Activists and Northern Donors in Brazil (2010) serve as cornerstones for gender and development analysis. Economic and the humanitarian driven philosophies of economic g rowth by economist Amartya Sen are utilized as a basis for economic conclusions, pa i red with the aforementioned data indices such as HDI. The second chapter is composed of a thorough timeline of economic growth in a histor ical context of both Brazil and Argentina. This chapter discuss es the influential economic factors that contribute to industrial sector growth, including colonial policy the process of industrialization, political unrest and the formulation of modern infr astructure. The third chapter entails a scrutiny of gender and development case studies and anthropological ethnographies, examining definitions of gender equality and female identities construed within the constraints of patriarchal hierarchies in macroec onomics. How women have experienced development as active, critical participants and not just as passive observers is also emphasized in this discussion. The fourth chapter scrutinizes various development, labor and gender indices including the HDI, WEO, GII, GDI, GEM GDI and WEO indices Furthermore data concerning the percent of GDP assumed by the service, agricultural and industrial


28 sectors, as well as the percent of women participating in the work force is noted. By implementing a descriptive techniq ue of comparison between these various economic and gender indices the economic opportunity of women in Brazil and Argentina is objectively contrasted The conclusion evaluates the culmination of the major p oints of the previous chapters, acknowledging th (WEO) Brazilian women do have a higher level of economic opportunity than Argentineans, and that this could be partially due to industrial development. Notwithstanding these results cannot constitute the assumption that Brazilian women necessarily possess greater equity than Argentinean women. In fact, in every index except the WEO, Argentineans outrank Brazilians. P erhaps due to the industrial path Argentinean has taken, Argentinean women have been s hielded from the adverse short term effects of industrialization. Hence, t he conclusion of this thesis suggests that Argentinean women possess higher levels of life quality, human development, and gender equity, while Brazil offers greater opportunity based on its economic growth. It is feasible to consider that Brazil could theoretically promise women an enterprising fut ure in the long term perhaps surpassing that of Argentina if it continues along its rapid growth trajectory Neverthele ss in the immediate future, women in Argentina experience a greater state of steady and positive gender development when compared with their Brazilian counterparts.


29 Chapter 2: T he Economic Development of Brazil and Argentina From a Historical Perspective Introduction : Placing Brazilian and Argentinean Economic Development in Context In order to understand the complex economic systems that dominate the world today, it is crucial to contextualize economic development from a historical perspective. This is especially critical while examining the Brazilian and Argentine economies, for these neighbors have taken distinct ive development paths, particularly regarding industrial development. In the 19 th century, Argentina applied an export based economic model f u eled by agricultural products, while Brazil grew from a subsistence economy to one dominated by light good s production industries. Argentina, always export oriented and considered one of the most promising and economically astute nations worldwide in the e arly 20 th century, shockingly faced stagnation at the start of the 21 st The Brazilian economy fluctuated from the 17 th century forward yet today it is strongest developing economies. Contrasting the two economic development paths and h istorical factors impacting Brazil and Argentina today will illuminate not only their current economic circumstances, but also why thei r workforce economic opportunities have evolved in a specific speed and manner. In order to place the history of Brazili an and Argentinean economic development into context, the principle development economic theories are reviewed in the following sections. To begin with, note that the pivotal question that development economics attempts to answer is: what causes the income deviation between nations? Economists measure the human capital (the workforce of a country), the infrastructure, institutions, natural resources, and other major factors that shape and constrain the growth of an


30 economy in order to pursue answers to this and other questions. Economists draw on information from cross country indices for statistical support of their hypoth eses. Examples of these indices are the Human Development Index (HDI), the Gender Development Index (GDI), and measurements of mortality rates, literacy rates, Gross Domestic Income, and Gross Domestic Product (GDP ) These indices and transnational statistical comparisons are composed by governmental programs and non governmental organizations, which include but are certainly not limited to the U.S. Department of State, the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the international human rights watchdog organization WorldWatch. One prominent theory in development economics is based on the work of Argentine e con omist Raul Prebisch (1901 1986). He argued that the world is made up of typically located in Latin America, Africa and Asia. Prebisch discussed the relationship bet ween visible supply and demand laws of economic growth and the underlying power relations between countri es that produced substantial in equality. In the case of Argentina, which had a significant comparative advantage in the late 19 th century in its produc tion of meats exported to Britain, the 20 th century offered challenges in the form of the World Wars, the Great Depression, and the accession of the United States as a super power that eradicated the demand for Argentine meat exports. Prebish argued that pe riphery nations are forced into economic dependency upon core nations, and as such, periphery nations are more susceptible to international shocks. In the 1930s, Prebisch advocated an approach that would sustain domestic economic development before engagi ng the inte rnational markets (Cypher et al 2004,


31 173). This approach was affiliated with import substitution industrialization (ISI), which was pursued both by Brazil and Argentina in the 20 th century. ISI entails the institution of high tariffs and quota s by the government of a nation in order to protect fledgling domestic industries from the threat of competitive international products through subsidies and inc entives. In essence, it offers the domestic industry an opportunity to become competitive befor e being introduced to the global market and foreign competitors. Yet, as seen in developing nations today across the world, the removal of said ISI mechanisms can be a complex and problem atic Prebrisch argued that periphery countries could liberate themse lves of their cyclical dependency on the economies of core nations by using ISI to develop an independent industrial and manufacturing sector, to meet the demand of their own domestic markets. As any economist or anthropologist would tell you, sweeping ge neralizations on developed and developing countries should not be treated as fact; nonetheless, this basic theory proposed by Prebrisch is relevant in the case of economic growth and policy in Brazil and Argentina. Low economic advancement in developing na tions, when compared to the superpower Western nations that have dominated the world economy in the 20 th century, such as the United States, France, and the United Kingdom, must be viewed in historical context in order to explain systemic coordination fail ures and distortions. As will be discussed in future sections, historical influences combined with contemporary political organization and autonomy are what most notably shape political and economic faculty today. Argentina: Colonial Days as t he Early Fro ntrunner


32 Today, Argentina has a land mass 1,727,660 square miles and is comprised of a population of approximately 42,192,494 people. Although these numbers are substantial, the Argentine GDP is only the 69 th in the world (CIA World Fact Book, 2012). Howe ver, only one century ago, there were only seven nations in the world more prosperous than Argentina. In the early 20 th century, Argentina had five times the per capita income of Brazil (Glaeser 2009). O ne might ask: what happened to Argentine economic dev elopment? Why is it not one of the most productive economies in the world still today? In order to answer these two questions, and others, one must refer back to the arrival of Spanish conquistadors into the Buenos Aires region. Prior to the arrival of th e Spanish, Argentina was sparsely populated by nomadic Amerindian tribes (Lewis, 2002, 2) After two failed attempts to conquer the Buenos Aires and northwestern region of Argentina between 1536 and 1541, in 1580, the Spanish conquistadors succeeded and in troduced horses and cattle to the region (Lewis 2002 6 ). Colonial control was limited to Buenos Aires for many years, allowing the city to serve as an excellent port for goods coming and going from Europe. Buenos Aires was a very profitably colonial cit y by the 1750s with high numbers of agricultural products, especially grains and meat, being exported to Europe regularly. Hence, Spain and its Argentine colony shared a relatively good relationship, one that was not marred with the degree of harsh coloni al violence endured by other Latin American colonies in this era Despite a few attempts by the British in 1806 to capture the Argentinean colony, Buenos Aires grew without significant conflict until the revolts for independence began in 1810 ( de la Balze, 1996, 2 ). The Argentines won their


33 independence from Spain in 1816, in part due to the 1806 invasion of Napoleon Bonaparte in Spain which weakened Spanish colonial powers ( Lewis, 2002, 26 ) The new ly independent Argentine government enacted comprehensi ve institutional reforms from 1852 until 1860, which significantly impacted the Argentine econom y. The economy in the mid 1800s was a successful agricultural export model, leading to rapid economic growth ( Lewis, 2002, 21 ). The 1860s heralded a new era of positive economic growth for Argentina as a whole. S trong economic conditions, along with shortages of labor, triggered a wave of European immigration to Argentina, particularly from German y, Spain and Italy (Lewis, 2002, 21) Still today, Argentine demogr aphics demonstrate a population with strong European ancestry. By the 1870s, Argentina was considered to be a leader in the shipping field, for as technology improved, such as refrigeration on ships, Argentine products were exported to Europe more effici ently. Argentina primarily exported meat, but also expanded to wheat and corn by the 1880s This allowed the nation to become fully integrated into the international economy by the turn of the 20 th century, particularly through an esteemed and specialized trade relationship with England. Despite the export led success characteristic of this era in Argentine history, there was one notable factor missing: industrial investment. This era could have been a time when the foundation for later industrial expansion was laid; however, as discussed in the following sections, the infrastructural incentive and interest was severely lacking for the degree of vital industrial development needed for sustainable economic expansion after the turn of the century (de la Balze, 1996, 2 )


34 The 20 th Century: The Golden Age of Argentine Economy World War I in Europe, lasting from 1914 till 1918, heralded in a new era in the Argentine economy. At the end of the war, Argentina was one of the mos t advanced nations in terms of its f ully democratic system, education, and standard of living. However, at this time the Argenti nean economy began to falter (Lewis, 2002, 40 ). World War I, during which Argentina sided with Germany, resulted in the institution of trade restrictions between Bu enos Aires and Western Europe. Considering that exports accounted for 25% of the Argentine GDP in 1929, one can imagine how much the war coupled with the Great Depression slowed economic growth in Argentina ( Lewis, 2002, 1 ). The Great Depression also decre ased the price of commodities which dropped t he prices of Argentine exports. Simultaneously, Argentine economic policies began to fluctuate, and this instability contributed to an inefficient economy In the 1930s and 1940s, the Argentinean government ad opted policies that crippled the ability for national economic grow th These policies included three major tactics: state capitalism, trade protectionism, and interventionism (de la Balze 1996 1 ). These policies were a response to the new world order wh ich was dominated by the United States and its allies. Many Axis supporting nations in the South, including Argentina, found this new power structure threatening. The American Smoo t Hawley Tariff of 1930 furthered doubts; this high tariff on all imports en tering the United States negatively impacted the Argentine economy (Lewis, 2002, 46) Argentina also entered a dark political period that began in 1940 and lasted until 1983. This period was characterized by unstable political policies, due to the militar y coups, suppressed civil liberties a nd populist politics The military governments during


35 this period prioritized maintaining power over long term economic and social development. One of the few consistencies between military regimes was to keep export t axes high, as this provided quick access to bulk funds (de la Balze, 1996) One extremely influential military leader i n this era President Juan Domingo P undemocratically in 1949, P ron instituted a formal policy of import substitut ion industrialization (Loverling 2010, 11). However, w hile he did eliminate import competition on Argentine goods through his five year plans, he did not institute sustainable, long term policies to provide for the nation. For example, through his policies, there were no incentives for workers to move up to different industries, or migrate from country to city and vice versa. In 1953, P ron did at last begin to remove some barriers to foreign investment although this led t o his ousting from power by military supporters in 1955 (Lewis 2002 61 ). According to Eduardo Galeano in his book Open Veins of Latin America the lack of incentive for Argentineans, both in the agricultural sector and urban factories, to increase their technology base, led to an utter lack of incentive for industrial investment This in turn contributed to the Argentine financial crisis in the 1960s (Galeano, 1973, 129). Galeano also discusses the challenge of concentrated industry in particular regions (Galeano, 1973, 249). In Argentina, more than two thirds of industry today resides in the two major cities Buenos Aires and Rosario This concentration of investment mod erates the equal spread of wealth throughout the country, and worsens social and financial inequalities. As a result, the 1950s through the 1990s, Argentina sported feeble economic growth, with an annual per capita rate of .5% resulting from a trend of rel ative isolation


36 from the international markets. The economy was still primarily agriculturally based, with economic activities limited to a strong cattle industry. The oil crisis of 1973 triggered a sharp increase in export taxes on agricultural products, due to the amplification of commodity costs in the global market. This occurrence initiated a boom in the Argentine economy lasting until 1975, which in turn augmented government spending. D ue to the incompetent tax system following the boom the money su pply was increased by the government in order to cover a burgeoning budget deficit. The plethora of available international loans and detrimental policy choices of the 1970s led to a crushing degree of public debt (Loverling, 2010, 16). Raul Alfons n was the first democratically elected Argentine president following the Dirty War (a period of state terrorism against leftist activists led by government guerillas in the 1980s). Alfons n inherited a country traumatized by violence and crippled by amble public debt and inflation which rose nearly 500 percent between 1982 and 1985 (Loverling, 2010, 16). In response to the economic crisis at hand, Alfons n and his administr ation revealed the Plan Austral in an attempt to battle inflation. Economic Crisis on the Eve of the 21 st Century In 1985 the Argentine Plan Austral went into effect. This Plan entailed replacing the Argentine peso with a new currency, the austral, in an attempt to battle long lasting, high inflation. Inflation did diminish, but with negative consequences. The primary weak link in the Plan Austral was its concentration on industry and not the dominate sector: agriculture. R evenue decreased while the government attempted to defend its currency at an expensive cost to Argentine reserves. The res ult was increased international borrowing at high rates in the late 1980s, increasing Argentine public debt (de la Balze, 1996, 5)


37 Due to the failure of the Plan Austral, it was unthinkable for Argentina to decline the Washington Consensus 2 The Consensu s resulted in the stabilization of prices, a high degree of foreign investment, and privatization, although inflation continued (Loverling, 2010, 17). By 1989, despite international assistance, Argentina suffered from unchecked hyperinflation, and the ir au stral currency completely collapsed. Argentin a returned to using the peso and elected a new president, Carlos Saul Menem. Menem and his administration, in response to hyperinflation, unveiled the Convertibility Plan in 1991. The Convertibility Plan fixed the Argentine peso to the US dollar, and placed new constraints o n the central bank. The most important aspect of this plan was the long term growth and market oriented structur al reforms that it introduced. This led to a period of ec onomic growth in the 1990s with 6% economic growth, with the exception of the 1995 Tequila Crisis (Loverling, 2010, 18). It finally seemed that Argentina was nearing its potential, by hosting real growth and stability (Pastor et al, 1999, 478). However, 1998 signified a negati ve turning point for the Argentine economy, during which several major international shocks debilitated economic growth. Argentina was still an export based economy, and these global shocks triggered a 28% drop in demand for Argentine goods in 1999 ( Lewis, 2002 2 0). D ecreased export opportunity compounde d with a weak financial system led to catastrophic budget deficit and high debt payments. In response to this crisis the IMF granted loans to Argentina in 2001 2 The Washington Consensus entailed ten specific economic preconditions proposed in Washington D.C. by the IMF, U.S. Treasury and the World Bank in response to the Third World Debt crisis in the early and mid 1980s. It included the required implem entation of structural adjustment measures in developing economies in exchange for a bailout and further loans (Loverling, 2010).


38 However, due to an inconsistent implementati on of fiscal adjustment that was promised to the IMF, as well as continued political instability and deteriorating international macroeconomic circumstances, the market losses in 2001 were still dramatic Consequently, the IMF refused to grant Argentina fu rther loan s in this period (Lewis, 2002, 21). The Argentine government, led by interim President Adolfo Rodriguez, responded to these troubling predicaments by accepting a part ial default on the public debt the largest in history and freezing all bank acc ounts in the country. This drastic move prompted nation wide demonstrations against the defective government in part due to the fact that almost 60% of the population was living under the poverty line ( CIA World Fact Book, 2012 ) The government was sent i nto disarray that entailed five different interim presidential administrations in ten days In January 2002, the Argentine government officially abandoned the Convertibility Plan, followed by a depreciation of the peso as well as sensational banking system crisis. As the IMF noted in a report entitled The Role of the IMF in Argentina he economy had contracted by 20% since the onset of the recession in 1998, with tremendous economic again, Arg entina faced a n uncertain economic future, with problems encompassing both the economy and civilian population. After the election of President Eduardo Duhalde (2002 2003), and the subsequent election of President Nestor Kirchner in 2003, the e conomic struggles faced by Argentina lessened, slightly. This primarily stemmed from expansionary fiscal policy combined with an incre ase in commodity exports ( CIA World Fact Book, 2012 ). In 2005, President


39 Kirchner proposed a payback of 35 cents on every dollar of international debt. As Colin Lewis discusses in his book Argentina: A Short History, creditors accepted this depleted payback, for it was at least better than receiving nothing Socioeconomic growt h continued to modestly improve. In fact, growth reached an impressive 9% between 2005 and 2010 due to extensive debt restructuring policies enforced by t he Kirchner administration ( CIA World Fact Book, 2012 ). Argentina: Looking Ahead In the past five years, Argentina took advantage of its formerly idle industrial labor force, while decreasing public debt and debt restructuring. After maintaining relative stability, t he Argentine economy emerged from the 2007 world recession well However, the current administration, led by President Cristina Fernandez de Kircher since 2007, faces a perpetual threat of high inflation ( CIA World Fact Book, 2012). The Argentine economy is still dominated by an export driven agricultural sector, while other significant exports include: food production consumer durables, text iles, chemicals and petrochemicals, motor vehicles, printing, metallurgy and steel. In 2011, Argentina had an industry production growth rate of 6.5% (CIA World Fact Book, 2012). Mounting external debt, capital flight and current account deficits all rela ted to the severe structural weaknesses in the Argentine economy that persist today. These weaknesses do not bode well for the future of Argentinean development, especially due to the continued lack of incentives for industrial sector investment paired wit h the instability of economic policy. Critics have differing things to say regarding the about face of Argentine economic development in the 20 th century. A particularly well reasoned criticism can be attributed to World Bank consultants Karla Hoff and Jos eph F. Stiglitz, who state,


40 seeking, inefficient institutions, and underinvestment in research can each be explained as a coordination failure 3 stagnant and restricted development in Argentina due to unstable infrastructure and a lack of investments in i ndustry and economic expansion such as through research and development match with this explanation of an economic coordination failure. Remaking the Ar gentine Economy argues that Argentina has continually pursued the wrong economic strategy (de la Balze, 1996, 2). He claims Argentina, a nation so rich in resources and human capital, continues to fall just short of its potential economically, based on t he approach of its government and Central Bank. For example, in the past two decades Argentina has continued to nationalize industries that should remain privatized. Due to this fact, Mr. de la Balze argues that the economy is unable to cope with major eco nomic shocks, and this is the reason for the floundering economy. He states that the focus of institutions should be not only on their export based growth, but the expansion of sustainable investments, including foreign direct investments. Similarly, in an article by Filipe Camptante entitled, Political Instability and Economic Performance as Seen from attributes Argentine economic failure to the lack of infrastructural stability in the past 25 years (Camp tante, 2009, 1). Without consistent government policies that produced stabilization, low inflation and incentives for foreign direct investment, the economy understandably floundered. Despite the advances that the current Argentine 3 A coordination failure signifies a recession triggered by the inability for firms and governments to coordinate effectively (Cypher et al, 2004).


41 administration is assemb ling today, producing an economic miracle after the complete collapse of the Argentine economy just over a decade ago is not feasible. Argentina still appears to be a country with viable resources and a hopeful future, if only a practical and consistent ec onomic strategy can be pursued, reinforced by an effective, democratic government. Alternatives and critiques of Argentine economic strategies will be elaborated upon in the last section of this chapter. Brazil: The Colonial Years and Independence In 149 4, the Pope Alexander VI drew a line down the length of South America on a map, for all intents and purposes slicing it in half. He declared that to the east of this line, the Portuguese could settle, and to the west, Spanish could settled, which was enfor ced by the Treaty of Tordesillas (Galeano, 1973, 16). If one refers to a map of South America today, that line is still relatively obvious; the east of the continent is dominated by the large natio n of Brazil, while the western coasts are divided into mult iple Spanish speaking nations, from Venezuela down to the southernmost point of Chile. Brazil is the fifth largest country in the world, and the largest South American country. It stretches over 5 290 899 miles (8,514,877 square kilometers), and today host s a population of app roximately 199,321,413 people (CIA World Fact Book, 2011). Brazil was colonized by Portugal on April 22, 1500. The maiden journey to Brazil was led by Pedro Alvarez Cabral, and his thirteen ship fleet first dropped anchor off the Bah ian coast, in northeastern Brazil. Almost immediately, the Portuguese encountered a tribe of indigenous people who spoke one of many Tupi Guarani dialects. Although these indigenous people offered a warm welcome to the Portuguese sailors, many communities


42 soon met the tragic fate of other indigenous Americans: disease and mass death and displacement. By 1531, cattle began to arrive from Europe, and they adapted readily to the biologically diverse and fertile terrain, creating a foundation for the modern Br azilian agricultural sector. Additionally, the sugar industry in the northeastern sector of Brazil (O Nordeste, in Portuguese) quickly took root, for the sugar cane adapted easily to tropical environment. The influence of Dutch colonialists, from 1630 thro ugh 1654, additionally aided the establishment of sugar cane domination in the region (Hudson, 1997). During the late 16 th and early 17 th centuries, the Brazilian economy was subsistence based, specializing in the exportation of sugarcane and beef to Portu gal and Western Europe. Although the gold market soared fleetingly after discovery in the early 18 th century, due to lack of supply the market fell into stagnation by the 1750s. A noteworthy bureaucratic change that impacted the economy of Portuguese colo nies occurred in 1763, when the administrative capital of the Portuguese colonies shifted from Salvador, Bahia, in northeastern Brazil, down to the southeastern port city, Rio de Janeiro due to its location and substantial port size. Rio de Janeiro remain ed the capital of Brazil for the next two centuries, until the date of April 22, 1960, when the head of government was transferred to the new inland city of Brasilia (Hudson, 1997). In the 19 th century, there were several large transitions in the Portugues e colony. In the early 1800s, the royal Portuguese family, led by Prince Regente Jo o VI, fled Portugal in order to avoid the invasion of Napoleon. They settled in Rio de Janeiro for several decades Shortly after the Portuguese royal family returned to th eir court in Lisbon, the son of ruling Jo o VI who had stayed behind in Rio de Janeiro, Emperor


43 Pedro I, declared Brazilian independence on September 7, 1822 (Hudson, 1997). Despite political progress, this era was economically challenging due to a low e xport rate and a depressed domestic economy. Brazilian cotton, which had for a time been in demand in the international market, lost its competitiveness in the early 19 th century due to American slave produced cotton. Brazil transitioned out of economic depression due to the coffee boom, lasting from 1840 to 1943. Coffee was introduced to Europe in the 18 th century, becoming a popular item in the 1830s (Hudson, 1997). However, this rapid rise in coffee demand was difficult to meet based on infrastructural problems. Brazil did not have the transportation system necessary for exporting at such a high level, and there was a large shortage of laborers. The Brazilian government responded to these challenges by investing in regional railroad system, and an influx in immigrants and slaves decreased the labor shortages. In the 19 th century, Brazil received many German, Italian, Polish, Spanish, Lebanese, Syrian, and Japanese workers adding to the diversity of the Brazilian population, already composed of Portugue se, indigenous people and West African slaves. Brazil actively participated in the slave trade between the 16 th and 19 th centuries, receiving approximately 5 million slaves in 300 years, which was nearly half the total numbers of slaves shipped across the Atlantic (Domingues Da Silva, 2010). Brazil was the last nation worldwide to abolish slavery in 1888. However, racial inequalities persisted from time of slavery emancipation until modern times: Brazil has one of the


44 highest degrees of inequalities worldwi de with a GINI coefficient of inequality score of 54.7 4 (The World Bank Group, 2012). Transition to the 20 th Century and Industrialization Based on a strong labor force and burgeoning exports, between 1850 and 1900, Brazil witnessed a massive increase in economic development. The most significant exportable products of the era were coffee, rubber, sugar, tobacco, and cocoa as well as light goods such as textiles (Hudson, 1997). However, this economic growth was restricted to the southeast urban region s: in fact, rural regions in the northeastern region and Amazon basin did not benefit from the southeastern economic advancement This contributed to the heightening economic and social inequalities between th e people living in the southern and northern regio ns of Brazil The turn of the 20 th century presented new political and economic challenges for Brazil Three large shocks occurred between 1900 and 1943 that negative ly impacted for economy : World War I, the Great Depression, and Brazilian economic overpro duction, such as in the coffee industry (Hudson, 1997). In 1930, Brazilians revolted against the oligarchic controls of its Old Republic government overthrowing it in 1930. Democratic elections were held, but the loser, Get lio Vargas, staged a coup resu lting in the Vargas Era (1930 1945) 5 (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2 012). In response to economic 4 The GINI Coefficient is the most commonly used measurement of inequality. It measures the deviation of distribution of income (and/or consumption), in households within in a nation. A score of 0 is perfect, and a score of 100 is ab solute inequality A high GINI score indicates that people in nation are offered negligible welfare services and suffer from a high income inequality between rich and poor (The World Bank Group, 2012) 5 Dictator Vargas held the position as chief executor of Brazil twice, from 19 30 45 and 1951 54. During his time in power, Brazil had four different constitutions. Losing control of his majority, Vargas committed


45 overproduction, the new Republic of Brazil government led by Vargas imposed exchange controls and economic planning projects after suspending Brazilian debt paym ents. The first of these projects, and the first true industrial sector advancement was a government owned integrated steel mill (Hudson, 1997). Despite this industrial investment, World War II interrupted economic progress. By 1945, the Brazilian industr ial and overall economic capabilities were crippled due to the decay of the national transportation system, stale industrial abilities, and stalled infrastructure maturity. Brazilian Import Substitution Industrialization: The 1950s Onward Fully aware of the economy discrepancy that Brazil faced, the government began a stringent import substitution industrialization strategy (ISI) in 1945, with a focus on consumer goods. The premise of ISI and rapid economic growth is the use of foreign exchange controls to shelter domestic industries by discouraging the imports of goods that could be produced domestically with success. Brazilian leaders believed that the developing world could have a comparative advantage in industrial manufacturing over the developed We st if manufacturers were given in centives and financial support until industries became sustainably competitive (Hudson, 1997). These forces resulted in a dramatic increase in imports and sharp decline in exports. Although Vargas was overthrown in 1945, h e regained control by election in 195 1 and continued a strategy of ISI and implemented new exchange controls to reduce inflation. Vargas prioritized domestically produced consumer goods, while importing only principal goods, such as machinery and fuel, fr om abroad (Hudson, 1997). suicide on August 24, 1954, shortly after a spur of assassinations on other politicians endorsed by his administration (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2012).


46 In 1953, in response to a perpetual balance of payments dilemma, the Brazilian government implemented a versatile multiple exchange rate system. Under this system, ISI functioned more effectively, with exports being stimulated wi th a higher exchange rate than previously. In the late 1950s, the Brazilian government started economic programs and incentives specifically to expand opportunities for Brazilian industrialization in the chemical, cellulose, automotive, steel, cement and a luminum industries These investments led to rapid growth in 1950 1961, with an annual GDP growth rate of 7% and an industrial growth rate of over 9% (Hudson, 1997). In 1964, there was a military coup that overturned the Goulart administration, initiatin g a military republic that lasted until 1985. Although in the early days of the military republic the military worked to maintain a sense of democracy, in the 1970s the regimes incited censorship and abductions. However, this era was also termed the characterized by high economic growth and industrialization; b etween 1968 and 1973, the average GDP annual grow th rested at an unprecedented 11%. Reforms in 1964 increased Brazilian expor ts, making room for impressive companies such as Embra er that led Brazil into an era of aerospace technolog y leadership in Latin America. The rapid growth that Brazil experience d during this time was also evident in the modernization of various industries, which was reflected in the increase of intermediate g ood s imported increasing from 31% in 1960 to 42.7% in 1972 (Hudson, 1997) However, t he 1973 global oil shock impacted Brazil immensely for 80 % of Brazilian oil was imported at that time Then President Ernesto Geisel (1974 1979 ) chose to intensify the import substitution strategy, which resulted in high foreign debt and


47 a decrease in foreign reserves. The second wave of global oil price augmentations also had negative ramifications for Brazil, and through the mid 1980s, steep foreign debt maimed econom ic growth. However, hope was renewed in Brazil as the military republic transitioned into a democracy under the last Brazilian military president, Jo o Figueiredo. Devaluation Followed By Impressive Development: The 1990s and Modern Day It was not until 1993 that Brazil was able to live up to its economic potential, with the world looking on in expectation. In 1993, then President Itamar Franco revealed the Real Plan, which entailed a fiscal adjustment that r eplace d the Brazilian cruziero with a new curr ency, the real, which was semi fixed t o the US dollar (Alfaro, 2002, 5). In less than a year, inflation had dropped 48 % President Cardoso, a sociologist encouraged the modernization and deregulation of the Brazilian economy. He helped reconstruct the pub lic and expand the private sectors, and decrease tariff barriers in order to encourage foreign trade. According to Laura Alfaro in her article Brazil: Embracing Globalization? p ublished by the Harvard Business School, she notes that between 1991 and 1999 azilians had never experienced price als o enhanced life quality for many, particularly low income workers who had the most to lose to price fluctuations. Nonetheless 1998 brought new economic challenges, due to the lethargic pace of change within the bureaucratic central government. Progressiv e bills went nowhere, including one to balance the budget and another to change the convoluted tax system and


48 lowering the retirement age. Additionally by 1998 Brazil possessed an immense foreign debt of approxi mately $243 billion. The IMF offered $41.5 b illion in assistance in order to reduce government expenditure and produce higher revenues the following year (Alfaro, 2002, 6). However, the Brazilian Congress did not gain the necessary support for the package. Instead the newly elected President Cardos o asked the Central Bank of Brazil to devalue the Brazilian real by 8 % in January 1999 dropping to half of its origin al value (from R21:$1 to R14:$1). Fortunately the appointment of Arminio Fraga as president of the C entral Bank had a stabilizing effect on the Brazilian economy (Alfaro, 2002, 6). The economic recovery following this period was impressive; growth was achieved while inflation was controlled. Brazil: Looking Forward While Brazil made significant advances economically in the 20 th century, i t is still challenged by the weakness of its external sector. Nevertheless, in the 21 st century, Brazil has experience moderate and continuous gr owth, particularly from 2002 2008. Additionally, Brazil became entirely fuel sufficient during this period wit h the production of ethanol from country, which is an abbreviation for the leading economies of the developing world: (B)razil, (R)ussia, (I)ndia, (C)hina, and (S) outh Africa Between August 2002 2005, the price of Brazilian semi manufactured and industrial goods rose approximately 43 % contributing to continued economic growth. Brazil also emerged relatively unscathed from the 2007 global recession The period from 2009 until 2012 has been characterized by moderate export led growth, although the budget deficit has grown in the past three fiscal years. Critics point


49 to the expensive and effective Brazilian taxation as the cause of the inhibited GDP growth (Cardoso et al., 2009). Howeve r, Brazil did become the seventh largest economy in the world in 2011 overtaking the United Kingdom As of 2012, the Brazilian economy was the largest in Latin America with strong of mining, services, agriculture, and manufacturing sectors High interest rates have made Brazil an attractive investment destination for foreign companies, and current President Dilma Rousseff prioritized the In Contrast: The Industry and Economy of Argentina and Brazil Graph 2.1 : Side by Side comparison 6 Argentina Brazil GDP (Purchasing Power) $725.6 billion USD 22 nd largest worldwide $2.324 trillion USD, 8 th largest worldwide Labor Force by Occupation Agriculture: 10% Industry: 38.7% Services: 59.2% A gr iculture: 20% Industry: 14% Services: 66% GDP (Composition by S ector ) Agriculture: 10% Indu stry: 30.7% Services: 59.2% Agriculture: 5.5% Industry: 27.5% Services: 67% Unemployment Rate 7.2% 6% Population Overall 42,192,494 199,321,413 Population Liv ing Below Poverty Line 30% 21.4% 6 Based on information provided by ( 2012 ).


50 As this chapter illustrates, the paths taken Argentina and Brazil to reach their current degree of economic capacity and development have been convoluted and difficult Ultimately, today Brazil has lower unemployment, a h igher level of Gross Domestic GDP, and a lower percent of its population living under the poverty line in contrast with Argentina, as illustrated above. While both nations instituted import substitution industrialization and functioned under suppressive mi litary regimes in the 20 th century, the degree of investment in economic infrastructure differed enormously. Brazilian regimes beginning in the 1930s, emulated a strategy of extensive investment in large industrial products, such as steel and transportati on manufacturing, paired with funding for infrastructural cha nges including highways. Conversely, Argentinean regimes in the 20 th century focused on protectionist policies and internal industrial growth, while simultaneously attempting to function as a primarily export based agricultural economy. If one suggestion could have been made to Argentina in the 20 th century, it should have been: diversify. For example, Argentina primarily traded with only the United Kingdom in the late 19 th and early 20 th centu ries, ultimately limiting trade alliances for the future. Incentives for workers to shift from agriculture to industrial sectors were meager, and slowed growth in the long run. Had the government focused on pairing its import institution industrialization (ISI) strategy with intensive industrial development as Brazil did in the early 20 th century, its capacity for creating a durable economic infrastructure and s ustain ing positive growth would be far greater than it is today. It is also necessary to note th at Argentina had, and still has, a far smaller population and therefore workforce when compared to Brazil, which when comparing the two countries is clearly a disadvantage.


51 Critics have proposed contrasting theories to explain the differences in econom ic development when comparing the neighboring countries. Ted Goertzel (2006) identifies what he considers the major reasons for Brazilian econo mic success in comparison to Argentina in the past 50 years Goertzel primarily attributes major differences to t he national culture s He claims that while Argentinean culture revolves around Europ ean, elitist ideas that involves the riches of the pampas lands, Brazilian culture is far more ethically, racially and religiously diverse, adding to the degree of innovat ion and ingenuity of the Brazilian labor force. He claims that a diverse workforce strengthens the economy. He also notes that Brazilian political parties have been consistently center leftist, such as the successful coalition assembled by President Luis I Silva. In contrast, Argentina has been split between two polarized centrist parties that have now allowed room for progressive economic change in the past few decades (Goertzel, 2010). However, this argument is problematic in that it makes sweeping assumptions about the attitude and shared culture of both Brazil and Argentina without utilizing ethnographic evidence. In Nationalization Move cusses a 2012 Argentinean financial decision. He posits that many decisions had negative impacts on the expansion and globalization of the Argentinean economy. Romero notes that a move in April 2012 by President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner to nationaliz e the oil company YPF will serve to further isolate Argentina from the global economy, and slow integration. This serves as an example of the perpetual nationalization and protectionist policies that Ar gentina


52 returns to continually, alienating the interna tional community and discouraging foreign direct investment ( FDI ) These critical approaches to the differences in Brazilian and Argentinean economic growth illuminate additional explanations for the divergence of their financial statuses. After reviewing these economic divergences in context, n ow it is time to consider gender roles in these economies. In these two overviews of economic development, women have been overlooked due to the fact that they have historically been marginalized by many economic an d societal gender expectations topics which are discussed in the subsequent chapter. Today, more attention is being devoted to the considerable impact women make in socioeconomic development, and hence the degree of economic opportunity women possess is cr itical in the process of international growth and development.


53 Chapter 3 : Gendered Frameworks After considering the history of economic development in Brazil and Argentina, it necessary to consider the framewo rks, traditions, and unifying factors that have either empowered or limited the pursuit of gender equality in Latin America. This chapter discuss es the gender suppression that h as lingered for generations in Latin America limiting the socioeconomic posit ions and agency of women in Argentina and Brazil. Drawing on feminist and development frameworks, this chapter begins with analyses of two major contributors to the field of women and development in the 20 th century : Ester Boserup and Amartya Sen. The corn erstone research Boserup conducted in the developing world in the mid 20 th combine economic principles with humanitarian rights, together paint a clear image of th centur y. Next, the definition and consequences of informal labor in comparison with formal labor is discussed. Finally, two important Latin American ethnographies by Amy Lind and Millie Thayer are analyzed These ethnographies outline examples of how Latin Amer ican women have experience development as active, self organizing individuals, and not as passive observers. Foundations for Studying Women and Development economic opportun ity in Brazil and Argentina, works of two major contributors to theory on women and development will be discussed. The first, Development was published in 1970 by D anish Sociologist Ester Boserup. It is one of the first and most f undamental pieces of 20 th century ethnographic literature on women and


54 development. This piece skillfully illustrates the relatively recent phenomena of studying specifically the economic contribution of women in post colonial developing countries. Role in Economic Development still serves a s a fundamental piece of literature on women and their role in the process of economic development, including both domestic and international financial pressures. Secondly, the works and economic concepts of Amar tya Sen will be discussed in depth. Amartya Sen, an Indian economist in the early 20 th century, made history by combining basic economic concepts with studied explicitly in the field of economics. Ester Boserup conducted her extensive research for Development (1970) in Sub Saharan Africa, South America, and Southeast Asia in the 1950s and 1960s, during and shortly after independence, when the nat ions faced the challenges of entering the global market Boserup notably discovered that in pre colonized times, women in Sub Saharan Africa, but also in Latin America, possessed more freedoms and economic res ponsibility than in colonized and post colonize d eras. Boserup posited that European settlers contributed to 54 ). She further explained that the majority of European settlers believed that men were super ior to women in t erms of work. Colonialist settlers around the world concentrated their efforts, when they saw fit, on educating the men in communities on using imported technology, barring or discou raging women from participating. Women therefore resorted to working by tr aditional means: sewing, farmin g and building by hand. Thus, they fell behind the


55 progress of men in their community based on a divergence in the distribution of technology and skills. According to Boserup, European settlers also imported hierarchical no rms in their industrial establishments. For example, Boserup notes that European sex and race norms placed responsible and women were not to be educated, and we re most useful when relegated to domestic responsibilities or the und esirable employment activities. Critiques of Boserup and her work have been proposed by other feminist and development theorist, such as Lourdes Beneria and Gita Sen (1981). In their article oint out several issues with the analysis conducted by Boserup. First, while they acknowledge the positive attention Boserup shed on women and labor tactics in the developing world, t hey also discuss the limitations of her work, including her inadequate co nceptual basis. Boserup based her conclusions on empirical data, drawing less than she should have on the varying underlying cultural and socioeconomic pressures evident in the countries where she conducted research. Beneria and Sen note that one of her mo st prominent conclusions, which states that policy and ficant systemic changes, cannot effectively address the


56 challenges still presented by the responsibilities of child care and domestic work (Beneria et al, 1981, 298). Amartya Sen an Indian economist born in 1933, gained critical acclaim for his applicati on of economics to welfare and social choice theories, which introduced to the world a people centered approach to classical economic theories. Sen won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1998 for his argument that development itself should be not simply an economic pursuit, but pursued with the goal of enhancing the skills of people in developing countries. In his 2009 publication entitled The Idea of Justice he explained that economic growth is not an end in itself, but rather it should lead to more freedom (Sen, 2 009) This humanizing approach highlighted the utilization of grassroots organizations and local people over imported values; in other words, the importance of using the resources, especially human capital, at the disposal of a nation. Sen additionally ar gued that poverty should be seen not as a low degree of well being, but rather the incapability to pursue better well being due to a lack of economic opportunities. Specifically concerning women, Sen discusses that in the developing world, such as in Latin America, Sub Sahara Africa and Southeast Asia, where the fate of women is often determined by the men in their family, their access to nutrition, education, and other forms of well being will be denied. However, women who are given opportunities outside t he home, including but not limited to education, and have access to employment are able to expand the opportunities at their disposal and that of their daughters (Sen, 2009). This concept that freedom of opportunity not strictly economic development, sho uld be the goal of progress dramatically changed the environment of the international development community in the past 50 years.


57 These concepts are pertinent to both Brazilian and Argentinean women, for as the next paragraphs will discuss, in Lat in Ameri ca women face significant challenges in terms of paradoxical divides between rich and poor as well as access to capital These challenges are evident in the identities women create for themselves while organizing for policy change in comparison with the i dentities that they are assigned by governments and foreign, transnational organizations. A n important topic is how the economic participation of women is evaluated by government s which is specifically rel evant when analyzing how the government appraises formal and been a severe underestimate of the worth and degree of the labor performed by women in the developing world, especially in contemporary statistics dating back to the 1970s (Beneria, 1997, 112). Beneria posits that the major challenge for government census workers is data collection. In the case of domestic an d care giving work, conceptual constructs of gender roles and responsibilities rest in a gray area, leaving census workers unsure if this labor should be considered uncounted familial duty, or valid informal labor. According to Beneria, studies in the lat e 20 th century have resoundingly illustrated between one third or even one half of measured Gross National Product (GNP), which is the total value of goods and services produced within a country in one year (Beneria et al, 1997, 117). She notes that various changes need to occur, both in society and in policy making institutions, for the work of women to be made visible. In order to recognize the


58 contribution of women, B eneria notes that national and international policies and planning must focus on the work of women and how this work impacts all aspects of positive development. Furthermore, as an incentive for indolent government and financial institutions, Beneria highl ights that being women inclusive in their data analyses means data will be more accurate and can be applied to effective policies, involving (Beneria, 1997, 117). This ide a is expanded by economist Laurie Nisnoff, who discusses the fact that the majority of the work of women, especially but not limited to the work of women in (Nisnoff 1997, 178). Ni sonoff argues that the work of women is considered by governments to be either natural, as in it is simply a responsibility all women must take on (such as the care giving of children, for example), or that the work holds little value. Nison off expands thi s discussion in the context of industrialization, which is relevant in the cases of Brazil and Argentina. During and immediately after World War II, the developing world was extremely focused on economic growth through export led development, which directl y increasingly internationalized, and multinational corporations (MNCs) began to were employed as the most cost efficient method of pro duction in the garment and textile industries ( Nisnoff 1997, 178). This meant that women increasingly found formal labor opportunities in factories, leaving the home and expanding their responsibilities. While this did expand the societal expectation of w


59 garments and sewing, which had always been considered a traditional feminine skill. Hence, women were still limited in their employment opportunities by the societal imita tions imposed on their sex. Nisonoff credits the process of industrialization with the transitions of the work of women from domestic to industrial settings. She specifically acknowledges the role that export led develop ment and ISI methods employe d by bo th Brazil and Argentina played in the shift of women from domestic to professional settings. However, she expands on this discussion by explaining that due to the structural adjustment policies of the 1980s, women have suffered professionally, jilted from formal to informal employment realms In the 1980s, critics scrutinized whether jobs for women provided by MNCs were truly a progressive measure or if they served as a different level of exploitation. As Nisonoff explains marital families parallels historical debates over early industrialization in Europe and the Nisnoff 1997, 179). as Described T hrough Two Case Studies In order to delve further into the societal expectations of women and labor and their actual experiences, two different eth nographies set in Latin America are discu ssed: Development in Ecuador by Amy Lind (2005), and the 2010 publication Making Transnational Feminism: Rural Women, NGO Activists and Northern Donors in Brazil by anthropologist Millie Thayer (2010). These ethnographies serve as examples of how


60 Latin American women have actually experienced development policies, such as those movements, I seek to illustrate th at Latin American women have never just been waiting advantage of this opportunity to self organize and unite In Gendered Paradoxes (2005) nts that occurred in Ecuador during the second and third waves of Latin American feminism, as Though set in Ecuador, the struggles and dynamic responses of the women in this ethnography are relevant to the experiences of women in Brazil and Argentina. The central paradox discussed by Lind to survive by organizing in response to structural adjustment programs, challenging the exclusion ary nature of the programs (Lind, 2005, 12). These women independently dwellers after mass urbanization occurred due to economic pressures. Ecuador serves as an exa mple of the contradictions of development and modernization, for although extensive economic growth models have been introduced in the country, the inequalities between rich and poor were larger in the late 20 th century than when Ecuador instituted an indu strial economy in the 1950s as Brazil similarly did (Lind, 2005, 8). As of 2000, Ecuador had the largest international debt in Latin America, at $16 billion USD (Lin d, 2005, 53). This debt and policies put in place by the Ecuadorian government triggered h igh unemployment and an income equality disparity. Lind explores how women


61 inherited the largest amount of work due to these inequalities absorbing the social services not provided by the state or too expensive for the lower classes to afford. Lind questi ons which class of women actually benefits from modernization and globalization: rich or poor? According to Lind, elite women have a greater advantage over poor women in their access to resources, including education, and organizational techniques (Lind, 2 005, 60). She discusses the strategic essentialisms that allowed women to emphasize the similarities between them and see themselves as a unified group in or der to achieve strategic goals; f or example, women unified based on their identities as daughters, mothers, or wives. There were four organizations analyzed in this ethnography : the first is CONAMU, a Government Agency, with the official objective to obtain international and was that because of the small number of women working for this organization, can it truly be said that they understand the challenges facing the poorest of Ecuadorian women? The second organization, CPME, was an organization aiming to integrate women in go vernment by FNPME, a society based activism group that was critiqued for assuming social responsibilities that would otherwise be met by the state. The fourth group discuss ed was composed of autonomous feminists, who were aggressively critical of the above feminist strands for their focused but limited access to the poor women they were supposed to be representing. Ironically, as Lind notes, these women were elite themselves (Lind, 2005, 119 120).


62 whether they were supported by the current government administration and on the elasticity of their long term visions and goals. Elite women were advantag ed in not only their resources but their ability to use their resources towards lasting and sustainable achievements. Their influence when participating in demonstrations made a far greater impact in government protests than lower class women. One of the most relevant aspect of the ethnography for this thesis references women who protest as mothers representing their families against Ecuadorian dependency on international foreign aid These women protested explicitly against the to reconst ruct its economic sector according to its economic policy constraints (Lind, 2005, 69). By organizing themselves locally and educating themselves on the negative realities of foreign aid through modern technologies such as global newspapers and television, their organizing was successful in highlighting how their roles as mothers and consumers were being challenged by policy restrictions. By independently educating themselves on the issues at hand and contradictory populist reforms proposed by Ecuadorian Pr effectively fight for institutional change within the restrictive framework at their disposal (Lind, 2005, 115).These observations made by Lind illustrate the power of feminist ideas when introduced in a non political realm, beginning with women determining their roles as mothers themselves. These depoliticized identities blended the perception of power dynamics between public, or political realms, and private, household roles in Ecuador Through her writ ings, Lind effectively illustrates women as active participants in the struggles proposed by


63 policies, not as passive victims, which is typically the normal portrayal of women in ethnographic documentation of policy reforms. Her conclusions can be applied to the cases of Argentina and Brazil in that Latin American women should be considered active participants in order to achieve greater gender equality, including access to sustainable employment and resources. E valuating the access women have to labor opp ortunities, and how this is enabled or limited by their identities as women and as valid, active participants in their communities and societies within that construct will be considered further in later chapters A different author, Millie Thayer, also con siders the activism of women location, class and economic statures. In Making Transnational Feminism (2010), Thayer efficiently lays out a succinct history of sociopolitical occu rrences in the development of Brazilian feminism before Latin American feminism blossomed in the 1840 s, quite ea rly in terms of global feminism, primarily under the influence of female teachers who advocated education for women, feminine literature (such as O Sexo Feminino or The Feminine Sex), and other relatively liberal measures for the time It is imperative to no te that Latin American feminist movements developed simulta neously to, and independently fr om, Western feminism movements a surprising notion for many Westerners today, who seem to share a sweeping misconception that most s ociopolitical movements in the developing w orld are mere imitations. Thayer refers to develo ping nations, and in this case specifically Latin America, as the global South, while referring to developed nations and specifically North American feminist movements as the North. Thayer reveals that North ern and Southern


64 feminists were more competitive than dependent on one another and that in the South, women were organizing themselves for social and political change shortly after thei r countries gained independence; Brazil achieved its colonial independence in 1822. According to Thayer, until the 1920s the feminism movements in the North and South possessed similar ambitions, illustrated by the 1916 Pan American Scientific Congress, the first meeting of North and South American feminists, organized a call for ). However, the relationship between feminists from the North and South began to crumble in 1920, when American women won the right to vote, and consequently shifted their focus, while Brazilian women, for example, continued to struggle towards obtaining t he vote until achieving their goal in 1932 (Thayer, 2010, 42). The 1950s through 1970s in Latin America was a tumultuous time of revolution and military coups which pushed feminism underground, constraining the expansion of Southern feminism in comparison to that of the North (Thayer 2010, 42). Thayer notes the irony that contemporary movements emerged from the shadows of a severe military dictatorship (Thayer, 2010, 9). In 1964, a military coup reformed the Brazilian governing structur e into that of a military dictatorship, inflicting censorship and measures of extreme suppression upon its people, including purges of up to 50,000 suspected liberals that threatened the legitimacy of the regime (Thayer, 2010, 9). However, by driving all a lternative political groups underg round, the authoritarian regime actually spurred the organization of working middle and upper class women around gender based political groups. Under the regime, Brazilian w omen much like Ecuadorian women, suffered a sharp decline in purchasing power, an increase


65 in the costs of living, and an increased double burden As a result, in the 1960s and 1970s, Brazilian women increasingly organized against the high costs of living, demanding clean water and better working co nditions, so that in the mid 1970s, when the dictatorship began to slacken and civil society improved, feminist groups (particularly class based) were prepared to unfurl under the public eye. Thayer focuses on two different feminist organizations in the n ortheastern state of Pernambuco in Making Transnational Feminism. The first, know as SOS Corpo, (in English: SOS Body), is located in the urban area of Recife, a moderately sized modern city, and composed of middle and upper class women. The second group is known as located in the rural town of Serra Talhada. The membership of MMTR is composed of lower class, agricultural laborers. Both of these organizations are involved in transn ational feminist movements, connected to other transnational feminism global networks through the Internet, and through Brazilian, Latin American, and international conferences. Thayer compares and contrasts both organizations in her writing, starting with their class, and expanding to their resource based and internal divisions. SOS Corpo has incrementally more resources at its disposal, not only because it is located in a commerce filled large city with a high income per capita, but because their members are middle and upper class women. They have the financial capability to travel to international conferences, pitch large scale fundraising or lobbying events, and balance professional employment all because they can afford to employ help to complete dome stic duties. MMTR members have fewer opportunities; the majority of their members are low class women with fewer funding, educational, networking and resource


66 opportunities at their disposal. However a s Thayer points out, although these two groups have ver y different economic, class, and resource bases, they still share the similar goals of obtaining better employment and social opportunities for women, and both are particularly active in addressing women health issues (Thayer, 2010, 59). Start ing in 198 5, many rural feminist groups in Northeast Brazil were able to connect for the first time with groups in Southeast Brazil, starting the enduring tradition of communication between fe minist groups in Latin America (Thayer, 2010, 50). Thayer furthermore note international funding, and political experiences, feminists in Latin America were some of (Thayer, 2010 50). Based on her assessment one can surmise that the shared political experiences of revolution and late democratization that Brazilian feminists endured has significantly impacted the formation of Brazilian feminism, uniting women regardless of incom e or class However, Thayer notes that ethnicity and sexual orientation are still the primary division s between Brazilian feminists; Afro Brazilian feminists, Indigenous, and lesbian feminist groups are segregated from Anglo or Mixed ethnic feminism gr oups such as SOS Corpo and MMTR (Thayer, 2010, 50). In their conclusions, both Lind and Thayer illustrated that Brazilian and Ecuadorian succeeded in creating a united, self organized front against government imposed policies. In the face of socioeconomic an d political constraints they worked as active participants of social organization an d change, and not as the passive observers they were expected to be Despite differences in economic and social classes, the overriding similarities women share d in their identities as women, wives, mothers and


67 daughters bind and empowered them. Nonetheless these binding identities are often dismissed by formal government and policy creating institutions, directly impacting onomic stimuli and their own organizations have been defined and organized both independently and by policy making al employment participation. After considering the developmental constructs and accounts presented by Boserup, Sen, Ben eria, Lind and Thayer, it seems evident that women would benefit from being the central focus of sustainable de velopmental economics pro grams. After all, women are the most vulnerable actors in low income regions, particularly in Latin America. Nevertheless determined shared identities in order to be sustainable and effective. The theories of B oserup and Sen in particular offer a theoretical orientation for considering women in development, while the ethnographic data provided by Lind and Thayer presents an experiential presentation of development. Infrastructural change, implemented by effectiv e and transparent institutions, is necessary to raise the living standards and decrease inequalities both in income and correspondingly between genders. Keeping these notions in mind, the next chapter will outline the participation of Br azilian and Argenti nean women in the workforce, as well as gender equity through the presentation of various data indices Although the information in this chapter illustrates the difficulty of defining development and related factors, these indices still offer a relatively objective method of analysis in terms of formal sector participation and the gender inequalities found in Brazil and


68 Argentina for a side by side comparison. It is important to note that these data indices are narrow due to the limitations of their statis tical indicators, but they nevertheless offer a


69 Chapter 4 : Equity and Responsibilities Measures of Contention in Human Dev elopment How to objectively measure social and economic development has been a source of contention for decades in the international development community. Perhaps the most evident source of contention is due to the manifold perspectives that comprise the development community, including but not limited to the fields of economics, political science, sociology and anthropology This diversity is obvious after considering the various views and i ssues within the case studies by Lind and Thayer in the past chap ter. Issues of definition and labeling within gender and economics are multifaceted and convoluted. While my previous chapters have considered development from the perspectives of various disciplines, this chapter views through economic indices These indices are comprised of various dimensions of measurement that are each individually scaled by economists, working from both government produced censuses and individual household surveys, typically on a scale of 0 to 1. In these c ases, an average score would appear to be something such as: (.5060). The dimensions of these indices such as the Human Development Index (HDI), indicate the level of access to education, health and comfortable living standards. These indices allow policy making bodies and governments to see how a nation compares to other nations in the same geographical or income based regions, or how it compares to other nations on a global scale.


70 These indices are designed not to necessarily define progress nor prove o r define the achievements of one nation in comparison to another, but rather to align data in a way that illustrates the gaps that exist between nations so that individuals can interpret how best to create progress in that area, such as in gender inequalit y Indices are snapshots of how a nation stands in relation to others. Human development and its measurement changed dramatically in the 1980s, following policies of structural adjustment imposed on developing nations by the Washington Consensus. Followin produced in order to better illustrate the income per capita data that ranked nations numerically in the World Bank Development Reports of the late 20 th century (Klugman et al, 2012, 7). The indices that wil l be used in this chapter were all created in the 1990s or more recently, in response to a need for an evaluation mechanism that hum anized development and considered more than the disposable income of a household and its relation to life quality. It is cru cial to keep the fact in mind that these indices were meant to be alternative, more objective and precise statistical tools of analysis than the methods preceding them, including but not limited to measurements of strictly GDP. The indices that will be con sidered in this chapter are primarily gender centric, including the aforementioned Human Development Index, as well as the Gender related Development Index, Gender Empowerment Measurement, Gender Inequality Index, ic Opportunity Index. The participation of women in the labor force and industrial sector will also be featured, based on World Bank data. While these indices have received critique in the past decades for their oversimplification of serious issues it can be argued that they are in fact serving their


71 succinct purpose to delineate global trends through manageable statistical data on GDP and GNI Female Industrial Sector and Labor Participation Graph 4.1 : Brazil and Argentina: A Comparison of Female Rates o f Labor Participation 7 Indicators (Years: 2009 2010) Brazil Argentina Labor Force (Total) 101,586,446 18,369,196 Female Labor Participation Rate (Ages 15+) 59% 47% Male Labor Participation Rate (Age 15+) 81% 75% Females Employed in the Industrial S ector (2009/10) 13% 10% Males Employed in the Industrial Sector (2009/10) 29% 33% Vulnerable Employment of Women (Percent of Female Employment) 22% 17% Graph 4. 2: The Percent of Women Employed in the Industrial Sector of the Economy 8 7 The source for Graph 1 is the World Bank Data site, found at 8 The source for Graph 2 is the World Bank Data site, as well, found at


72 The graphs abo ve, based on the statistics and indicators available o n the website of the World Bank illustrate that a higher number of women were employed in the industrial sector in Brazil than in Argentina between 2002 2010 Brazil also has a higher number of women p articipating in the labor force in comparis on to Argentina. However Argentina does have a lower number of women who are vulnerably employed or employed in temporary or part time positions than their Brazilian counterparts although Argentina does have mor e male participants overall than Brazil These points seem to illustrate that Brazil has a larger industrial sector that more women participate in than that of Argentina, and due to the fact that Brazil has one of the largest economies worldwide, as well a s a high GDP, it seems likely that Brazilian women therefore have more economic opportunities due to industrialization as well as in the industri al sector than do Argentineans. In the long run, industrialization necessitates the creation or hearty improve ment of education, health, and other social services that will most directly influence the capabilities of women and children, by offering new opportunities and removing to some degree the burdens that women maintain in the absence of state services. These opportunities boosted by industrialization include burgeoning opportunities for women to pursue formal employment with health and maternity benefits that will ultimately lead, ideally, to a decrease in the gender gaps that exist acutely in lesser develope d nations. That is not to say that these changes will not occur without industrialization, but that they are enabled and sped by industrialization.


73 Human Development : The HDI The first Human Development Index was published in 1990 by the United Nations, based on the concept that social capital is the most valuable asset a nation can possess. The founder of the Human Development Index, Mahbub ul Haq (1934 1998), stated in inc ome or growth figures: greater access to knowledge, better nutrition and health participation in community activities. The objective of development is to create an enabling env created to emphasize that people and their capabilities should be the ultimate criteria for assessing th e development of a country, not economic growth alone. The HDI can also be The objectives of the Human Development Index rest on the foundations of human driven economic concepts presented by Indian E conomist and 1998 Nobel Prize Laureate, Professor Amartya Sen whose work is described in the previous chapter (UNDP, 2012). The editors of the Human Development Report, including Administrator Helene Clark, stress that the Human Development Index should n ot be interpreted as a static set of data, but instead as an emerging concept that is ultimately determined by the unique impact development has upon the lives of individuals. Essentially, the fact that development is construed from more than simple econom ic calculations is key in the legitimacy of this index.


74 Structure of the Human Development Index (HDI) 9 The Human Development Index is composed of three dimensions of analysis, as illustrated in the graph above: access to a long and healthy life (health) access to basic and higher knowledge (education), and finally, access to an adequate standard of living (living standards) (UNDP, 2012). These three dimensions are determined by four indicators. The dimension of health is life expectancy at birth, by usi ng a maximum age value of 83 years and a minimum value of 20 years, over the period of 1980 2010. The country where life expectancy at DP, 2012).The dimension of education is determined by mean years of schooling for adults aged 25, as well as the expected years of schooling for school age minors (6 18 years of age), limited by the expected years of schooling, which is placed at 18 years. The dimension of living 9 The source for this graph is the United Nations Development Program HDI website:


75 standard is composited of the gross national income per person. The HDI was meant to use as a reference for both economic and social development, making it revolutionary within the field of economics. The HDI allots ratings between zero and one to 187 countries (UNDP, 2012). In the case of HDI, scores close to zero illustrate low human development, while a score close to one signifies a high degree of human development. As explained on the United Nations Human Development Program we bpage, the data for the HDI is collected primarily from public United Nations databases and related sources. UNESCO Institute for Statistics provided data on the expected years of schooling. F or the life expectancy determination data is collected by the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), while Barro and Lee R esearch provided data on mean years of schooling (Barro and Lee are a notable developmental research team based out of Harvard University). The living standard determin ate data, comprised of gross national income (GNI) per capita was collected by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. However, there are still significant gaps in data for certain countries, dependent on the availability or ease of household surve ys, limited by conflict zones and the accessibilities of rural regions. The United Nations Development Program focuses specifically on the gross national income per capita (in other words, per person), because according to UNDP, it is the most accurate mea sure of living standards. The GNI per capita takes into account the price differences that exist between countries, mathematically converting them into a common currency, or international Purchasing Power Parity (PPP). Critics of HDI point out that this in dex obliterates the different dimensions of human deprivation, gender disparity, and inequality. In response to this, the UNDP cites


76 their other indices such as the Gender Inequality Index, which is discussed b elow, which specifically analyze s these very dimensions of development (UNDP, 2012). Other critics in both academic and policy making circles have also criticized specifically the simplicity of the HDI and its self imposed limitations and computational methodology. In response to these critiques, in 2010 the HDI committee embarked on a review of the Human Development Report, after which the committee introduced several changes to the HDI (Klugman et al, 2010). In 2010, three United Nations report officers, including Jeni Klugman, Francisco Rodriguez and Hyung Jin Choi, presented their findings and HDI (Klugman et al, 2010). Klugman and fellow authors present first the achievements of the HDI since its first publication in 1990, which include outlining a precise and easily concept that the HDI is a mea surement of human capabilities, not progress (Klugman et capabilities refer to the alternative lives b Klugman, Rodriguez and Jin Choi proceed to discuss the critiques provided from academic circles that condemn the extreme over simplicity of the HDI, ignoring the dimensions of human rights, pol itical freedoms, and equity in its analysis (Klugman et al, the environmental dimensions of development, especially the relationships between the performance of countrie s on the environmental and human development


77 (Klugman et al, 2012, 11). Klugman and her fellow authors maintain that it would be impossible for the HDI to measure all aspects of environmental, social and political well beings in one index; rat her, they state that the HDI is meant to measure core characteristics that are primarily conceptual in both measurement and design (Klugman et al, 2012, 11). By pursuing this goal, the index allows for a painting to be drawn of the larger picture of well b eing globally, that previously had not been accomplished by any other index (although today the World Bank Development Index is a major competitor, basing its findings on income per capita) (Klugman et al, 2012, 11). In order to produce additionally preci se results, the 2010 and future HDIs have been construed based on a new formula: HDI = (HHealth HEducation HLiving standard)1/3 in comparison to the old formula: HDI = (1/3)*(Hh + He + Hls) (Klugman et al, 2012, 3 14). Essentially, the new formula was created to modernize and increase the precision of the data in response to changes proposed by the 21 st century. The Human Development Report authors argue that the new formula still allows normalization in the three dimensions of measurement (living standards, education and health), although the determinate for living standards was changed from GDP to GNI in order to portray the precise income of individuals while still considering income inequalities which does substantially impact rankings Despite the changes made to the HDI formula in 2010, it was decided that no new dimensions (such as health) would be added. This conclusion two types of freedoms. One type confirms that the process through which s ociety functions is fair, while the other type of


78 freedom entails having greater opportunities to achieve that which people value ; both freedoms are taken into account by the HDI (Klugman et al, 2012, 16). The Human Development Report also defended their m easure of living standards in term of income and acquisition over his or her resources (Klugman, 2012, 16). In the specific cases of Brazil and Argentina, their HDI rat ings are illustrated below in comparison with other nations in their regions and the world, as well as the specificities of their HDI ranking score, dimension by dimension. Human Development Index: Brazil and Argentina Compared 10 Brazil: 2007 2011 HDI Score s in Comparison With Other Regions Year Human Development Score Latin America and the Caribbean Average Score World Average HDI Score 2011 0.718 0.731 0.682 2009 11 0.708 0.722 0.676 2008 0.705 0.720 0.674 2007 0.700 0.715 0.670 As of 2011, compared to 187 countries, Brazil had the rank score of 85 based on its HDI calculations. 10 Information for all four graphs in this section col lected from the United Nations International Human Development Indicators websites for Brazil: and Argentina: 11 2010 scores were unavailable.


79 Argentina: 2007 2011 HDI Scores in Comparison With Other Regions Year Human Development Score Latin America and the Caribbean Av erage Score World Average HDI Score 2011 0.797 0.731 0.682 2009 12 0.788 0.722 0.676 2008 0.786 0.720 0.674 2007 0.780 0.715 0.670 As of 2011, compared to 187 countries, Argentina had the rank score of 45 based on its HDI calculations. HDI score and dimensions as of 2011: 12 2010 scores were unavailable.


80 The Human Development Index falls on a scale between zero and one: zero is considered closest to a low level of human development, while one is considered the highest level of human development. In terms of Brazil an d Argentina, in 2011 Brazil had a level of .718 HDI, while Argentina had a level of .797. In this case, Argentina possessed a higher level of human development in comparison to Brazil, based on the HDI dimensions measuring conceptually the access to educat ion, good health, and good living standards (in terms of GNI). However, the HDI does not focus on gender equity ine qualities. Instead, the United Nations Development Program created the Gender Inequality Index in order to address the failures of the HDI in terms of gender. Gender Inequality Index : The Structure of the Gender Inequality Index (GII) 13 13 Graph collected from the Unite Nations Development Program Reports website:


81 The next index, the Gender Inequality Index (GII), is very similar in composition and method as the Human Development Index (HDI), and is also presented by t he United Nations Development Program (UNDP) since 1995. The Gender Inequality Index examines three dimensions in which women might face disadvantages: family life, employment, and access to education and other basic rights. Explicitly, the index illustrat es the loss of human development based on the inequality between genders within these three dimensions in a total of 146 countries. The GII is calculated in order to developmen t are eroded by gender inequality, and to provide empirical foundations for Gender Inequality Index Trends (1995 2011) Sample: Afghanistan to Brazil 14 14 Graph data provided by the United Nations Development Program, located at: cs/gii/


82 The range of the i ndex is from zero to one zero indicating that there is as little inequality as possible between men and women, and one indicating that gender inequality is as high as possible (United Nations Development Program, 2012). Each of the three aforementioned d imensions is measured by several indicators. The labor dimension is measured based on the female workforce participation in the nation. Conversely, the health dimension is measured by the following indicators: adolescent fertility rate and maternal mortali ty ratio. Finally, the empowerment dimension is calculated based on two indicators, including the share of parliamentary seats held by men and women, as well as by high school and college education attainment levels (United Nations Development Program, 201 2). As acknowledged by the United Nations Development Program, which compiles the data and composes this index, no country on the globe has a perfect score of zero in terms of gender inequality. Empirically, gender inequality can be proved to exist in eve ry country on Earth. According to the United Nations Development Program, the GII can be t although the GII is similar to HDI, there are some significant differences. For example, higher GII values indicate lower development achievements in comparison with HDI scores, and equally lower GII values illustrate higher achievements in terms of deve lopment (United Nations Development Program, 2012). The GII is composed of data from various public databases, many coming from sectors of the United Nations. Some, but not all of the tality ration; UNESCO education attainment statistics and the Barro Lee data sets; the United Nations


83 LABORSTA International Labor Organization database regarding labor market parti cipation (UNHD, 2012). 15 According to the United Nations Human Development Report, the average GII world score is .492 (which can be converted into 49.2%). This signifies that on average, countries have a GII score that is 49.2% below a perfect score of eq uality based on the three aforementioned dimensions of gender inequality. According to the United Nations Human Development Report, the largest contributor to gender inequality is reproductive health. Latin America and the Caribbean region each score 62.5% below a perfect score of equality, which is the third largest regional loss in the world, preceded only by South Asia and Sub Saharan Africa, each scoring 65.9% and 73% below perfect equality, respectively (UNHD, 2012). The limitations acknowledged by the United Nations Human Development Report include the constraints of its chosen indicators. As cited on the GII United Nations Development Report website: We use national parliamentary representation that excl udes participation at the local government level and elsewhere in community and public life. The labour market dimension lacks information on incomes, employment and on unpaid work by women 16 The Index misses other important dimensions, such as time use the fact that many women have the additional burd en of care giving a nd housekeeping, which cut into leisure time and increase stress and physical exhaustion. Asset ownership, gender based violence and participation in community decision making are also not captured, mainly due to limited data availabilit y. 17 15 abbreviation of the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization. 16 This refers to the fact that the GII does consider formal employme nt data, but not informal employment data, due to the difficulty in obtaining informal labor and employment statistics. 17 (United Nations Development Program, 2012).


84 As illustrated by the graph above, Brazil has hosted decreasing gender inequality levels in the past two decades: in 1995, Brazil had a GII score of .523, while in 2011 the country boasted scores of .448. Argentina has also had a decreasing gender in equality level according to the GII: in 1995, Argentina had a score of .426, while by 2011 that score had steadily dropped to .372 (UNDP, 2012). In comparison with one another, it is obvious that according to the Gender Inequality Index, Argentinean woman face a lower degree of inequality to men than Brazilian women do, in terms of reproductive rights, political and social empowerment, as well as access to the labor market. Gender Development Index (GDI) & Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) In 1995, the Hum an Development Report introduced two new indicators of gender in terms of social development. They were the Gender Development Index (GDI) and the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM). The GDI focuses on the same measures and data that the HDI does, but it spe cifically focuses on the inequality in achievement between women and men. The measurement of GDI is based on the gender disparity in basic capabilities, the lower a c Essentially, the GDI is simply the HDI adjusted for gender inequalities. It cannot, however, be considered a measure of gender inequality specifically; that is better evaluated by Gender Inequality Index. C onversely, the Gender Empowerment Measure can be considered a measurement of agency. The GEM focuses and monitors the progress degree to which women and men participate i n decision making in these spheres (UNDP, 2012). The GEM is calculated in the same method as the GDI, in term of HDI.


85 In 2006, the Human Development Report conducted a thorough evaluation of both GEM and GDI, on the tenth anniversary of their induction i nto the report. What the evaluation concluded was the relatively extensive misconceptions revolving around both indices. Both the GDI and GEM are based off the capabilities considered by the HDI, and face many of the same limitations that the HDI face, and neither can be considered direct representations of gender inequality (UNDP, 2012). For more information relating to the calculation method of both indices refer to the section on the Human Development Index. Both the GDI and GEM rely on an identical sc ale in comparison with the HDI: ranks closer to 1 are considered higher, and scores closer to 1 (rather than 0) are also considered greater than those closer to zero. Note the following graphs in terms of the Brazilian and Argentine GDI and GEM scores: Ge nder related Development Index and Gender Empowerment Measure Scores 18 Gender Related Development Index Gender Empowerment Measure Rank Score Rank Score Brazil 60 .798 70 .490 Argentina 36 .865 17 .728 After considering the graphs above, it is ev ident that Argentina has greater scores and ranks closer to one than Brazil, both in terms of GDI and GEM. Global Gender Gap Index (GGG) The annual Global Gender Gap Index was first published in 2006 by the international NGO World Economic Forum, which i s an independent international non government organization based in New York City and Geneva. The primary concern of 18 Citation: http://hdr. and


86 the World Economic Forum in their Global Gender Gap Index is to incite a forum for further research on the four dimensions of political, ed ucational, economic and health based inequalities between men and women in 135 nations (World Economic Forum, gap and its national competitiveness. Because women account for one 012). Each report focuses on three major concepts: measuring gaps, not levels of gender inequality; focusing on outcomes and not means or input variables; ranking countries in accordance 19 (World Economic For um, 2012). Similar to other indices, the highest possible score of the GGG is 1, indicating equality, while the lowest score is 0, indicating extreme inequality. Based on these scores, countries are then ranked from 1 to 135; 1 signifies a score that is c losest to 1, or a perfect Global Gender Gap, while a country scoring 135 has the lowest score that is farthest from 1. According to the 2012 Global Gender Gap Index, Iceland is ranked number 1 of the 135 nations evaluated with a score of .8640, while Yemen is ranked 135 with the lowest overall score, which was .5054 (World Economic Forum, 2012, 8). The four dimensions of political empowerment, educational attainment, economic participation and opportunity, and health based inequalities are used to score, 19 The difference between gender equality and empowerment is this: gender equality is a measure of the equality between men and women in terms of access to political and social rights, opportunities, over poverty reduction, democratic governance, crisis prevention and recovery, and environment and sustainable development (UNDP, 2012)


87 based on standard deviation and u nweigh ed score averages For more information on the calculation process, refer to the section on scoring Gender Inequality Index (GII) trends. Global Gender Gap Index Detailed 2012 Rankings: Brazil and Argentina 20 Country O verall GGG: Rank, Score Economic Participation & Opportunity: Rank, Score Educational Attainment: Rank, Score Health and Survival: Rank, Score Political Empowerment: Rank, Score Brazil 62, .6909 73, .6499 1*, 1.000 1*, .9796 72, .1344 Argentina 32, .7212 92, .6075 41, .9962 1, .9719 24, .3018 *In these cases, there were multiple nations that tied for the rank of 1. In the specific cases of Brazil and Argentina, it is evident by considering the graph above that illustrate s the Global Gender Gap Index of both countries, that Argentina has a smaller, and thus better, gender gap than Brazil. This is illustrated by Global Gender Gap), which signifies a greater access to education, better health, political empowerment and economic participation in comparison with Brazil, which possessed a ranking of 62 and a score of .6909, (.6909 being farther from 1 than .7212) (World Economic Forum, 2012). According to the 2012 editio n of this report, when diagnosed by region, Latin America ranked third, after only North America (which ranked first) and Europe and Central Asia (which ranked second). The GGG notes that there is a significant correlation between the global gap found in a country and its national competitiveness, development and income 21 (World Economic Forum, 2012, 42). The 20 (World Economic Forum, 2012, 6). 21 The competitiveness of a nation is dependent upon human talen t, which the World Economic Forum defines as the education, skills, and productivity of its workforce. Therefore, competitiveness is in some Economic Forum, 2012, 42 ).


88 countries that are generally closing education gaps and show high economic participation, (2) countries that are generally closing education gaps but show nd (4) countries that have Economic Forum, 2012, 34). For the purpose of this thesis analysis, it appears based on their GGG scores and ranking that Argentina falls withi n the first group, while Brazil falls within the second group. The index furthermore concludes that nations should strive to not only provide wo men with the same rights as men but also the same opportunities and responsibilities. According to the 2012 Glob al Gender Gap Report, the World Economic Forum hopes that the information presented by the report will illustrate to government and private policy makers the importance of offering women these aforementioned rights and opportunities, for it substantially c orrelates with the economic competitiveness of nations (World Economic Forum, 2012). There have not been substantial criticisms of the Global Gender Gap Index. An index that delves further than the Global Gender Gap Index into specifically the challenges faced by women in terms of economic and employment analyzed in this section. by the Economist Intelligence Unit, a subunit of The Economist magazine in 2010, and edited by Leila Butt.


89 This index focuses specifically on what factors inhibit the economic opportunities of women, in response to the fact that even in the 21 st century, after women have won the right to vote and be employed in professions formerly designated as strictly male, women still dramatically lag behind male counterparts in the workplace. This index is based in part on previous gender related indices such as the United Nations Gender related a set of laws, regulations, practices, customs and attitudes that allow women to participate in the workforce under conditions roughly equal to those of men, whether as wage earning employees or as Opportunity Index (WEO) is to encourage debate and deeper research on the variables business and employment opportunities around the world (Butt, 2010, 4). The WEO is based on data collected from six continents and 113 country economies. According to the index, Sweden, Belgium and Norway possess the greatest opportunity can be found in the nations of Yemen, Chad and Sudan (Butt, 2010, 5). This index surpasses simply evaluating preexisting gender gaps, which is the case of many other gender indices inste ad focusing on the national and local business environments within the regulation and data analyses (such as annual evaluations of equal pay conventions) of the International L abour Organization (Butt, 2010, 6). This index is based on scores ranging from 0


90 s economic opportunity, has a score of 88.5, while Sudan, ranked 113 out of 113 nations involved in the index, has a score of only 14.5 (Butt, 2012, 7). These scores are based on a regression of five category dimensions and 26 indicators. The five categor environment Butt, 2012, 10). Each of these five categories are furthermore comprised of several additional indicators; in the case of labor policy, for example, its indicators include: a.) Equal pay for equal work: ILO Equal Remuneration Convention; b.) Non discrimination c.) Countr y progress in aligning national policy with the terms of the Convention; d.) Maternity and paternity leave and provision (a composite indicator that assesses the length of maternity and paternity leave, and maternity benefits coverage); e.) Legal restricti ons on job types for women; f.) Difference between the statutory (pensionable) retirement age between men and women (Butt, 2012, 10). The total average (ranging from the aforementioned scale of 0 100) is comprised of the average of the unweighted indicato r and category score, which is the baseline overall score for each country on the WEO (Butt, 2012, 10).


91 22 likely based to the fact that it was only recently debuted on the international socioeconomic stage. However, the authors of the index itself do note that the WEO entail several restrictions in its data and analysis, most notably in the fact that it consid ers only the formal economy. As the authors point out, in many lower income economies, many women are employed in the informal work sector, which goes undocumented by official censors and hence often unacknowledged, as has been discussed in Chapter 3 of th is thesis. The report contends that long term informal employment has long term negative impacts on economic growth, and that the shift to formal from informal employment does have positive economic rewards, although it does not offer suggestions on how th is should be accomplished by women in lower income economies. The WEO authors conclude than until precise methods of data collection are created to measure 22 (Butt, 2012, 7).


92 informal employment, it is impossible to properly represent the informal aspect of opportunity in this index (Butt, 2010, 5). In the specific cases of Brazil and Argentina, Brazil precedes Argentina in its while Argentina scored 58.0 out of 100 possible points. Brazil ranked 38 of 113 countries included in the index, while Argent ina ranked 47 of 113 countries 23 Within a regional comparison of the Americas, Brazil ranked number 3 of 19, just under Canada (ranked number 1 with a score of 80.5) and the Unite d States (ranked number 2 with a score of 76.7) (Butt, 2012, 9). In terms of ranking by economic income classifications, both Brazil and Argentina were placed in the upper middle income classification, along with 27 other nations that possess an average g ross national income of between USD $3 856 and $11,905. In comparison with the 27 othe r nations, Brazil ranked number 6, just after Poland and Mauritius, while Argentina ranked 13 th following Uruguay and Panama (Butt, 2010, 8). Note the following country page reports taken directed from the 23 To put this in global context, Sweden was ranked number 1 while Sudan was ranked the lowest, at 113 of 113 countries examined by the WEO Index (Butt, 2010, 7).


93 After analyzing both diagrams, it is evident that Brazil received a higher score than Argentina based on its higher degree of labor policy and practice, as well as its higher ran finance is the largest disparity. While this does reflect that Brazil possesses a higher level index does not necessarily illustrate a correlation with higher equity or lower gender inequality, as illustrated by previously discussed indices


94 Descriptive Indices Conclusion Afte r a thorough analysis of the indices above, it is evident that when com paring Brazil and Argentina within the dimensions of human and gender development, Argentina surpasses the ranks and scores of Brazil in terms of human development, access to educational attainment, and gender empowerment, to name a few. However, in the sp Economic Opportunity published by The Economist Opportunity in dex suggests that this is due to the fact that Brazilian women have greater participation levels, a superior labor policy and greater access to finance than Argentineans. It is possible to conclude that the development measures aimed at economic opportunity are not necessarily going to lead or correlate This conclusion will be elaborated on in the next and final chapter


95 Chapter 5: Conclusion Gender equality is more than a goal in itself. It is a precondition for meeting the challenge of reducing poverty, promoting sustainable development and building good governance. Kofi Annan Ghanaian Diplomat and Former UN Secretary General In this current era of globalization and expansion, economic and gendered issues are international concerns. Therefore, now more than ever, it is vital that women, who serve as cornerstones in communities for their families, local economies, and sustainable futures, be prioritized in developing nations. Their educational and economic opportunities will serve as launch pads f or international market success. The success of conomic opportunities depend heavily upon the effective comprise half of the labor force. If a nation wishes to maximize the productivity of its workforce, it should begin by expanding equal opp ortunities to both genders. This analysis has sought to shine light on relation to the industrial development of a nation (a fundamental aspect of socioeconomic development) in order to highlight the vitality of women in the process of successful economic development Ideally, had there been fewer time and resource restrictions, I would have conducted field work interviews in order to enhance the quality of the information provided by the data indices. For example, asking wom en how accessible they actually feel employment opportunities are to them, and if they have seen a change particularly when paired with the existing data indices and ethnographies This wou ld serve as a welcome


96 expansion to both the validity and breadth of this study. However, I feel that by utilizing an interdisciplinary approach and presenting not only statistical indices but also policy 24 theory, and ethnographic details enhances the conc lusions made in this thesis. Detailing the historic, economic, political, and cultural contexts both surrounding and determining interpretation of the data indices in this interdi sciplinary analysis. As discussed in chapter two due to a series of political and economic planning decisions as well as historical occurrences dealing with colonialism and na tural resource division, Brazil grew during the 20 th century to have a greater industrial economic sector than its neighbor Argentina Although both nations similarly implemented ISI and suffered at the hands of military dictators for decades, their economic policies diverged significantly, serving as the lynch pin in their differin g economic growth patterns. Despite the fact that both nations suffered suppression at the hands of military dictatorships during the mid 20 th cen tury, the economic policies that were applied by these regimes differed greatly. Argentina remained rooted in the agricultural sector and faltered due to protectionist policy decisions that limited global reach and economic growth as a whole in the long run Argentine regimes did not implement the necessary incentives to encourage economic expansion from the agric ultural sector to the industrial sector. Conversely, Brazil grew steadily in the 20 th century, focusing it s policies on industrial expansion and the related increase of urbanization. Its diversified economy and management of inflation has led to llustrious status as a BRICs country, with 24 An example of policies that negatively impact women is illustrated by the aforementioned male breadwinning bias discussed in chapter one


97 one of the most promising developing economies worldwide, particularly in terms of telecommunication and aerospace technology. In c hapter three, the 20 th century theories presented by Boserup and Sen offer a theor etical orientation for considering women in development. fundamental case studies on women and development in Southeast Asia, Sub Saharan Africa and Latin America in the mid 2 0 th century suggests that the European hierarchical traditions th at infiltrated colonial Latin American cities in the 16 th century influenced the limited societal expectations of women thereafter European conceptions of women, such as that they should be seen and not heard, and that the female realm is in the house and not at the factory, influenced the societal gendered expectations that were from that point absorbed into culture. Sen argued that poverty should be se en not as a low degree of wellb eing, but rather the incapability to pursue better well being due to a la ck of economic opportunities, which was revolutionary. Sen posits that in the developing world, women are denied access to nutrition, education, and other forms of well being when living in male dominated households He argues that women who have access to educational and economic opportunities outside the home puts them at an advantage, making a case for the freedom of opportunity. These concepts are pertinent to both Brazilian and Argentinean women, who face class, political and gendered restraints These challenges are evident in the identities women create for themselves while organizing for policy change in comparison with the identities that they are assigned by governments and foreign, transnational organizations such as SOS Corpo near Recife, Brazil ( Thayer, 2010, 9 )


98 Also in chapter three, f emale identities and authentic development experiences were delineated by Amy Lind and Millie Thayer in their Ecuadorian and Brazilian ethnographies. These accounts men with the self driven These groups promoted societal change, gender empowerment and tran snational feminist strategies in their communities They also revealed women to be active participants in the develo pment process, rather than the passive victims or observers that they are often portrayed to be by governments and other organizations. Chapter four entailed descriptive comparisons of the Argentinean and Brazilian scores in the six following economic indi ces: Human Development Index, Gender related Development Index, Gender Empowerment Measurement, Gender Inequality Index, Argentinean Economic Opportunity Index. Technically, the Brazilian WEO ranking does confirm the premise of this thesis by suggesting a correlation between higher levels of However, I stress that this suggested correlation can in no way indicate a causal relationship based on the analysis demonstrated by descriptive data indices Indeed, the Brazilian WEO ranking does not obscure the fact that every other index cited actually indicate d that Argentina possessed a higher degree of gender equality and human development. W ithin the constraint of economic opportunity specifically, Brazilian w omen do appear to be better off, and this does correlate with highe r industrial sector development. However, it is significant to note that Brazilian women, according to these indices do not have


99 greater agency and equality in the workplace and at home when compared with Argentineans A plausible conjecture to explain these results is that lower industr ial development could contribute to a higher quality of life for women This could be concluded from concept that the lengthy process of industrialization in the short term harshly impacts the most vulnerable individuals in a population: women and children As p reviously mentioned in chapter three the process of industrialization is characterized by increasing urbanization and a shift from the ag ricultural to industrial sector resulting in many being displaced or discredited. As noted by economists Cypher and Dietz (2009), i n the long term, socioeconomic conditions and gender gaps do improve if industrialization is properly instituted; however, this does not eliminate the fact that it is a long and bumpy road t o get there. high level of inequality (in general) (according to HDI and aforementioned index rankings ), a better conclusion is one that entails Argentina possessing a higher qu ality of life and gender equity based on a gradual industrial transition, while Brazil offe rs greater economic opportunity stemm ing from its economy the leading Latin America n economy In Brazil, h ad wome participation been equally emphasized along with economic growth in the 20 th century, perhaps today Brazilian women would be leaders in terms of gender equality and labor participation. Based on conditions today, i t is feasible to believe that Br azil ca n theoretically promise women a competitive and enterprising future h igh level of economic growth as a leading developing economy if the government can

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100 implement policies that engage and enable women to work outside of the ho me with greater ease than they do today In terms of Argentina, women do experience a greater state of stable and positive gender development when compared with their Brazilian counterparts. If the Argentinean government wants to encourage greater economic growth, it should implement policies that stray from the protectionist ideology. However, for as this thesis illustrates, Argentinean women seem to have benefitted sig nificantly from a gradual industrial transition and economic expansion in the 20 th century. Argentina is therefore faced with a paradoxical trade off: if the national economic is to grow, a trade off with human and gender development will perhaps take plac e. However, this paradox deserves its own thesis and research if it is to be analyzed properly. Ultimately, I hope that this analysis has served to educate the reader o n the subtle nuances that have inf luenced the economic development divergence in Brazil and Argentina both of which will be leading actors in the 21 st century. Additionally by reading this thesis I hope the audience develop s a greater understand ing of the vital role women play in development, not to mention the necessity of gender equality in countries where the economy is undergoing the tumultuous process of industrial growth. The economy of a country and the opportunities perceived and accessed by its citizens are certainly related In a rapidly globalizing world where vast distances are compressed to span a second by email or text, this is imperative for Westerns to understand. Westerners must appreciate the influence economic development has over shifting global power dynamics, particularly as the global South continues down its current development path. Although both Brazilian and Argentinean women still have a distance to go before

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101 gaining greater if not total gender equality with men in terms of both economic and social stature and opportunity, the gains that they have made in the past century are notable and encouraging for the future.

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