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The Ainu of Northern Japan BY Evan Darrow A Thesis Submitted to the Division of Social Sciences New College of Florida in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts in Social Sciences Under the sponsorship of Uzi Baram Sarasota, Florida March, 2013
ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I was fortunate in that I had no major challenges in the writing of this thesis. At the same time, there are some people who have made the process, and the end result, much better. I would first like to thank my committee, Professor Uzi Baram, Professor Anthony Andrews, and Professor Brendan Goff. Professor Baram worked with me through this entire process, and I can safely say that the smoothness of this works production is thanks to him. I would also like to give special thanks to Professor Andrews, w ho came to my baccalaureate exam even though he was ill. I also want to acknowledge the kindness of Professor Goff, who agreed to be on committee after having me for only one class, and with that class final paper being less then entertaining. I would a lso like to acknowledge my family, who has given love, support, and the financial help that was necessary for me to finish this work, and my stay at the New College of Florida. I would like to give special thanks to my wonderful Fiance Dominique Ghirardi who has been with me through this entire process. Not only has she listened to my rants, she helped me come up with some of the main themes for my paper and most importantly, edited my final draft. Without her love and support, this process would have been nearly impossible
iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i TABLE OF CONTENTS ii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS iii ABSTRACT iv CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW 5 CHAPTER 3: HISTORY AND ORIGINS: EARLIEST RECORDED HISTORY TO THE MEIJI REFORMATION 9 CHAPTER 4: TRADITIONAL AINU CULTURE 33 CHAPTER 5: COLONIAL POLICIES OF MEIJI JAPAN 46 CHAPTER 6: COLONIAL LEGACY, TOURISM, AND THE AINU EXPERIENCE 57 CHAPTER 7: THE AINU CONTEXTUALIZED IN AN INTERNATIONAL INDIGENOUS PERSPECTIVE 68 CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSION 73 APPENDIX 1: MAJOR KAMUY AND KAMUY CLASSIFICATIONS 78 APPENDIX 2: THE HOKKAIDO FORMER NATIVES PROTECTION ACT OF 1899 (LAW NO.27 MARCH 1899) 79 BIBLIOGRAPHY 83
iv L IST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FIGURE 1: MAP OF JAPAN 2 FIGURE 2: AINU TERRITORY IN JAPAN 2 FIGURE 3: MAP OF TOHOKU AND SOUTHER N HOKKAIDO WITH EMISHI LOCATIONS AND ABE NO OMIS POTENTIAL ROUTE OF TRAVEL 11 FIGURE 4: POSSIBLE LOCATION OF ABE NO OMIS BATTLE 12 FIGURE 5: MAP OF MATSUMAE, WEST EZO, AND EAST EZO 18 FIGURE 6: SOKONI FUCHI WITH SPEAR INAU 35 FIGURE 7: AN AINU CHISE 40 FIGURE 8: A TATOOED AINU WOMAN 44 FIGURE 9: KAYANO AND REIKO ON THEIR WEDDING DAY 63
v Ainu of Northern Japan Evan Darrow New College of Florida, 2013 ABSTRACT The Ainu have a unique place in the Modern Japanese State as the only non Wajin internal, indigenous ethnic group. At the same time, they share a common history with most indigenous groups, one of colonial domination. The start of this colonial endeavor by the Japanese state began, at the latest, in the sixteenth century C.E., and continues today. As a result of the colonial process, most Ainu have lower social, economic, and educational opportunities that the average Japanese citizen. To explore these points, this thesis analyzes the history of Japanese colonial policy through an Ainu context, and then explores the Ainu lifestyle and experiences throughout the late 19th and early 20th century. By doing so, this thesis challenges the rhetoric of a homogenous Japan and of the conception of the Ainu as a dying people. _____________________________ Uzi Baram Division of Social Sciences
1 Chapter 1: Ainu of Northern Japan : An Introduction Though t he myth of a homogenous Japan has long been a part of Japanese nationalistic discourse this claim is not based in reality. Roughly four to six percent of the Japanese p eople are members of a minority group, most of whom suffer or have suffered considerable discrimination (Siddle 1996: 6). When considering Japan s colonial expansion, all of Japan s colonial activities are often considered a part of Meiji expansion (18681912) and the build up to World War II, but the Okinawans and the Ainu were part of the Japanese state long before the Meiji reformation took place. Even after Japan lost its colonies due to its defeat in World War II, it retained control of Okinawa and Hokkaido, partially because Hokkaido was considered part of the natural Japanese state and the Japanese citizens on Hokkaido wanted to remain part of the Jap anese state. For the Ainu, their land had already been settled by other people, and they made up only a fraction of a percent of the populace of Hokkaido, so they had little say in what happened to their land (Siddle 1996: 59). Japan (see figure 1) consists of many islands, with Shikoku, Kyushu, Honshu, and Hokkaido as the four primary islands. Shikoku, Kyushu, and Honshu have been part of the Japanese state since e arly recorded history with mentions of the islands being in the nominal control of the emperor in the Nihonshoki (~720 C.E.) with Honshu being the main island. Hokkaido was a recent addition, and was not fully claimed by the Japanese state until the end of the nineteenth century ( Siddle 1999: 71). As the northernmost Japanese island, it has harsh winters, and is fairly cool the rest of the year (Ono 1999: 37). Before the Japanese had control over the island, the Ainu people controlled most of Hokkaido, which they called Ainu Moshir(i) or the land of people At its largest
2 geographic size, Ainu Moshir (see figure 2) consisted of northern Touhoku, Hokkaido, Kuril Islands, and Sakhalin (Siddle 1996: 176). Figure 1: Map of Japan (Kazuro 1990: 36) Figure 1: Ainu Habitation in Japan (Harrison 2007: X). The Ainu were mostly hunter/gatherers with a distinct language, religion, and societal structure. They were also prominent traders and many of their significant cultural and religious symbols, such as iron swords, w ere gained through the Sakhalin
3 trade route between Manchuria and Japan The Ainu never developed a written language, and their native lan guage has no relation with Japanese (Harrison 1954: 278). By the 15th century, the Wajin which is the ethnic group that makes up the majority of the Japanese populace began to have increasing influence on Hokkaido. This influence would eventually incr ease into full scale economic colonial control, and lead to the gradual absorption (1551present) of the Ainu people and lands into the Japanese state. The colonial process in Hokkaido would take place over 600 years, and its effects can still be felt on people of Ainu ancestry to this day as the contemporary Ainu identity and socioeconomic status are a direct result of the colonial policies pursued by the Japanese state in the control of Hokkaido. To prove that claim, this thesis will anal yze Ainu history, culture, and Japanese colonial policies to lay out how the Japanese Ainu relationship has created a situation in which the Ainu have become second class citizens in their homeland. Chapter two is the literature review section. It will discuss the three main works that have influenced this thesis by giving a brief description of how Kayano Shigeru, Eric Wolf, and Takakura Shinichiro have influenced my writing and interpretation of the Ainu situation. In the third chapter, I will brief ly outline Japanese Ainu history up until the Meiji period. This will draw heavily on the work of Takakura Shinichiro (1960), who wrote one of the finest books on Edo period (16031868) colonial policy in Hokkaido. By analyzing the history, the early stages of how Hokkaidos colonialism affected the Ainu can be better understood, and it will lay the groundwork for further analysis of the Ainus condition in a more contemporary setting.
4 The forth chapter provides a version of traditional Ainu cultur e. While historic Ainu culture differed depending on the region, this chapter will not focus on the differences among the Ainu people, but will focus on core aspects of Ainu identity. By understanding Ainu traditional culture, the effects of Meiji coloni al policy will better understood. Chapter fifth analyzes Meiji colonial policy with the goal of revealing how the breakdown of Ainu society was accomplished through the policies pursued by the Meiji state. In addition, the economic transformation of Hokkaido will be examined to allow for an understanding of how the contemporary socioeconomic status of the Ainu was formed. The sixth chapters goal is to bring out the hum an aspect of the Ainu condition by examining the life of an important Ainu leader: Kayano Shigeru (1926 2006) Through his memoir, the quality of life for an Ainu person in the twentieth century will be examined, show ing the effects of early colonial policy on the Ainu from a personal perspective. Chapter seven and eight brings the Ai nu situation into the global. It offers a brief comparison between the Ainu, Native Americans, and Tahitian peoples, and show s how the colonial process has constructed and still alters identity It will also highlight how the indigenous experience is not isolated to the Ainu, showing how other groups have suffered the colonial policies of an outside power. After examining the issues of indigenous identity and rights in a context larger than the Ainu, this chapter concludes the thesis and discusses its fi ndings which are that the colonial policies of the Japanese state have directly and negatively affected the Ainu quality of life
5 Chapter 2: Literature Review Three major intellectual strands have influenced the focus and style of this work: the debunking of a passive periphery in colonial conquest, refuting the idea of a timeless and unchanging indigenous culture, and exploring the effects of a colonial legacy on an indigenous persons life. In the analysis of the Ainus history, Eric Wolfs (2010) Europe and the People without History provides the theoretical framework. For the historical background, Takakura Shinichiro (19 60) through The Ainu of Northern Japan: A Study in Conquest and Acculturation, has written one of the best histories on the Ainu during Edo period Japan. Not only is his work well detailed, but his passion for the condition of the Ainu, and his strong belief that through accura tely showing the Ainus history the Japanese people i nvolved with the Ainu can understand that the current Ainu condition is not an effect of any innate inferiority, but the result of hundreds of years of colonial oppression. As important as the academic perspective, the humanity of the Ainu experience is c rystalized through the book Our Land was a Forest: An Ainu Memoir by Kayano Shigeru (1994) His touching recollection of his own past, as well as the stories of his family, brings the important perspective of humanity for an anthropological /ethnographic understanding of the Ainu condition and the effects of the colonial process on the Ainus quality of life. Wolf (2010) works to counter the perception of timelessness that is often associated with nonEuropean indigenous cultures. He accomplished this t hrough giving brief, but informative sections on the histories of nonEuropeans, and the European encounter. While his argument is straight forward Wolf offers an important critique on
6 the idea of people being the same for hundreds or thousands of years which is still a common occurrence in the discourse surrounding native peoples. Not only does Wolf counter the assumption of a historically unchanging culture, but argues against the notion of an active European center and an inactive nonEuropean per iphery. It is not uncommon to see colonized people s represented as unchanged until affected by the European power, but Wolf critiques that misconception. Effectively u sing that aspect of his work helped to frame my own analysis of the Japanese Ainu relat ionship. P articularly in the history section, I use Wolfs theoretical framework on the interactions between people to discuss how the Ainu became incorporated into the Japanese state while being represented as a primitive people. Takakuras (1960) w ork offers Japanese specifics for W olfs global framework He argues against the notion of the Ainu being passive receptacles of Japanese control or of somehow being prehistoric savage s in the modern day. What is impressive about Takakuras scholarship i s the era in which it was written. Most of his writings and research was conducted in the 1930s, during the height of Japanese racialized superiority theories, but his work does not represent the Ainu as racially inferior or the Japanese as superior. Takakura (1960) covers Ainu history through interaction with the Japanese state from the fifteenth to the nineteenth century, ending with the fall of the Tokugawa Bakufu in the Meiji Reformation in 1868. While the work starts well before Tokugawa Japan, t he main focus is on the Matsumae clan, which formed under the Tokugawa, and their interactions with the Ainu people. Takakura uses a vast wealth of primary documentation
7 to examine the abusive policies by which t he Matsumae controlled the Ainu and how the control and policies altered the Ainu lifestyle. While Takakura often claims good intent by the Tokugawa Bakufus attempt to help the Ainu, he leaves no illusions of any success, or of the mainland governments efforts helping against the abusive Matsumae. Takakura is this thesis most important source for early Ainu history, and provides the main historical background for the argument of Hokkaido being the subject of a drawn out and brutal attempt at colonization. While Hokkaido is often considered a main island of Japan, and a long time part of the Japanese state, Takakura successfully makes the case that Hokkai do is a recent addition and incorporated into Japan trough intense suppression and colonization. Kayano s (1994) book recounts hi s life as an Ainu living in Nibutani Hokkaido throughout most of the twentieth century. He was born June 15th 1926 and died May 6th 2006. Originally published in Japanese, the work was translated by Kyoko and Lily Selden through the arrangement s of Kayano Shigeru. While Kayano does not speak English, Richard Siddle, an influential scholar on the Ainu, has asserted in his review of the book that the translation holds true to the original Japanese text (Siddle 1997: 3) Our Land was a Forest is p erhaps one of the most important books for understanding the Ainu and their experiences. For me, this work served to center my perception of the Ainu, and allowed me to always keep the human aspect of my study on the forefront of the historical analysis Kayano helps to understand the all toohuman aspects of the Japanese colonization. His work helped me form my perspective of the Ainu situation, particularly in how the colonial process created the conditions that led to the Ainu being a destitute and di scriminated against group. It is safe to say that Kayanos
8 work formed the linchpin in my understanding of how the domination of Hokkaido by the Japanese directly resulted in the contemporary condition of the Ainu. For an understanding of the colonial process which created the contemporary Ainu condition, an understanding of the ir history is important Using Wolf and Takakura, this thesis breaks down how the Japanese and Ainu interacted, dynamically shaping Hokkaido and the people who lived there. For the understanding of the contemporary Ainu condition, I examine the colonial policies of late nineteenth and early twentieth century Japan in a similar manner to Takakuras examination of Edo period colonial policy and the specific ways in which it altered Ainu culture. Finally, I use Kayano as a focal point to bring the discussion of the colonial processes effects on Ainu identity to the late twentieth century.
9 Chapter 3: History and Origins: From the Earliest Recorded History to the Meiji Reformation M any early and modern Ainu historical studies were conducted to explain Japanese history and the Japanese past, not the Ainus past Therefore, w hen looking at the history of the Ainu, one has to address it from a Japanese centric perspective. W hile certain scholars such as Richard Siddle (1996) have broken from the mold and wr itten about the Ainu for the understanding of the Ainu, most sources do not take tha t stance. Th at makes unbiased and accurate description of historic Ainu life difficult. It is still possible due to the many skilled writers who have taken the challenge, such as Takakura Shinichiro, who is my primary source for Ainu history starting from the early fifteenth century to 1808. Takakura began working on his book, Ainu Seisaku Shi ( The Ainu of Northern Japan: A Study in Conquest and Acculturation) in 1928 but did not publish the final version until 1948. The English translation of Ainu Seisaku Shi was published in 1960 by John A. Harrison. According to Harrison, Takakura spent his life studying manuscripts on Ainu colonial policy and history and wrote the first major account of colonial policy during Edo period Japan (Takakura 1960:57) Harrison provides a quote which nicely summarizes Takakuras drive and goal in writing Ainu Seisaku Shi : To his work Professor Takakura brought a rare spirit of anger at the fact that, during my youth, it was apparent that nothing was bei n g done to improve the l ot of the Ainu [but] as I pursued my studies I came to realize that I could not solve this problem unless I had an accurate understanding of the historic development. (1960: 5) This chapter will consist of a discussion of Ainu history through its political and economic relations with the Japanese state from the earliest accounts till the Meiji era. This discussion draws heavily from Eric R. Wolfs (2010) Europe and the People Wi thout History Through a discussion of their history it will be shown that the
10 Ainu lived in and used the land they possessed before Wajin intervention and that they had distinct political and economic systems that were simultaneously tied to and separate from the early Japanese state. This should refute any notion of the Ainu land falling into the category of Terra Nullius History prior to 1200: Early potential records to a distinct Ainu imprint in the historical record Some of the earliest possible written evidence of the Ainu is from the Nihonshoki of an expedition by Prince Hirafu Abe no Omi, during the chapter of the Emperor Saimei. The ex pedition took place between 658 and 660 C.E. Whether Abe noOmi reached Hokkaido and whether or not the Ainu existed at that time is arguable. Sakuzaemon (1970) who spent forty years r esearching the Ainu, believes that Abe noOmi reached Hokkaido and encountered the ancestors of the Ainu on his journey. Abe noOmi was said to have brought seventy bear pelts and two live brown bears back with him to present to the emperor. Sakuzaemon (1970) argues that brown bears did not live on the mainland, so Abe noOmi must have reached Hokkaido. Once Abe noOmi reached Hokkaido, it is recorded that he found one thousand Watarishima Emishi camped at the mouth of a large river.1 The term Emishi refers to almost any northern barbarian who lived in historic Japan. Sakuzaemon claims that there were two different main Emishi tribes, the Michinoku Emishi and the more northern Watarishima Emishi. The Watarishima Emishi are the Ainu, according to Sakuzaemon (1970: 12). Abe noOmi led a fleet of two hundred ships to help the Watarishima Emishi defeat an invadi ng tribe called the Ashihase. Sakuzaemon theorizes that, based on the 1 Emishi can also be read as Ebisu, which has a slight different direct meaning, but in general can be used interchangeable with Emishi (Fukusawa 1998: 8).
11 descriptions given in the Nihonshoki, the area of the battle has to be the Ishikari River (see figure 3) There, AbenoOmi and his Watarishima allies defeated the Ashihase, who were d istinctly not Emishi, since their foreign nature is noted in the Nihonshoki Figure 4 shows the location of the Ishikari River w here Abeno Omi battled with the Ashihase. Sakuzaemon ( 1970: 48) claims that the Ashihase are from mainland Asia. Not all scholars agree with Sakuzaemons depiction on Abe noOmis military campaign. Sakuzaemon provides one counter argument, by H. Tanaami, who claim s that the Watarishima were from the Ohwu district, which is located in the northern part of Honshu, an d that the Ashihase are Ainu. In addition, Tanaami makes the claim that Abe noOmi did not successfully defeat anyone (Sakuzaemon 1970: 1011). Figure 3: Map of Tohoku and Southern Hokkaido with Emishi Locations and Abe -no-Omis Potential Route of Travel (Sakuzaemon 1970: 3)
12 Sjberg ( 1993: 94 ) makes a similar conclusion to Sakuzaemon, using evidence from the Nihonshoki as well as evidence from a fifth century C.E. Chinese history, in which Japan is described as having a ruler who conquered fifty five countries of hairy men to the east Since this fifth century description would be around two hundred years before Abe no Omis mission, it could reveal a possible explanation as to why the Emperor Saimei would send military aid to the Watarishima Emishi. Based on the information given by Sjberg, it is possible that the Emishi were in a tributary relationship with the ancient Japanese state. Figure 4: Possible Location of Abe -n o -Omis Battle (Sakuzaemon 1970: 10) In the eight to ninth century C.E., military action was taken against the Emishi of Honshu in an attempt to conquer the rest of the mainland. Evidence of this is seen by Tamuramaro Sakanoue s expedition against the Emishi in 801 C.E. After the military attacks, the ancient Japanese state switched policies to one of appeasement of the Emishi tribes Different Emishi tribes were played against each other and certain tribes took
13 steps to integr ate themselves with the Wajin Clan leaders intermarried with Wajin elite and became the lords of Touhoku and fully part of the ancient Japanese state. The Emishi who did not give in to Wajin cultural and political rule were pushed into Hokkaido by the e nd of the eleventh century C.E. and became known as the Ezo. While there was no forced relocation of the Emishi to Hokkaido, many of the Emishi tribes refused to incorporate into the Wajin system, and as a result were relentlessly attacked by Japanese for ces until they fled from Honshu. As the separation between the Japanified Emishi and the separatist Emishi solidified a distinct Satsumon culture group formed in what is now known as Hokkaido (Kikuchi 1999: 746, Siddle 1996: 289) The control of Touhoku by the Japanese state was accomplished by the Abe and Kiyoha ra families during the 11th century, but the authority of the Heian (7941185) court was not absolutely recognized by th ose powerful families. For that reason, those rulers were often referred to as Emishi to signify their tenuous connections with the central Heian authority. The Fujiwara clan, who would gain control of the region before the end of the Heian period, would also be called Emishi. In 1185 C.E., Minamoto Yoritomo, first shogun of the Kamakura Bakufu destroyed the Fujiwara clan shortly after he established the Bakufu and brought all of Honshu under his nominal control. Bakufu is the Japanese term for a Shogunal government. During this time of warfare, many people living in the Touhoku region escaped the violence by fleeing across the Tsugaru Straits to Hokkaido. Control of this region was given to the Andou clan, which would retain control of the Tsugaru Straits and the Wajin set tlements in Hokkaido until 1604. The straight is a fairly easy passage, so oversight by the Andou was possible, but strong oversight is not revealed in the historic record (Siddle 1996: 2831)
14 A distinct Ainu presence in the archaeological record did not appear until around the 13th century C.E. (Yamaura and Ushiro 1999: 40) The culture group to which the Emishi would have belonged during the time of Abe noOmi would have been the Epi Jomon culture which would become the Satsuma culture The other culture group of Hokkaido, the Okhotsk culture, was in the northern sections (Yamaura and Ushiro 1999: 40). The Epi Jomon would be the remnants of the Jomon culture being pushed north by the Yayoi people, who moved from the continent to southern Honshu and Kyushu beginning around 300 B.C.E. A distinct nonJomon culture would form in northern Honshu and southern Hokkaido around 700 C.E. as the Satsuma culture (Yamaura 1999: 425). The term Ezo which is mostly accepted as the name of the his toric Ainu and at the end of its use was used interchangeably with Ainu, first appeared around 1150 C.E. in a Japanese waka poem written by Fujiwara no Chikataka:2 Ezo ga sumu Tsugaro no nobe no hagizakari K oya nishikigi no tateru naruran. (Sakuzaemon 1970: 4) The blooming bush clovers in the field of Tsugaro were the Ezo live remind us of the painted courting love wands standing on ar ray in front of a damsels home (Sakuzaemon 1970:4) Ezo uses the same kanji as Emishi, which mar ks a clear shift of identity, from the Japanese perspective, from Emishi to Ezo. This understanding of Ezo is not proof that the Ezo and Emishi are the same people, since Emishi is not a distinct cultural group. There is no consensus in the academic community on w hether or not the Emishi and the Ezo are the same culture group (Fukusawa 1998: 79). If these pre Ezo people of northern Honshu and Hokkaido are considered the early Ainu, then there can be a distinct 2 Other authors give earlier times for the use of the word Ezo but only Sakuzaemon provides direct evidence of the use.
15 connection drawn between the Jomon and the modern Ainu, however t hese distinct connections are not certain, so these pre 1200 Ainu can only loosely be considered ancestors of the modern Ainu. History of 12001551: Beginning of Wajin settlers movement to Ezo to the establishment of recognized Wajin territory on Ezo. The Ainu presence i n the historical record from the 13th through early 15th century is mostly in historical recordings of trade relations Early Ainu merchants from Sakhalin and Hokkaido acted as middlemen in a trade route that connected the early Japanese state to Manchuria. Sakhalin Ainu, as well as Santan, Gilyak, and Goruji people would trade along the Amur River with Manchurian and Chinese merchants. Gilyak and Goruji tribes lived along the coast of continental Asia, north of Hokkaido. The Santan not only lived on the coast, but also lived seasonally on Sakhalin with the Ainu (Harrison 1954: 281) Goods from the Manchurian trade would travel to Hokkaido in two fashions: first, directly by the Ainu merchants, and second, by merchants from the other tribes. A vast majority of the Sino/Manchurian trade goods in Hokkaido were from the trade with Santan, Gilyak, and Goruji merchants. The Ainu would trade feathers and furs for exotic foreign goods, to both the Chinese and the Japanese. In the Japanese trade, the Ainu would receive iron swords as well as other artisan items and exotic food stuffs. In addition to Ainu goods such as furs, feathers, and other natural resources, valuable Chinese goods would be traded to the Japanese merchants The exact start of this trade is unknown, but Chinese roofing tiles were found in northern Hokkaido dating back to 1485 C.E. (Harrison 1954: 278 81). Many of the goods acquired in the trade were perishable or too val uable to throw away and so did not enter the archaeological record T herefore,
16 it is hard to estimate the exact start of the Amur River Basin trade (Harrison 1954: 2802). Once Honshu was incorporated into the Japanese state, Wajin settlers, mostly criminals and refugees fleeing war, began to settle the southern tip of Hokkaido, and by the 15th century there were many trading settlements around the southern tip of the Oshima Peninsula. The Wajin settlers in Hokkaido relied on trade with the Ainu for furs, meat, natural resources, and fish, while the Ainu traded for rice iron and luxury goods. The se Japanese luxury goods which included laquerw are swords, clothes, jewelry, and iron tools, would become a major sign of wealth in Ainu society ( Harrison 1954: 17983, Siddle 1999: 68). Before 1456 C.E., peaceful trade marked the main interaction between the Ainu and Wajin in Hokkaido, but in that year, war broke out between the nearby Ainu tribes and the Wajin settlers. This precise date is known because the central cause of the war between the Wajin and the Ainu w as recorded in the historical record when a Wajin blacksmith killed an Ainu in a fight over a blunt knif e. Unfortunately, more details on the fight over the knife are not available in a n English source, and may not even be available in any Japanese records. In response to the murder of an Ainu by a Wajin, an Ainu leader, Koshamain, organized the Ainu in a coordinated attack on the Wajin in Hokkaido. In the attacks, all but two of the Wajin settlements were destroyed, and the Wajin were almost fully driven out of Hokkaido. The intermittent violence between the two groups would continue until 1556, marked by attempts at peace, but the Wajin tactic of killing the Ainu leaders during peace negotiations often caused the warfare to rekindle During the fighting, the Kakizaki family would emerge as the dominant Wajin leaders in
17 Hokkaido and led the fig ht against the Ainu. It was the Kakizaki family that organized one underhanded, yet successful tactic by the Japanese during the war: feigned peace talks that resulted in the assassination of the Ainu leaders (Takakura 1960: 25) It was in the year 1514 C .E. that the Kakizaki family became the leaders of Wajin controlled Hokkaido, and the first feigned peace talk took place in 1515 C.E., with two others happening in 1529 and 1536 C.E. This use of treachery was common in inter Wajin warfare during this time, but was foreign to the Ainu, who had a custom of settling disputes through discussion ( charanke ) (Siddle 1996: 301, Siddle 1999: 68). In addition to successfully holding the Wajin territories from the Ainu, the Kakizaki family would be granted control of the t erritory by the Andou clan and be given the right to impose taxes on merchant vessels and travelers While the Kakizaki were given control of the territory, they remained vassals of the Andou Clan ( Siddle 1996: 31, Takakura 1960: 25). In 1551 C.E., Kakizaki Suehiro, the patriarch of the Kakizaki family became convinced that the continued warfare was too damaging to trade, so he successfully arranged for peace with the Ainu leaders. The resulting agreement split the trade profits between the Ainu leaders and the Kakizaki family and established Japanese control of a small area of Southern Hokkaido. O ne effect of this agreement was to give the Kakizaki family monopolistic control over Hokkaido trade ( Siddle 1996: 31, Siddle 1999: 689). The rest of Hokkaido was split into East and West Ezo (see figure 5 ) and nominally given to two different chiefs : Hashitain of Setanai as chief of West Ezo and Chikomotain of Shiriuchi of East Ezo. Taxes levied on Wa jin merchants trading in Hokkaido were distributed to the two chiefs (Takakura 1960: 12).
18 Figure 5: Map of Matsumae, West Ezo, and East Ezo History of 15511672: From the establishment of the peace accords between the Kakizaki family and the Ainu to the end of the first Ainu revolt. Control of the Wajin section of Hokkaido solidified after peace was arranged between the Kakizaki family and the Ainu, but Wajin power remained fairly weak. In 1599, the Kakizaki took the name Matsumae to reflect an in crease in their power and independence. Their family name also became the name of their domain. Six years before the Kakizaki took the name Matsumae and became an official clan under the Tokugawa Bakufu, Toyotomi Hideyoshi recognized the lord of Ezos ri ght to tax merchants with an official red seal edict: Taxes on vessels may be imposed as this has long been the practice (Takakura 1960: 25). In 1604, the Matsumae were recognized as an independent clan from an enfeifment by a black seal edict of Tokugawa Ieyasu. This edict included two major powers for the Matsumae:
19 It will be unlawful for those who come to Matsumae to trade with the Ezo without the permission of the Lord of the Island. Those who do engage in trade without the permission of the Lord of the Island are to be report ed at once. (quoted in Takakura 1960: 25) These two edicts granted the Matsumae monopolis tic powers of all trade and travel in Ezo. In addition, the Matsumae imposed taxe s on gold mines, monopolized the sale of hawks, and taxed the residents ( Takakura 1960: 25) By becoming a recognized and independent clan, the Matsumae not only increased their economic rights, but also their general expenses In addition to paying stipends to their retainers, the Matsumae had to maintain contact with the Bakufu. As an active clan in the Edo hierarchy, the Matsumae had to make frequent trips to Edo and Ky oto, as well as provide extravagant gifts for the Shogun and Emperor. For the retainers of the Matsumae, a unique method of stipends w as pursued. For lower retainers, the normal rice stipend was given, but for the higher ranked retainers, instead of a direct stipend, a region, called Basho was given to them. The retainers did not have the rights to exploit the resources of this land without consent of the Matsumae, but they did have the rights to control and tax the trade. When traders would come to Matsumae, their goods would be brought to various trading outpost, controlled either by a retainer or the Matsumae themselves. The Ainu co uld then go to the trading outposts and conduct trade with the merchants. This trade would take the form of a gift exchange. The Wajin merchant would give gifts such as sake, tobacco, and rice and in exchange, they would receive valuable goods the Ainu h ad gathered such as bear pelts or whale meat. This trade style had two primary effects on the Ainu, the first being that the Ainu were protected from irresponsible merchants. The Matsumae had a strong desire early on to maintain the peace with Ainu, so a priority was made out of making the trade appear
20 fair to the Ainu chiefs. The second effect was the eventual ending of direct Ainu trade in Honshu ports, as it became easier for the Ainu to trade locally, instead of travelling by canoe to Honshu ( Takak ura 1960: 256). In the initial phases of the peaceful trade, the Matsumae strictly followed an edict set forth by Toyotomi Hideyoshi: Crews and merchants coming to Matsumae from other countries shall treat the Ezo as their own people and refrain from doi ng them injustice (quoted in Takakura 1960: 27). This was interpreted by the Matsumae as governing without the use of force. There was no direct control placed on the Ainu by the Matsumae. The Ainu were self governed, legally independent, and retained their own culture, and Japanese people were banned from entering Ainu territory without permission. The only time the Matsumae had an official presence among the Ainu was when acting as a mediator between two powerful chiefs The most influential form of indirect control the Matsumae placed on the Ainu was the banning of trade initiated by the Ainu. Previously, the Ainu would go to the Wajin settlements in Hokkaido and Honshu and trade directly, but after this ban, the Ainu lost that power. This resulted in the de s ignation of areas where Wajin merchants could legally trade with the Ainu. The Matsumae created designated trade areas away from both Wajin and Ainu settlements An order exemplifying the rule s of this was given to the Commissioner at Kumaishi prior to 1691, Should the Ezo bring goods to trade for rice the goods shall be examined and confiscated and the Ezo sent back. Under no circumstances should they be allowed to trade. (1960: 27). Thi s policy of protected relations began to shift as the Matsumae became wealthy and powerful due to their monopoly over the Ainu trade. Ainu groups who were farther
21 away from the Matsumae domain and who had abundant lands were not particularly dependent on the Matsumae trade, and as such, remained relatively independent. Yet t he groups closer to the Matsumae domain had a difficult time living with the traditional lifestyle, as game and fish became scarce near the Wajin controlled territory. Due to the trade restrictions, the Ainu near the Matsumae became dependent on the trade ships, and if the traders did not come, starvation became an issue. Thus the Matsumae treatment of the Ainu began to take on a more controlling nature and their pow er to influence the nearby Ainu gave them a decided advantage in all exchanges ( Takakura 1960: 27). An important source of information on the Ainu grievances is by a Tsugaru spy : Maki Tadaemon. He spoke with many of the Ainu chiefs, and recorded many of t heir complaints in his report. The complaints were of increasingly unfair trade, such as this complaint by the chief of Shirafuka: During the time of the Lord of the Island (probably Yoshihiro) trading conditions were one sack of rice containing two to [ u] for five bundles of dried salmon. Recently they have started to give us only seven or eight sho[ u] of rice for the same amount of fish. Since we people have no power of refusal we are obliged to do as they please (1960: 28).3 Not only were accounts o f trade grievances recorded, but new practices further increased the strain on Wajin Ainu relations. Originally, Wajin from the mainland, in addition to trade, traveled to Ezo for hunting and fishing. The commercial and predatory acts of the Wajin merchants further inflamed the growing discontent among the Ainu. The chief of Shirafuka had a further complaint about the Wajin: Recently Merchants have come from Matsumae for Aji They cast huge nets in our rivers and the salmon they catch are taken to the mainland for sale. We have complained to them saying that if they catch all the fish there will be none left for us and we would be bereft of a means of making 3 1 shou=1.58 quart, 1 tou =3.97 gallon, 10 shou=1 to, 1 bundle of salmon = 20 salmon (Takakura 1960: 6, 39).
22 a living. They answer us by saying that we want too much and they remind us that this territory is the estate of the Matsumae and they even beat us. To make matters worse they bought the salmon we caught at a very low price (1960: 28). Rights to fishing in the oceans near Hokkaido may or may not have belonged to the Ainu, but the Ainu were given a monopoly on fishing in the streams and lakes by the Matsumae. As a buses by the Wajin grew worse, the Chief of Yoichi visited the Matsumae. A brief account of his expedition was recorded by Maki Tadaemon: As the situation grew worse, Kekushike, a chief of the Yoichi, although past seventy years of age, went to Matsumae to see the Lord and to appeal. However, he was badly treated and visited with all sorts of punishments for coming to a place forbidden to him and he was barely able to return to the Ezo. He was furious and determined to rally the natives for a war but some of his friends opposed his plans and he finally relinquished them ( quoted in Takakura 1960: 28). Afte r the abuse of the Chief of Yoichi, the situation continued to deteriorate because gold was discovered in 1631. The Matsumae allowed alluvial miners to enter the Ainu territories for a fee, and so by 1635 miners had penetrated large sections of the island. This brought about a shift in Matsumae policy in which the Wajin were no longer monitored for their behavior toward the Ainu and that Wajin were allowed to enter Ainu territory as long as they did not infringe on the Matsumae monopoly The only rule that was still enforced was the prohibition of trading weapons to the Ainu (1960: 28) As discontent with the Matsumae grew, there were a series of two rebellions. The first small, rebellion was by Chief Henauke of the Setanai in 1644. Not much is recorded on the effects of his rebellion. The large rebellion began in 1668 and was a response to a botched mediation attempt by the Matsumae. A dispute over fishing rights between the S aru and the Shibuchari Ainu began the general revolt that would include most of the Ainu groups. The Matsumae sent a delegate to mediate, but showed an overall
23 indifference to the dispute. Onibishi, chief of the Saru Ainu wanted further aid by the Matsum ae, but the indifference of the mediator infuriated Shakushain, Chief of the Shibuchari Ainu During the mediation, Onibishi was killed by S hakushain, and as a result, a massive Ainu revolt against the Matsumae began in the following year (1960: 289). Many of the Ainu clans participated in the attacks on the Wajin, with a majority of the violence happening in the areas closest to Matsumae. In East Ezo, eleven boats were attacked and 120 people (including two samurai) were killed. In West Ezo, eight boats were attacked, resulting in the deaths of 153 people (including two samurai and three hawk masters). While these attacks were a shock to the Wajin, the revolt largely failed (Takakura 1960: 29) After attacking the merchants, Shakushain led his army to Matsumae, were they were soundly defeated by the Matsumae forces, which were further reinforced by the Bakufu which is the term for the Tokugawa government (Siddle 1999: 70). Shakushain was killed in the battle (Takakura 1960: 28). After this victory, the Matsumae sent three punitive forces to suppress the Ainu, sending troops to Yoichi (1670), Shiraoi (1671), and Kunnui (1672). These attacks were all successful in subduing the Ainu rebellion (Takakura 1960: 29, Si ddle 1999: 70). After their victory, the Matsumae required the Ainu to provide compensation and to follow a seven point pledge: 1. All orders from the Lord, regardless of their nature, will be observed by us, our offspring and Utare (kinsfolk) regardless of sex. 2. If a plot to rebel against the Lord is discovered every effort will be made to persuade the plotter to abandon his plan, and if persuasion fails, the plot shall be reported immediately. Any trouble cause d by the retainers entering this country will b e taken care of.
24 3. No harm will come to any Shamo (mainlander) traveling in this country on an errand of the Lord. Any Shamo will be welcomed and given food even if traveling on his own private business. 4. No harm shall come to hawk roosts or to gold mines. 5. As hereafter ordered by the Lord, we promise to have reasonable and peaceful relations with merchant vessels. Buying from other countries is forbidden as is the sale of goods produced in this country to them. Those who bring back skins and dried salmon f rom foreign countries with the intention of selling them here shall be punished. 6. Hereafter the trade rates will be five skins or bundles of dried salmon to one sack of rice. Presents, tobacco and hardware, will be valued in accord with the value of rice. When trade goods are abundant the values of skins and salmon will be lowered. 7. No harm will come to messengers of the Lord, whether they be on foot or on horse or weather the message be by hawk. Dog meat for hawks shall be supplied whether it is paid for or not. We, our offspring and our kinsfolk, regardless of sex, swear to observe the above mentioned promises. May God punish and destroy all those who may violate this oath ( quoted in Takakura 1960: 29). This pledge gave the Lord of Matsumae direct control over the Ainu. As a result, the economic hardship on the Ainu increased. Not only were the terms of trade even more unfavorable for them, the Ainu of West Ezo had to pay annual tribute to the Matsumae, engage in labor for the Matsumae, and provide dog food for the hawks.4 Only the Ainu who lived in the northern areas did not have to agree to the oath, but many of the central Ainu who did not rebel were forced to agree to the oath ( 1960: 29). This marks the most extreme and direct shift from a nearly balanced relationship to one of Wajin domination and colonialism. 1672 would mark the official shift of policy away from appeasement and damage control to one of economic subjugation and domination. Due to the increasing power of the Matsumae and Ainu reliance on Matsumae goods it was most likely inevitable that the relationship would eventually shift to dominance by the Wajin regardless of whether 4 I think dog food means dog meat for the hawks to eat. The translation of Takakuras work leaves much to question.
25 or not the rebellion took place. What can be seen in the historical record is a n intensification of the dominant Wajin structure in the relationship with the Ainu immediately after the rebellion. This Wajin domination continue d for centuries and has not quite ended to this day. History of 16721799: After effects of the first Ainu revolt to the end of the second Ai nu revolt and its immediate consequences Due to the terms of the oath and the increase in the Matsumae influence over the Hokkaido, the lifestyle and freedom of the Ainu changed quite dramatically. Takakura (1960) categorizes the Ainu into three dif ferent groups, depending on their relationship with the Wajin after 1669. Group one were the Ainu who live d in Matsumae They received relat ively equal treatment as the Wajin but their numbers were small. Group two consist ed of the Ainu who submitted after the 1669 rebellion. T hese Ainu had limited self governance, poor treatment, and disadvantageous trade terms. Group three were the Ainu in the far periphery, s uch as the Karafuto of Sakhalin. These Ainu had a similar relationship to the Wajin as it was before the 1669 revolt. Group one was entirely integrated into the Basho system, which is the assigning of Ainu land and its re sidents to Matsumae retainers for the purpose of taxing merchants (1960: 38). As a result of the increased Matsumae dominance, the years following 1672 marked a dramatic shift in the Basho system. The Matsumae retainers, called c higyounushi previously dominated the Basho system, but the actual merchants who did the work were powerful in their own ri ght in Matsumae In comparison to the mainland merchants who dominated the mainland trade, the Matsumae merchants were small scale local merchants. As a result, mainland Wajin merchants began to take more of a direct
26 control in the Ainu trade. The merchants who ran the Basho in the name of the retainers were taken over by mainland merchants who would gain trading rites in exc hange for fees paid to the ruler of the Basho. These merchants began a practice of providing food and goods to the Ainu for a year in return for skins and natural resource s they would collect later. This new method of borrowing goods put entire Ainu villages into debt, and with the new power dynamics, the merchants could force them to work to pay off any debt, vastly increasing the profits of the merchants (1960: 301). As the competition in the Ainu trade increased, the contractor merchants of the Basho system developed new ways to increase their profits. In addition to directly utilizing Ainu labor, many of the contractors taught advanced fishing methods to the Ainu to increase their production. This allowed them to get cheap labor, as they could trad e goods that had little value for Wajin to the Ainu for goods that were relatively expensive, such as luxury food items (sea cucumber and sa lmon), furs, pelts, and hawks. As a result of these new trade methods, the chiefs became fully under the control of the contractors: No longer were the chiefs men of character but merely supervisors for the contractor (1960: 33). Most economic activities were directly controlled by the contractor or his employees, particular ly in fishing and sea urchin harvesting. Fishing was often supervised directly by the contractor to ensure maximum work and profits. Sea urchin harvesting was always monitored, to make sure the Ainu harvesters would return the same amount gathered after the sea urchin dried for shipping. The only major activity not directly controlled was hunting, since hunting could not be done on a large scale (1960: 33). Remote Ainu still managed to have almost an exclusively small scale trade relationship with the contractors, but the Ainu who were defeated in the 1669 revolt were,
27 at best treated as parts of the contractors enterprise and, at wors t treated little better th a n slaves (1960: 34). There was another Ainu uprising in response to this treatment, but it was decidedly small in scale. The revolt of 1789 consisted of an attack on two guard posts, Kunashiri and Mehashi, in which 71 Wajin were killed, in response to brutal treatment of the Ainu. After killing the guards, the r ebellious Ainu fortified themselves in the outposts, but were persuaded t o surrender by chiefs loyal to the Matsumae. This revolt lasted from May to July, and ended without any major battles. In response to the attacks, the Matsumae sentenced the 37 Ainu they found most responsible for the attacks to death. While this rebellion did not have a large, immediate response like the first event it did arouse the attention of the Bakufu, who feared a Russian presence in Ezo. Fearing that the Russian s were responsible for the revolt and that they would potentially invade or arm the Ainu, the Bakufu began to take direct interest in Ezo (1960: 44). T he revolt of 1789 marked an important change in Matsumae and Bakufu policy. Due to Bakufu warnings, the Mat sumae clan changed official policy shortly after the revolt. A simplified version of this policy is that trade in the remote areas of Ezo would be brought under direct Matsumae control D uring the winter, traders would leave and the local Ezo would be supplied by the Matsumae The t raders themselves would live in Matsumae, and therefore, not be from the mainland, and guardhouses staffed by clan retainers would be set up to look after the Ainu. This shift in policy marked the end of self governance by the natives, as Matsumae officials began to take a direct role in governance of Ezo as a whole. These reforms did not prove too effective in protecting
28 the Ainu from unfair trade, but greatly increased local control by the Matsumae (1960: 456). Changes in policy by the Matsumae were accepted by the Bakufu at first, but due to an increased pressure by outside forces, the Bakufu became increasingly worried about a rebellious northern populace and the poorly controlled northern borders. As a result, in 17911792, the Bakufu conducted relief trade with the Ainu in Akkeshi, Kiritappu, and Souya (Takakura 1960: 46). Relief trade by the Bakufu may not seem like an important event, but it has more significance than is readily observable. Most local matters were c ontrolled by clans, so the direct use of Bakufu resources and official s deep within the Matsumae controlled region shows a shift in the central authority and a decrease in the reliance on the Matsumae to control and care for the Ainu, who were by that point considered a part of Japan. Subsequently, in 1798, the Bakufu took direct control of East Ezo, ending Matsumae control of the region. Within six years, the Bakufu would take direct control of all of Ezo, ending the Matsumae control fully ( 1960: 46, 51). History of 17991869: Direct Bakufu control to the Meiji Reformation Under the Matsumae, Ezo was isolated from most Wajin and remained and was considered not a part of Japan and had little in terms of official aid or institutions for the Ainu. After the establishment of Bakufu control, this all changed drastically. One of the first actions taken by the Bakufu was in naming Ezo a colony of Japan and in establishing official roads, ports, inns, and a mail system for Ezo as a whole. In conjunction with the new official status, full Wajin immigration was allowed into the Ezo territories. However, this did not result in a dramatic increase in Wajin settlers. Due to the feudal structure of early nineteenth century Japan, the clans would not readily release
29 people for the colonization of Ezo. As a result, the Bakufu deemed it necessary to integrate the 40,000 or so Ainu in Ezo (1960: 512). The basis of the policy would be to strengthen the AinuJapanese relationship to prevent an attack by Russia and, in case of an attack, be able to rely on the loyalty of the Ainu. As such, the major attitude by the Bakufu was one of benevolent integration for fully logical and not humanitarian reasons (1960: 534). To fulfill a polic y of integration and appeasement, the Bakufu adapted a style of rewarding hard work and not forcing Wajin culture on the Ainu. The orders to the colonial overseers was to enforce fair payments for labor and instead of punishing poor work, reward hard work to give the Ainu the drive for harder labor. In addition, Japanese language and customs would be allowed, but not forc ed upon the Ainu, in particular. I f a particularly hard working Ainu were to want a Wajin style house, it would be provided to them. I t should be noted, that the Bakufu cautioned against giving out random favors, as it would make the Ainu unlikely to work and instead wanted the Ainu to associate fair work with fair rewards and respect (1960: 579). The first administrative step taken by the Bakufu was to take direct control of the trade, to prevent further aggravation for the Ainu t o win the Ainus loyalty and through fair trade To take direct control over the trade, contracted merchants would supply the goods to the Bakufu, who would then have officials transport the goods to Ezo with the intent of appeasement instead of profit. Due to limited funds from the Bakufu and a worry over spoiling the Ainu, prices were set so that both sides could profit. As a result of previous unfair trade policies, the Bakufu also set up monitors to maintain
30 quality control of the goods traded to the Ainu, particularly sake, which was one of the most impor tant trade goods (1960: 5960). As a second measure to balance trade, the Bakufu circulated iron coins among the East Ezo, setting standard prices and fixing the value of the coins. Throughout the mainland, monetary value would fluctuate, but to prevent any Ainu belief that they were being taken advantage of the iron coins of Ezo had a fixed value enforced by the Bakufu, with any loss from the value being covered with profits from the trade To allow for fair trade, the Bakufu fixed trade values, yet e ven with the initial intent of helping the Ainu, these trade values were not particularly fair. The values were based on the trade values from when the Bakufu controlled prices were initialized, resulting in the prices being in favor of the contractors who controlled the trade immediately before the Bakufu took control. While an exact value of exchange was established, it was not to the direct benefit of the Ainu, though it was a significant improvement from under the Basho system. In addition, these sta ndardized values were not often used in practice, though they did serve as a standard the Ainu could expect and the Wajin could use as a rough guide (1960: 61). In response to the Bakufus success, in 1807, the Bakufu assumed control over all the Matsumae territory. Direct control of the entirety of Ezo was mostly due to increased Russian presence in Karafuto and the relatively ambivalent response given to the Russian presence by the Matsumae (1960: 67). After control was fully assumed, the Bakufu increas ed their policy of assimilation. This was done through enforcing Japanese law, education, and the spread of cultural and religious practices. The success of the
31 assimilation policies was relatively light in areas with low Wajin populations, but in areas with a high Wajin presence, the cultural assimilation proved very successful (1960: 801). By 1808 the Russian threat had died down, and as a result the Bakufu lowered its economic control and began to purs ue a policy with a greater focus on profits because of the stagnation of the domestic economy. There was no return to the Matsumae policy of banning Wajin language and cultural practices amongst the Ainu. Bakufu control would mark a higher standard of living among the Ainu who were domina ted previously by the Matsumae, but came at the cost of reduced cultural and political freedom (1960: 81). Richard Siddle (1996) agrees with Takakura on what the methods used by the Bakufu were, but does not agree with on the success or the unforced natur e of the assimilation. According to Siddle, Ainu beards were forcibly shaved and the iyomante (bear festival) was banned. M ost Ainu rejected the leaving of tradition, in fear of punishment by the gods. Not only did the Ainu resist, but many of the Matsumae officials and local Wajin dislike the assimilation ist policies, due to deep rooted prejudices against the Ainu (Siddle 1996: 41). Control of the Bakufu in Ezo continued until 1821, w hen in response to the receding Russian threat, the Bakufu retur ned control of Ezo to the Matsumae. Under Matsumae control, the assimilation policies of the Bakufu were discarded and the Ainu were mobilized by the Matsumae for labor. Under Matsumae control, forced resettlement and l abor became a standard part of Ainu life. Due to a series of epidemics among the Ainu and increased immigration from Honshu to Ezo the Ainu ceased becoming the main economic producers, being replaced with Wajin immigrants. Matsumae control in this fashion continued until 1855, when the B akufu once again took direct control of Ezo.
32 Bakufu control would remain until 1868, when the Meiji Reformation resulted in the end of the Bakufu and a different kind of centralized Japanese state (Siddle 1999: 71) Conclusion and Discussion Ainu history is best examined through the study of AinuWajin interactions considering most primary and secondary documentation is focused on the Wajin. Due to the nature of most recorded histories and primary documents on AinuWajin interactions, it is difficult to find an unbiased view of the se events. The Ainu were the weaker party in the exchange between Wajin and Ainu and as such, were often subject to predatory policy by the Japanese. Early historical relations were more even, due to the geographi c isolation of Ezo from the central Japanese courts and for the relatively comparable strength of the early Ain u to that of the Japanese state, but by the midfifteenth century the Wajin gained the upper hand in the relationship. By the 17th century, the Wajin under the Matsumae were domina nt over the Ainu and used predatory policies to increase Wajin wealth. This would continue, with light reforms directed by the Bakufu, until the Meiji Reformation. These predatory policies would continue after that, jus t with new rhetoric and goals. What is important to take from this section is the understanding that before the Meiji controlled colonization of Hokkaido, the Wajin already viewed the Ainu as militarily and economically weak, uncivilized, a nd easily abused. The Ainu were considered no better than children by the Wajin (Siddle 1996: 41). When the Meiji would take total control of Hokkaido, they would use the rhetoric of terra nullius (empty land) though the Wajin ha d long been interacting with the Ainu and have experienced Ainu use and control of the land for centuries prior.
33 Chapter 4: Traditional Ainu Culture The common perception of Ainu culture is not a contemporary image, but one of the historic Ainu (Siddle 1996: 6) During the 1880s, increased control of Hokkaido by the Japanese government marked a transition from a traditional way of life for most Ainu people. The Meiji government relocated and combined villages outlawed religious practices and imposed restrictions on the use of natural resources which were key to the traditional Ainu mod e s of subsistence Those aspects of life combined with the governments attempts to assimilate the Ainu into mainstream Wajin culture resulted in the breakdown of the traditional Ainu lifestyle. This section will explore the traditional culture generally associated with the Ainu through aspects such as subsistence, religion, family, and social structures Th is analysis will allow for a better understand ing of what it meant to be Ainu, and how the traditional Ainu lifestyle a ffects the presentation of the modern Ainu. Today, Ainu are considered to be one ethnic group, but th at monoe thnic image is a result of Meiji colonial policies (Munro 1963: 13) The Ainu people lived over a large area containing Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and the Kuril islands. This vast amount of land (about 32,222 square miles) allowed for great regional ethnic diversity due to the varying environmental conditions throughout the island. Unfortunately, most available research does not discuss these differences, except with a brief mention. This chapters goal is not to debate the differences between Ainu groups, but to give an overall understanding of Ainu culture and provide a basic model to understand how the colonial policies of Meiji J apan so effectively altered Ainu society.
34 Religion Ainu religious activities are tied closely to daily life and subsistence According to Neil Gordon Munro (1963:7) It is impossible to describe any aspect of Ainu life without reference to ritual practice. The importance of the Ainu religion on Ainu lif e has greatly diminished in modern times, but it remains one of the most studied aspects of the Ainu. Contemporary Ainu are mostly ShintoBuddhist or Christian, and may perform the Ainu rituals and observations as a second religion or as part of their cul tural heritage (Fujimura 1999: 197). In Ainu religion, there are three main terms that are important for understanding the different aspects of worship: Inau, Ramat and Kamuy which are given in the Ainu language Inau are carved willow sticks with wood shaving made for rituals and sacrifice. Their style and method of creation vary depending on the ritual, deity, and region (See f igure 6 for an i mage of an Inau) Ramat literally translates as heart, but could better be understood as soul or spirit. In Ainu tradition, Ramat are indestructible and all pervading. When a person dies, the Ramat leaves the body, and when an object is broken or burnt the Ramat leaves the object. Ramat types vary F or example, the Ramat of a seed is different from the Ramat of a person. The use of amulets in the Ainu religion is tied deeply to the belief in Ramat. The most potent amulets are skulls of certain animals stuffed with sacred curled wood shavings. These skulls are believed t o hold concentrated Ramat that can be used in rituals that deal with Kamuy which is the Ainu term for deity or spirit (Munro 1963: 9)
35 Figure 6 : Soko ni Fuchi with Spear Inau (Munro 37: 1963) Ainu based their traditional beliefs on interactions between people and Kamuy Kamuy came in many different forms, and there was a god that represented or resided in just about everything. Kamuy gave representation for both material and immaterial aspects of life. For example, there is a Kamuy of water and another Kamuy of smallpox. These gods came in three broad categories: good or beautiful bad or hostile, and mischievous but not always malevolent (Munro 1963: 9). All these gods are respected, although the reason for respect varies fr om Kamuy to Kamuy (See Appendix 1 for a classification of Kamuy and a list of m ajor Kamuy) All Kamuy can be vengeful, so if the proper respect is not shown, they c ould cause grievances for the Ainu, such as no salmon in the river for a year. Good Kamuy are worshiped through rituals, prayer, and item sacrifice. Mischievous Kamuy are invoked when they can aid a person, or when they are acting in an evil way. For instance, a mischievous river Kamuy may drown a person. When a mischievous Kamuy
36 does an evil act, they are chastised through special rituals in order to scare them against doing those acts again. Evil Kamuy were scared or appeased depending on the Kamuy. Kamuy such as the smallpox Kamuy were known as punishing Kamuy, because nothing could be done to resist their attacks (Munro 1963: 9). One of the most powerful gods in the Ainu pantheon is Kandokoro Kamuy (Possessor of the Sky), who gave Moshiri kara Kamuy the job of creating the world (Ainu Moshir). While Kandokoro Kamuy is the most pow erful deity according to Munro, most Ainu do not worship him directly (1963: 12) John Batchelor (18541944) one of the earli est western experts on the Ainu according to Munro, use d the existence of Kandokoro Kamuy, who is considered Pase Kamuy (import ant god) to argue that the Ainu originally had a pristine monotheism that fell into polytheism Batchelor translated the term Pase Kamuy to mean greatest god but according to Munro, a closer translation is important god (Munro 1963: 12). Munro reached this conclusion from discussions with his informants in the Saru and Mukawa districts. His informants were all respected e kashi (elder who has a great spiritual understanding and power) who claimed that there w ere multiple Pase Kamuy ( Munro 1963:13). Kamu y Fuji deserves special mention because she is the most important deity in the average life of an Ainu person acting as an intermediary between the Ainu and the gods. Kamuy Fuji is believed to manifest in the fire of the hearth. For this reason, the hearth is the most sacred area to the Ainu. No evil deeds should be contemplated in front of the hearth, and it is taboo to allow anything to contaminate the hearth. It is even believed that the hearth is the entrance to the abode of the dead, and so Kamuy Fuji uses it to hold the souls of children who die before they are weaned, so they can be reborn.
37 Many Inau are burned after use in the hearth fire so they can be given to Kamuy Fuji. It is also believed that to ask things of the higher Kamuy, K amuy Fuji must be invoked so she can speak to the other Kamuy on the invoking Ainus behalf For the Ainu who still observe the Kamuy, Kamuy Fuji remains the most important deity (Munro 1963: 178). The religious practices of the Ainu contain ed a large variety of rituals. Some rituals were conducted as part of the normal day, while others were for special events or certain yearly events. When an animal was killed, the spirit would be sent back to the land of the gods through a sending ceremony M ost sending ceremonies were minor events and were done in the home or at the kill site, but some, like the iyomante (bear festival) were important yearly rituals that the Ainu believed would ensure the success of their people Not all rituals were pra cticed by all groups, but the iyomante was practiced by most Ainu The iyomante was traditionally conducted once a year, during mid winter, but would only be conducted if the kotan was in possession of a bear cub of the appropriate age. During the ceremony, the cub would be ritualistically killed. The Ainu believed that the ritualistic killing was sending the bears Ramat back to the land of the gods, ensuring that more bears would return to the land of men (Kindaichi and Yoshida 1949: 34849). Traditional Means of Subsistence Before the 1880s, the Ainu relied mostly on hunting fishing, and gathering for their subsistence with trade pl aying a vital role in Ainu lives (Watanabe 1999: 198) Areas farther from Wajin influence relied on traditional methods of production, with trade used mostly for luxury goods. In areas under direct Wajin control, the Ainu relied on imported food, since most locally produced goods were traded to the Wajin This
38 section, focus es on the ideal form of hunt er/gathering practiced by the Ainu, but it is important to note that this form of subsistence is no longer present in Ainu society and the modes of production varied greatly regionally when they were present Hunting and fishing played equally important r oles in the Ainu worldview, but fishing provided a majority of the protein consumed (Olschleger 1999: 209) Most animals that could be caught were used as food, with Sika deer being the main source of hunted meat. Sika hunting was generally done with hand bows and poisoned arrows, as well as spring bow traps and artificially created corrals. During winter, the deer would be chased into deep snow, then caught with lassos and clubbed (Olschleger 1999: 209210). Bear was the most elite food and the hunting of bear, as well as the use of the meat and fur, had important r eligious significance ( Kohara 1999: 202) Bear would be hunted year round, but the methods of hunting, and the religious significance varied by the season. In spring and fall, young and fit hunters would track down bears and kill them with hand bows and poisoned arrows. In spring, hunters would also hunt bear cubs. The cubs would be captured alive and used in the iyomante ceremony In winter the bears would be lured out of their dens and then would be impaled on large spears as the bear charged the hunters. In addition to deer and bear, sm aller animals such as foxes and hares were frequently caught through trapping and bow hunting (Olschleger 1999: 209210). Fishing styles varied regionally. I n Hokkaido, most of the fishing was done in the rivers S almon was the most importa nt fish for the Hokkaido Ainu (Olschleger 1999: 210). The fishing season would run from late spring to the beginning of winter, with the most important times being in July and September. In July the cherry salmon run began, and the dog salmon run beginning in Se ptember. Salmon would be preserved
39 through smoking and drying for food during the winter For the Ainu who lived along the coast, sea mammals and fish constituted a large part of their diet Fish were caught using a variety of traps and nets, as well as spears, clubs, and fishing line with single or multiple hooks (Olschleger 1999: 211) While the Ainu are traditionally seen primarily as hunters, gathering provided most of the food consumed on an average day. Most preserved food was processed from gathered plants. These plants included wild garlic, skunk cabbage, and cow parsnip, which were dried whole, or boiled then dried. In addition, lily root and other starchy roots were dried and preserved. They were often made into dumpling s to supplement soup or ric e gruel (Kohara 1999: 2034). Some minor horticulture was practiced by the Ainu. Traditionally, this gardening included a variety of barley and millet, as well as other crops that required little labor to maintain (Olschleger 1999: 214) Rice was a common addition to the Ainu diet that came from trade with the Japanese, since it was rarely locally grown In areas that were heavily controlled by the Wajin rice constituted a major part of the average Ainus diet ( Kohara 1999: 204). In general, most goods were self produced and the village constituted a working unit While food was not shared equally between family units, in general most of the food caught was achieved through the cooperation of multiple family units so every family received some: rarely did one family starve while others prospered. Trade was mostly with outside groups and valuable items, such as swords and laquerware, were rarely traded to other Ainu. Most Ainu within the traditional society subsisted through hunt ing and gathering and trading or skilled crafting was a side job. Generally, traditional Ainu lifestyle followed an egalitarian model, but Wajin intervention resulted
40 in a shift from traditional means of subsistence to wage income and t rade, effectively ending many of the egalitarian aspects of Ainu society (Watanabe 1999: 199). Home and Community Traditionally, most Ainu lived in permanent dwellings ( chise) (see figure 7) with several of these chise forming a village ( kotan) The chise was normally made with a thatched roof, with an attached porch for storing supplies. Each chise would hold a nuclear family, although orphaned children or widowed relatives would often live with their relatives (Watanabe 1999: 198). A kotan would a verage about five chise, with the houses being spaced one hundred to five hundred yards apart. Settlements were spaced around two to five miles apart, depending on the availability of local food resources. Some of the largest settlements had up to thirty chise, but these were unusually large (Olschleger 1999: 216). Figure 7: An Ainu Chise (Munro 1963: 90)
41 The kotan was normally inhabited all year round, but at times it was mostly inhabited by women, children, and the elderly. During hunting season, men would often leave for long periods of time and live in temporary hunting huts near their targeted game (Olschleger 1999: 216). In the kotan the village leader s chise would normally be the central home, with the other familys houses radiating out from the center The village leader was not an inherited position, but would normally be the leading elder of the dominant male lineage in the kotan. In cases where there was more than one dominant male line, the leader would be determined by unanimous agreement from the elders of the kotan, often based on the leaders eloquence and judgmental abilities (Nomoto 1999: 232). In the Ainu tradition, there is both matrilineal and patrilineal descent These dua l lineages differ from more standard unilineal descent structures. It is more common that ancestry is perceived through either the male line, female line, or both, regardless of the gender of the individual. In Ainu society, descent is perceived based on the gender of the individual. Men are part of the male line exclusively and women are part of the female line. At the same time, family is made up of men and women, the descent lines serve mostly to act as a guide on how tradition is passed to the next generation (Sugiura and Befu 1962: 290 1). The male line is inherited through male children, and each kotan has dominant male lines. Each male line had special marks or crests t hey could use to identify other members and unique ways to conduct certain religious rituals These practices were considered secret and would only be revealed to people in the same male line. When a person who was not r elated to one of the male lineages in a kotan wanted to move there,
42 he would have to be adopted into one of the male lines. This would be done by agreement between all the elders and if he was allowed in, the mark and the rituals would be taught to him (N omoto 1999: 2301). With the female line, mothers would teach daughters special patterns associated with their line and make a special belt for their daughters that would be worn beneath their clothes. The belt would be given to girls when they first beg a n menstruation. This belt was believed to allow women to enter the afterlife. While there is matrilineal descent, when a women marries she joins the mans family, but is still considered part of her own matrilineal line She would still teach her daughters her own matrilineal patterns and give her a belt in the same style as her own. In this way, matrilineal and patrilineal descents are both used, but are independent of each other. It was the responsibility of fathers and mothers to give the special r ituals of their families to their children. This allowed for the religious practices to be transferred to all Ainu people, which helped ensure the continuation of Ainu traditions to the younger generation (Nomoto 1999: 232) The family unit was traditionally a patriarchal nuclear family, with the parents and their unm arried children living together, which is unusual for an egalitarian society. As male children get married, they build a new chise near their parents house. Female children often marry into nearby kotan and they move near their husbands family. The youngest male child often stayed in his parents home after marriage, so he c ould take care of his elderly parents. Because of that, the youngest son often inherited his parents chis e, but the eldest son often assumed his familys political and economic power, as well as his fathers treasures. The mother s goods would be distributed to her daughters (Nomoto 1999: 232).
43 In terms of gender relations scholars do not agree on whether or not a strict gendered division existed (Keira and Keira 1999: 234, Olschleger 1999: 213). Regardless of whether a strict division existed, there was some gendered division of labor To the Ainu, there were two seasons, summer and winter and according to an old Ainu saying, The winter is the mans season while the summer belongs to women (Keira and Keira 1999: 234). Men primarily engaged in fishing, hunting, religious ceremonies and the production of tools. The fishing and hunting primarily took place out of the kotan and would often take the men away from the village for days to weeks at a time. Religious ceremonies often involved women, but would be conducted by men and the t ools for which would be produced by men. Fishing took place primarily in the summer, and hunting was primarily a winter activity, since the only sources of food available were stored goods or fresh meat. For this reason, mens work was particularly impor tant during the winter months While fishing and hunting had primary seasons, they were both year round activities (Keira and Keira 1999: 235). Women were responsible for gathering and preparing food, as well as making clothes, making tools for housework and taking care of the children (Keira and Keira 1999: 2356). A large variety of plants were collected by women and then processed or prepared for immediate consumption. In addition, the women would make clothes from fur and plant fibers throughout the year. These clothes were for religious ceremonies or standard wear. Fishing and farming were considered communal work in some aspects. While most fish would be caught by men, they would be processed by women. Planting was
44 done by all people, but mai ntenance and harvesting was mostly done by women, children, and the elderly (Keira and Keira 1999: 237). In traditional Ainu society, women received special tattoos before they were married. This tattooing continued into the mid20th century, long aft er it was outlawed by the Japanese government ( Siddle 1996: 61) I t was believed that the tattoos protected women from the entry of evil spirits through the nose and mouth. The tattoos were blue and covered the lips of a woman (see figure 8) Traditiona lly, these tattoos were started at around puberty, and were gradually expanded until the women reached the age of eighteen. In addition to their lips, particularly loyal wives tattooed their arms and hands to show their love for their husbands The tattooing was thought to be a sign of beauty and foreigners remarked on the practice when visiting the Ainu in the 19th and 20th centuries (Munro 1963: 1189). Figure 8: A Tattooed Ainu Wom a n (Munro 1963: 89)
45 Conclusion Ainu culture is tied to its religious practices with many of the important rituals deal ing with the traditional hunter/gatherer subsistence practiced by the historic Ainu. The scheduled fishing, hunting, and gathering, along with the religious ceremonies were the central event s in Ainu society The leadership was based on communal decision and respect for the elders, so the leader was normally an experienced and respected individual in the kotan. As such, most of the villages tended to operate smoothly with little internal st rife. On a larger scale, Ainu villages w ere only loosely connected through weak economic ties and a core religion, since most villages were largely self sufficient. As the traditional economic model of the Ainu began to break down under pressure from Waj in settlers and the Japanese government the religious practices of the Ainu began to lose meaning and substance. As traditional forms of subsistence and religion began to change, the Ainu kotan began to break down. The self sufficient setting of the tra ditional Ainu village did not work well with the wage labor to which the A inu began to shift after their hunting and fishing rights were removed. Ainu cultural practices relied on traditional methods of subsistence Once these methods of subsistence were no longer viable many Ainu practices ceased and the Ainu became increasingly integrated into mainstream Wajin society.
46 Chapter 5: C olonial Policies of MeijiWWII Japan In 1869, there was a distinct shift in Wajin perceptions of Ezo which resulted in Japanese state taki n g direct control of the Ainu. During that year, the Bakufu was overthrown, and the Meiji Reformation took place. This new government, centered on the emperor, had a goal of modernization and competition on an international scale. The leaders of Meiji Japan were disenfranchised eli tes from the Edo period; however there was a rejection of the traditional feudal model by these elites and an ending of the Tokugawa caste system, allowing for more mobility both social and in area of habitation. In the same year as the Meiji Reformation, the new government renamed Ezo to Hokkaido, and claimed the island as an official colony of the Meiji state By that time, the traditional Ainu lifestyle had been greatly altered. Most Ainu relied in some meas ure on either wage labor or trade to supplement their livelihood (Howell 2004: 67). Early Meiji Wajin Immigration As the Meiji government consolidated its claim on Hokkaido, the region was put under the control of the newly formed Kaitakushi (Colonial Administr ation) which would remain in control until 1882 (Harrison 1951: 136 Siddle 1996: 52). Initially, the Kaitakushi had little interest in the Ainu. At around 30,000 people, t he Ainu population was relatively small, so instead of attempting to use native labor in Hokkaido, the Kaitakushi tried to bring in Wajin workers from the mainland to settle Hokkaido. B ureaucratic inefficiency, a lack of skilled farmers, corruption, and poor planning hindered the Kaitakushi throughout the entire process. As a result of gross corruption, the Kaitakushi was disbanded by the Meiji government in 1882. As a result, Hokkaido was divided into three prefectural administrative zones (Siddle 1996: 55).
47 The three administrative zones Hakodate, Sapporo, and Nemuro were based on the prefecture sy stem used by the rest of Japan however, they lacked prefectural assemblies and their leaders were expected to continue the Kaitakushis work. These prefectural governments proved inefficient to deal with the management of Hokkaido, mostly due to overly complex bureaucratic processes and a lack of communication between the prefectural governments. As a result, special agency called the Hokkaido Jigyo Kanrikyoku which was a part of the Noshomusho (Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce), was put in charge of Hokkaido. This arrangement would last only two years, since some Meiji officials pushed for a new, more efficient system of control for Hokkaido. In 1886, Prime Minister Ito Hirobumi reformed Hokkaidos administration into a single administrative body under a governor. Control of Hokkaido was the responsibility of the prime minister and the Naimusho (Home Ministry). When Formosa was colonized in 1895, Hokkaido was briefly put in the control of a newly developed colonial bureau, but was soon returned to the Naimusho (Siddle 1996: 545). Early in its colonization, much of Hokkaido was charted and partitioned for agricultural settlement. The unsettled land was divided into grid like blocks, and then advertised in the national press to lure immigrants. Much of the charting was made possible by Ainu guides, since the Waji n were not familiar with Hokkaidos interior (Siddle 1996: 57). This process was mostly completed by 1900, with most of the farmland which was not settled by Wajin partitioned and in the control of Tokyo. Land that was already claimed by Wajin was normal ly honored, but Ainu lands were considered undeveloped wilderness, and so were taken by the government for sale to
48 Wajin immigrants This does not mean the Ainu were chased off the land, as many stayed until the sales were made, at which point they were r elocated (Siddle 1996: 58). While initial attempts to attract Wajin settlers were not very successful, by the 1890s, the Wajin population began to rapidly increase as increased unemployment in the mainland forced many young unemployed Japanese men to see k their fortune in the colonies In 1873, there were only about 111,000 Wajin people living in Hokkaido, but by 1893, there were about 560,000. In 1903, the Wajin population had more than doubled. At their peak, the Ainu had a population of around 30,000 individuals, but by the late 19th century, diseases from the mainland had cut Ainu populations to just over 16,000. In 1873, the Ainu made up 14.63% of Hokkaidos population, and after that year, their numbers stayed between 15,000 19,000 people B y 1898, the Ainu made up just over 2% of the population of Hokkaido, and would make up only half a percent of the population by 1936 (Siddle 1996: 59). While the Wajin population of Hokkaido grew rapidly, there was not an even distribution of immigrants. Most of the immigrants were young, single men and a large portion of them were convicts As a result, the ratio of men to women was 100:85 and prostitution and alcoholism were considered major problems in the cities of Hokkaido. While conservative grou ps formed to attempt to combat the rampant prostitution and alcoholism, these issues caused Hokkaido to be poorly represented to the rest of Japan. The Ainu were not removed from these issues, as the Ainu women were targeted by the working class Japanese men and the abundance of cheap distraction drained the small resources many of the younger Ainu had (Siddle 1996: 601).
49 Most of Japan had prefectural assemblies and elected representation in the D iet, but Hokkaido did not receive prefectural assemblies until 1901. A year after the Hokkaido prefectural assembly was established, the citizens of Hokkaido were allowed to elect three members to the Diet The central government excused its exclusion of Hokkaido from the national assembly because of a percei ved cultural and intellectual backwardness in Hokkaido, yet by 1901 the pressure by Wajin in Hokkaido, to allow elected representation was too strong, so the government gave in (Siddle 1996: 55, 58). Colonial Policies and the Ainu In 1869, the Basho system was abolished, giving the Ainu freedom from coercive labor and the associated welfare policies (Siddle 1996: 62). These welfare policies were not beneficial to the Ainu, and often resulted in large communal debt (Siddle 1996: 67) The new administration did not have the time or resources to focus on the Ainu, as they were no longer considered important as a source of labor As such, they decreed that the Ainu should labor as a common person, so in 1871 the Ainu were granted citi zenship as heimin or commoners. By 1876, most Ainu were ent ered into the Family R egistry which records the members of all people in a given family, and also functions similarly to birth certificates and death certificates. Up until 1974, potential empl oyers could obtain these records from the government In the registry documents from that time period, the Ainu were placed on a separate registry, with some mark of their ancestry, such as komin (ancient people) or dojin (native). By 1878 the term was standardized as kyudojin (former native). With this new status, the Ainu were now subject to Japanese law, and the practice of settling disputes among the Ainu based on old tribal law ended (Siddle
50 1996: 62). The term k yud ojin would remain as an official part of an Ainu persons family registry until 1997 (Okada 2012: 1). As the Ainu were reclassified, they were categorically condensed. The Ainu who were reclassified lived in all regions of Hokkaido, the Kurils, and Sakhal in Island, and shared some core cultural aspects, but consisted of distinct cultural groups. By combining all Ainu into one classification, the Japanese government simplified the ir and removed the diversity of different groups of the Ainu from the common perception (Siddle 1996: 62) In attempts to aid in assimilation and further strengthening the new perception of an Ainu monoculture in the Kaitakushi banned Ainu customs such as tattooing, wearing earrings, using poisoned arrows for hunting and trapping and burning the dwellings of the deceased in 1876. These orders were repeated in 1876. Both these ban s w ere largely ignored by the Ainu through a mixture of ignorance and refusal to abide (Siddle 1996: 612). Many Ainu were told the new laws in Japane se, but did not speak Japanese well enough to understand the decrees, if at all, since the Wajin officials did not give any statements in Ainu (Siddle 1996: 63) Even without the ba n on trapping, the Ainu would have suffered due to overhunting and fishing by the Wajin Before 1869, a majority of the deer hunting was done by the Ainu, but after the Meiji reformation, an increased desire for deer hide and meat led to an increase in hunting (Siddle 1996: 62). At that point, the Ainu were exempted from hunt ing restrictions that the Wajin followed I t did little good, because in 1883, the Ainu had their fishing rights limited, preventing the Ainu from fishing out of designated seasons As a result, widespread starvation followed (Siddle 1996: 63).
51 Nemuro and Sapporo prefectures attempted to turn the Ainu into farmers of potatoes, radishes, and onions (Howell 2004: 7). Scattered Ainu communities wer e combined and relocated, often to poor lands To force the Ainu into a reliance on agriculture, they were not allowed to leave these new communities, which would serve to partially segregate the Ainu from mainstream Wajin immigrants, and to reduce their economic success and prospects through the rem oval of seasonal employment and the reliance on agriculture. The measures were taken in the name of Ainu welfare, and had the goal of making the Ainu into Japanese peasants (Siddle 1996: 63). These attempts proved ineffective due to the lack of training the poor quality of the land, and the marginal economic value of the crops. These attempt s only lasted two years because in 1886, the three prefectures were condensed into a sing le Hokkaido administrative body called the Docho (Howell 2004: 7). Under the Docho administration, the Ainu were no longer regulated to their settlements, and so by 1888, most of the Ainu who had been resettled returned to areas w here they could find employment in fisheries and forestry (Siddle 1996: 63). Hokkaido Former Aborigine Protection Act Attempts to convert the Ainu into farmers would resume in 1899, with the Hokkaido Kyudojin Hogoho (Hokkaido Former Abor igine Protection Act). The Protection Act of 1899 would shape Ainu policy in the early to midtwentieth century, and would remain on the books until 1997 (Howell 2004: 7). The Protection Act of 1899 was a multitiered act, affecting most aspects of Ainu life. Howell (2004: 7) provides a precise and accurate description of how the law functions: All Ainu households were eligible to receive grants of up to 5 cho (15,000 tsubo, or 12.25 acres) of land to engage in agriculture. This land was free
52 from all taxes for thirty years. No land in Ainu possession (including holdings acquired prior to impleme ntation of the law) could be transferred except to an heir, nor could it be mortgaged under any circumstances. Land granted to Ainu under the law had to be cultivated within fifteen years or else control would revert to the state. The law also promised to provide welfare to Ainu who could not afford agricultural implements, medical care, funeral expenses, or tuition for their childrens education; such expenses, however, were to be met with revenues from Ainu communal property holdings managed by the Hokkai do governor. Finally, the protection law provided for the establishment of hospitals and elementary schools in Ainu communities with centralgovernment funds. Besides attempting to protect the Ainu, the Protection Act of 1899 had the intent of molding t he Ainu into model Imperial subjects through the removal of their language, culture, and values and integrating the Ainu into the Japanese peasantry (Siddle 1996: 70). By 1910, most of the Ainu households were able to acquire land, but it averaged about two hectares per household. These two hectares were a fraction of the amount of land granted to most Wajin settlers, and therefore, put the Ainu into the lowest rung of rural society (Siddle 1996: 71). In addition, the Ainu were forbidden to sell the land that they received, so many remained in the artificial communities created by previous policies in which their granted land was located. Much of the land received was of low quality and often unfit for cultivation. Due to that, about 21.5% of the land granted to the Ainu was repossessed because it was not cultivated in the fifteen year period (Siddle 1996: 71). While Ainu land could not be sold, it could be leased. According to Siddle (1196: 71), a common strategy by Wajin neighbors was to get the Ain u landowner drunk, and then trick them into leasing their lands for minimal rent. Another tactic pursued was to force Ainu landowners into debt, then make them
53 perpetually lease their lands to pay off their debt By 1923, of 7633 Chobu of land granted to the Ainu, 45 percent of it was cultivated, and 43 percent of the cultivated land w ere owner cultivated. Only 19 percent of the land granted to the Ainu was cultivated by Ainu owners. A majority of the farmland wa s run by Wajin merchants, yet 50 percent of the Ainu households were engaged in farming (Siddle 1996: 71). The education aspect of the Protection Act of 1899 succeeded in getting higher attendances in school by Ainu children. In 1895, 17.9 percent of Ainu children attended schools regularly. By 1907, the number was up to 84.2 percent, and by 1928, 99.2 percent of Ainu children regularly attended school (Siddle 1996: 72). While the act succeeded at increasing attendance, the act failed in its goals through the curriculum and separate schooling. Initially, there was almost no fixed curri culum. B y 1916, Ainu children were educated for four years, starting at the age of seven. In contrast, Wajin children were educated six years, starting at the age of six. The first year of education for the Ainu was almost always completely devoted to nonacademic subjects such as farming and sewing. This vocationally focused education was justified by the Ainus perceived backwardness and inability to succeed at higher ed ucation (Siddle 1996: 72). The main goal of the education was assimilation. Ainu language was actively discouraged and love for the emperor and nation were stressed in the school. In many case s, the schools were located in segr egated Ainu communities so there were no Wajin children living there. In areas where there were some Wajin children living near Ainu children, they were educated separately (Siddle
54 1996: 72). For those reasons, even though the educational policies were successful in decreasin g the use of the Ainu language and increasing Japanese fluency, the segregation helped to increase the mistrust between the Ainu and the Waji n. By 1922, the inferior curriculum was dropped, and by 1937, the Ainu schools were integrated with the Wajin schools (Siddle 1996: 73) T he Protection Act of 1899 meant to establish medical facilities in Ainu communities, but that was never accomplished. The act did pay for medical expenses, if an Ainu person could get to a hospital (Siddle 1996: 72). Some hospi tals and clinics were near Ainu communities, but in many cases, it could be a few days walk to the nearest hospital ( Kayano 1994: 39). The need for medical attention for tuberculosis increased greatly with the higher level of Wajin immigration. Tuberculosis brought from the mainland contributed to 25.3 percent of Ainu deaths during 19121916. In some areas, tuberculosis accounted for nearly fifty percent of Ainu deaths, because the hospitals would be too far away for a sick individual to seek help (Siddle 1996: 73). Since the Protection A ct of 1899 failed to establish the Ainu as peasant farmers, community level Native Welfare and Guidance Commissioners ( Dojin Hodo Iin) were establ ished to aid in the assimilation of the Ainu These officials were often local notables, such as school teachers or policemen. In 1925, 112 of these commissioners worked in Ainu communities to decrease Wajin tenancy and help the Ainu establish themselves as independent farmers. To help remove tenency, in 1924 the Docho established farming cooperatives ( gojokumiai ). These cooperatives succeeded at increasing owner cultivation, and as a result, by 1933,
55 Ainu owner cultivated allotments increased to 60.7 percent, a large increase from the 43 percent in 1923 (Siddle 1997: 73). There were some drawbacks to the establishment of cooperatives. Soon after creation, the cooperatives began managing the affairs of the Ainu, as the commissioners saw the Ai nu unfit to manage for themselves. Managers and commissioners of the cooperatives monitored financial and personal habits of the Ainu in their charge, intervening when they saw fit. The commissioners successfully increased the use of Japanese customs in weddings and funerals by the Ainu, as well as repressing many expressions of Ainu culture still practiced (Siddle 1996: 73).The Protection Act of 1899 is the most enduring aspect of pre World War II colonial policies which remained law until 1997, and con tributed to the establishment of the Ainu in a low socioeconomic position (Siddle 1999: 110). World War II and the Ainu The Second World War further incorporate d the Ainu into Japanese society, as the increased militarism and ultra nationalism lowered the ability for the Ainu to express anti Wajin sentiments or Ainu pride. In addition, many Ainu men were drafted into service and fought everywhere from China to Ok inawa. Thirty nine Ainu soldiers were killed in the battle of Okinawa. Genjiro Arai, an Ainu leader who organized protests against the Protection Act of 1899 was drafted and fought as a scout in China. Many other Ainu underwent similar experiences durin g the war (Siddle 1999: 110). Direct Meiji assimilation attempts had largely ended by the late 1930s, due to the outbreak of the Second World War. However, the war itself proved a force
56 of assimilation, as many of the Ainu were forced to work and fight with the other Japanese citizens. After the war, the SCAP (Supreme Commanders for the Allied Powers) dismantled many of the welfare measures in the 1899 Ainu Protection Act through direct alterations to the act and through the Land Reform legislation of 1 946. While many Ainu and Wajin officials tried to reverse this, they failed, and the Ainu lost much of the land they had and almost all of their welfare benefits (Siddle 1996: 14751). The dismantling of the benefits, mixed with inferior education, and s ocial discrimination locked the Ainu into a situation where the only available employment was through labor and economic tourism (See Appendix 2 for the full Protection Act of 1899) Conclusion Early colonial policy did not have much direct effect on the Ainu, but laid the ground work for the intensified assimilationist policies pursued by the Meiji government starting at the end of the 19th century. The early assimilation policies attempted to make the Ainu into peasant farmers, and came to fruition with the 1899 Hokkaido F ormer Aborigine Protection Act, which would remain on the books until 1997. Breakdown of Ainu culture was largely successful due to the reliance of the Ainu religious and cultural practices on a lifestyle of hunting and gathering, as seen in chapter 2. The policies pursued by the Meiji officials prevented the Ainu from subsisting in the traditional methods and required Ainu to either become farmers or laborers. The educational system reinforced these low socioeconomic
57 methods of subsistence through targeted inferior education, a policy largely implemented d ue to racialized belief s of Ainu inferiority. Japans entrance into World War II, mixed with the removal of most Ainu welfare after the end of the war resulted in the Ainu being more assimilated, but with an even lower quality of life and socioeconomic status. The equalizing power of the war only furthered the loss of Ainu culture and language, as traditional methods of subsistence became inefficient for daily use, and as such, was used as display for tourism. Any economic and social benefits gained during the war were removed as the SCAP redistributed Ainu lands and the homogenous rhetoric of the state took hold.
57 Chapter 6: The Colonial Legacy, Tourism, and the Ainu Experience The contemporary lifestyle of the Ainu is the result of discriminatory policies put in place during the colonization of Hokkaido. In todays Japan, a person of Ainu ancestry has the same legal rights and educational opportunities as any other Japanese citizen but the Ainu fall mostly into a lower socioeconomic status. While their legal rights are the same, social discrimination still exists, as many Ainu have reported facing discrimination in their lives Since the Ainu have the legal status of commoner, they are distinctly Japanese citizens, but they are not Wajin. Since until recently, the Japanese government officially endorsed t he view of Japanese homogeneity, the Ainu did not belong in the officially recognized social structure of Japan, and have had to deal with the resulting discrimination throughout the twentieth century (Okada 2012: 2). While equal opportunity theoretically has existed for the Ainu since the Second World War, the reality is that many Ainu are unable to take advantage of that opportunity, or are repressed through societal means. Most Ainu live in the Hidaka subprefecture, which is about 80% for est, and most economic opportunities are agriculture, forestry, or fishing. The large percentage of Ainu living in Hidaka is the result of discriminatory policies the late nineteenth and early twentieth century which moved the Ainu into less productive l ands. In addition, many Ainu were unable to acquire enough capital to allow movement to a more profitable region (Geiser 1997: 164). Anti Ainu discrimination is largely a result of poor education on the Ainu throughout Japan. Many Japanese people only know of the Ainu through popular representation, which leads to the assumption that the Ainu are still pre industrial, barbaric people (Sjberg 1993: 151). Today, with help from the Japanese government, positive educational opportunities about the Ainu exi st, but this is a recent phenomenon
58 and the result of the 1997 Law for the Promotion of Ainu Culture and the Dissemination and Advocacy of Knowledge in Respect to Ainu Traditions (Okada 2012: 1). As is common with indigenous peoples, Ainu culture was commodi fied by people with Ainu ancestry as a form of sustenance Comaroff and Comaroff engage this subject in Ethnicity, Inc (2009), and have found that the commodification of identity is a standard occurrence for groups that can claim an exotic and hist orical identity By using that style of analysis I can determine how much of a major role this commodification of identity has played in sustai ning and shaping the contemporary image of Ainu culture The commodification of Ainu identity works with in the colonial legacy, in the form of preserving stereotypes and solidifying the Ainus low socioeconomic position. At the same time, the commodification of identity works against the integrationists goals of the Japanese government. Tourism to Ainu locations has not only shaped popular image, but has also shaped the academic interest, as many of the people involved in Ainu tourism are the Ainu who often speak for their cultural heritage (Shigeru 1994). In post World War II Japan, the Ainu were still categoriz ed in the discourse of race by Wajin and the Japanese state. The prewar Japanese ideology of a family state was largely discredited by the Second World War, but it transformed into a concept of Japanese racial uniqueness and homogeneity. Japanese identi ty was thought to be connected with the imagined concept of Japanese blood. For the Ainu, the popular and official rhetoric of Japanese uniqueness left no place in modern Japan for a racial other. For some Ainu, who looked Japanese, these proved to be a nonissue, as long as they could keep their ancestry qui e t For Ainu who had a less tha n Japanese appearance, they would often face racially based discrimination in work, education, and social situations
59 For most nonAinu Japanese, the Ainu were consi dered racially inferior (Siddle 1996: 156, See Sjberg 1996 and Geiser and Peng 1997 for more information on Ainu employment and education). The racial identity associated with the Ainu was one of a primitive, unintelligent, dying race this representatio n can still be seen today This resulted in discriminatory practices, such as Ainu not being hired for advanced jobs or given advanced educational opportunities. While this racialized discrimination was occurring, the Japanese government did not adopt an y policies segregating the Ainu, though the government did adopt a stance in which until recently the Ainu did not exist (Siddle 1996: 157). T his racialization classified the Ainu as a people of the past and not as contemporary people. The Most Famous Ainu: Kayano Shigeru When discussing a group of people, it is easy to say they lived in poverty and situate them as victims of progress but it is important to understand the trials that those people faced. In studies of indigenous groups, it is easy to remove the humanity from the study, and instead focus on numbers and statistics To help focus on the human aspect of the Ainu experience, this chapter will examine the life of Kayano Shigeru. Often called the most famous Ainu ( Sjberg 1996: 155), Ka yano Shigeru (19262006) was the first Ainu to become a member of the Japanese Diet, and was a respected authority on Ainu culture and language. Through his long life, Kayano was intimately involved in the Ainu rights movement, the preservation of Ainu culture and language, Ainu ethnic tourism, and the low socioeconomic status and poverty that many of the Ainu lived through in the twentieth century. Kayano provided a detailed account of his life and trials in his autobiography, Our Land was a Forest: An A inu Memoir
60 (19 94). Through an analysis of his book, this chapter will use Kayano as a case study of how colonial legacy shaped Ainu life in the 20th century. Life of Kayano Shigeru Like many Ainu, Kayano was born to a poor Ainu family in Nibutani, Hokkaido. While Kayano is his surname, he was born into the Kaizawa family, and later adopted out into his a unts more prosperous family While he was adopted out in name, in practice Kayano remained with the Kaizawa (Kayano 19 94 : 23) When Kayano was s till a young child in the 1930s, he lived with his family in a forty square meter house. Including Kayano, this tiny house was shared by nine people: his parents, grandmother, an older sister, two elder brothers, and two youn ger brothers (Kayano 1994: 3). In Kayanos childhood home, the boards were only one centimeter thick and so warped that his hands could fit between them. To keep warm in the frigid Hokkaido winters, the Kaizawa family would glue sheets of newspaper over the gaps in the walls to hel p keep out the snow and wind (Kayano 1981: 2). In his home, Kayano was taught Ainu Yukar (epics) by his grandmother and traditional religious practices by his father (Kayano 1981: 4) As Kayano words it, he was raised with material poverty yet with spiritual wealth (Kayano 1981: 5). Abject poverty was not uncommon to the Ainu, so Kayanos childhood was fairly normal for an Ainu child in the early twentieth century. He was fortunat e in that Nibutani had a high proportion of Ainu residents, shielding Kayano from early social discrimination ( Kayano 1994: 159). In 1935, by the age of nine, Kayano had to help provide for his family. He was too young for work, but he would walk to whe re his father and older brothers were employed to collect money for the family. His oldest brother worked as a live in servant
61 in a farmhouse eighteen kilometers from Nibutani. His second oldest brother and his father worked on a rail station twenty kilometers away. Kayano had to make these journeys alone, on foot, to collect money from so his mother could afford to provide food for the family, but sometimes it was not enough (Kayano 1994: 523). His famil ys situation was eased somewhat, for at the end of 1935, work programs were established by the government to help unemployed Ainu. Kayanos older brothers were hired through this program to gath er pebbles to help make roads (Kayano 1994: 54). Kayanos family was dealt a devastating blow when his father was arrested for salmon poaching. Salmon fishing was limited during the year to help protect from overfishing, but it was one of the few readily available sources of food. Kayanos father was catching salmon out of season in order to feed his family, but was seen doing so, and was arrested. While he was often unemployed before his arrest, afterwards Kayanos father had trouble f i nding work and bec a me an alcoholic (Kayano 1994: 57) Kayanos father never had a permanent job, and made what money he could through seasonal employment as a woodsman, fisherman, or railroad worker He was also a skilled hunter but never made a profession of hunting (Kayano 1994: 615). This style of lif e and employment was common among the Ainu in the earlier 20th century, but what was not common was that Kayanos father was particularly well versed in Ainu tradition. From his father, Kayano learned many Ainu ceremonies associated with hunting and daily activities, as well as some of the Ainu language. It was from Kayanos grandmother that he learned many of the Yukar (Kayano 1994: 669). Kayano graduated from his required schooling in 1939, at the age of twelve. Two weeks later, he received employmen t as a woodsman s apprentice, for one and a half yen
62 per day. He worked at that job for just over a year before finding employment as a surveyor for the government (Kayano 1994: 716). While Kayano was in the mountains, his elder brother became sick with tuberculosis while serving as a soldie r in the imperial army in China. He was sent back to Japan w here he died at the age of twenty five. After learning of his brothers death, Kayano returned to work with his family producing coal for the war effort (K ayano 1994: 79) Kayano worked with his family at coal production for three years, until returning to Nibutani in 1944. In February of 1945, the Japanese government lowered the age of the draft, so Kayano was drafted to serve in the reserve even though he was not yet twenty. He shipped out in late May, and served on an air base in Hatchodaira, which is located on the southern tip of Hokkaido, just north of Muroran (Kayano 1994: 834). While far from the most dangerous areas of the war, the base was bombarded by the U.S. before the end of the war. Kayano served only a short time, and was sent home in August of 1945, after Japan surrendered. For his time in the service, all Kayano received was the uniform he wore and a blanket (Kayano 1994: 86). After the war, Kayano once again became a forester. By 1949, he was the foreman of his own subcontract group called the Kayano Team (Kayano 1994: 8990). With his new success, Kayano began to look for a bride. By 1951, he had acquired his own home, and saved up enough to provide an engagement gift to his neighbors so he could marry Reiko, who was living with her Uncles family. Five days after the wedding (see figure 9) Kayano returned to work in forestry, and it would be two months before he could ret urn home again (Kayano 1994: 91).
63 Figure 9 : Kayano and Reiko on their Wedding Day (Kayano 1994: 92) Two years after being married, Kayano had becom e fairly successful as a logger and made a stable living. His success would not be considered great in most of Japan, as he was still making just a little above the poverty line, but for an Ainu he was very successful (Kayano 1994: 97). It was in the year of 1953 that Kayano first bec ame interested in the preservation of Ainu culture. The trigger was not a fondness for Ainu history or its culture, but was his hatred of the Wajin researchers. Kayano found that the scholars who came to his father, who was considered an expert on Ainu t raditions, often took advantage of his fathers hospitality. They would also conduct research on the local Ainu which included invasive body measuring, blood work, and personal questions, which many locals found degrading Because of the poor economic st atus of many of the Ainu, they were not in a situation to refuse the payments offered by the researchers. It was that year in which Kayano began collecting Ainu cultural artifacts, to preserve them from the researchers (Kayano 1994: 97 8). In 1954, Kayano first entered the tourism industry. His father convinced him to quit his job and travel with an Ainu dance group run by a friend he met while in Honshu. Kayano did not start as a performer, but instead sold wooden bears and trays that he made. While h e traveled with the group, he initially was made only what he could sell.
64 Early on though, he began to work with the troupe, and provided introductions for them and explained the history behind the dances (Kayano 1994: 1034). During his travel s Kayano learned how little the average Japanese person knew of the Ainu, and began to strive to inform the people he met about the Ainu. This goal would be a major mission for the rest of his life, and he would become one of the most successful advocat e s for the Japanese public on the Ainu condition (Sjberg 1996: 155). While traveling, Sabo, who was the Wajin who organized the group, effectively scammed his performers and Kayano. While Kayano made money separately, he was convinced to lend what he made to Sabo. After they had traveled to central Honshu, Sabo absconded with the money, abandoning Kayano and the other workers without any way to return home. Kayano had 150,000 yen in debt but managed to make the money to return home, though he lacked an easy way t o pay off his debt (Kayano 1994: 107). To pay off his debt, Kayano mortgaged his home for 50,000 yen and used that money to fund another dance troupe. Because of his positive reputation, his endeavor was successful, and he managed to make enough to pay off his debt (Kayano 1994: 108). In 1957, a year after his father died, Kayano met Chiri Mashiho, an Ainu professor of Ainu culture. Chiri had a large influence on Kayano, who then decided to craft authentic Ainu goods, and got a job at a resort selling them. By 1959, Kayano lived solely on the production of Ainu carvings and moved his production back to Nibutani Saving what little he could, he bought Ainu folk utensils and eventually a tape recorder (Kayano 1994: 1178). Using his tape recorder, he recorded Ainu rituals and events. These recordings were expensive, so by 1961, he began to work as a show Ainu.
65 While he considered the job degrading, it provided the money he needed to continue buying tapes and cultural artifacts (Kayano 1994: 1189). For the next ten years, Kayano continued to work as a show Ainu and carver, collecting a massive amount of cultural objects and tapes of Ainu events. During this time, he worked with a variety of scholars on Ainu culture, particularly with Kindaichi Kyo usuke. Kindaichis work focused on translating Yukar into Japanese. Kayano worked with Kindaichi nearly every year until 1968. Kindaichi died three years later (Kayano 1994: 1258, 132). Just before Kindaichis death, in 1971, Kayano was hospitalized w ith pleurisy due to stress. After three months in the hospital he was released. That attack of pleurisy made Kayano fear what would happen to his collection of tapes and artifacts if he died suddenly since by 1971, Kayano had collected over 2000 artifacts of 200 different types (Kayano 1994: 133 4). To help protect his collection, Kayano contacted a few carpenters to get estimates on how much building a museum would cost. After finding out the costs, Kayano began to flatten the land on his property so he could build a 100 square meter warehouse. Before he could get into construction, the mayor of Biratori, in which the city of Nibutani is located the city council, and village masters came to him and asked if he would make his project into a town museum, so they could help with funding and labor. Kayano agreed, and the Nibutani Museum of Ainu Cultural Resources Construction Project Group came into being (Kayano 1994: 1345). It took two years to raise enough funds and finish the building, but by 1972 the Nibutani Museum of Ainu Cultural Resources was finished, displaying over 600 items of 250 types from Kayanos collection and
66 replicas of other significant Ainu items According to Kayano, the museum was his dream and greatest accomplishment (Kayano 1994: 138,140). In 1975, Kayano was elected to the Biratori town council, where he would serve until 1992 (Kayano 1994: 147,162). During his time on the town council, Kayano continued to collect Ainu artifacts and champion Ainu language and identity. In 1982, Kayano founded the first Ainu language school, in which he taught children the Ainu language. By 1993, ten other Ainu language schools had opened in Hokkaido (Kayano 1994: 160). In 1991, the museum Kayano helped found was rebuilt into a new 990 squa re foot museum renamed the Kayano Shigeru Ainu Memorial Museum. The original museum still existed, and began to display native crafts from all over the world, while the new larger museum was exclusively for Ainu crafts. One year after the new museum was built, Kayano retired from the Biratori town council to run for a seat on the Diet. He lost on his first attempt, but would go on to win, and become the first Ainu member of the Japanese Diet in 1994 (Kayano 1994: 162) While in the Diet he worked to give educational opportunities to the Ainu, educate the Japanese on the Ainu, and worked to pass proAinu legislation. He died in 2006 of pneumonia, in a hospital in Sapporo. Conclusion In post World War II Japan, race, tourism, and the colonial legacy dominated the image and life of the Ainu. The colonial past left the Ainu largely ignored by the government, since colonialism was an aspect of the abandoned concept of the Japanese Empire. A quote from a 1953 government report to the International Labou r Organization in regards to Convention No. 50 on the rights of indigenous workers accurately shows that view:
67 In the course of the second world war, Japan lost all its dependent territories. As a result there no longer exists in Japan either workers belo nging to or assimilated to the indigenous population of dependent territories, or to the dependent indigenous population of the home territories. The Convention is therefore no longer applicable. (Siddle 1996: 157) As part of a national discourse of raci al homogeneity, the Ainu had no place. As such, in the minds of most Japanese; the Ainu were a tourist attraction at best, and at worst simply a part of the past that no longer existed (Siddle 1996: 1568) Tourism served to exacerbate some aspects of the Ainu being viewed as an aspect of the past. Ainu involved in the tourism industry often had to have a stereotypical Ainu appearance. At the same time, other Ainu would look down upon the KankouAinu (Show Ainu) which created poor self conceptions of Ainu identity and removed the contemporary aspect of Ainu humanity from the common conceptions of many Japanese people. Tourism had some positive aspects, since it provided work for many Ainu who had no better opportunities for employment and helped prese rve many aspects of Ainu culture and tradition that would have been lost otherwise. Kayano Shigeru provides an example of an Ainu who succeeded through tourism. While his life was hard, and he struggled through poverty for all of his childhood and most of his young adult life, he used what money he made through tourism to successful ly help preserve the Ainu culture and language (Kayano 1994: 151). Yet it is important to note that Kayano provides an unusual case, and that most Ainu did not have his success What Kayanos memoir provides is the ability to see the Ainu as modern people, who are ju st like any other people in the word.
68 Chapter 7: The Ainu Contextualized in an International Indigenous Perspective The UN does not clearly define what it means to be an indigenous person, yet the 2007 Declarati on on the Rights of Indigenous P eople states that indigenous people have the right to self identification. This declaration granted any indigenous people international recognition and created a standard on which all participating nations would be held accountable. While indigenous status may seem clear in the case of the Ainu, the status of indigenous was not instantaneous. While it may work on paper to say indigenous groups may identify themselves, if the indigenous group counters the national rhetoric, then the central government may not be apt to agree with the self designated indigenous group. The Ainu were considered an ethnic minority, but through pressure by the international indigenous community, the Japanese government consented to granting the Ainu indigenous status in 2008 (Okada 2012: 12) While the Ainu ident ified themselves as indigenous, and were unarguably in Hokkaido before the Japanese government had any claim to the island, they still had to fight for the status of indigenous to have the 2007 Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People apply to them. The Japanese governments ability to approve of their self identified status marks one of the bigger issues with the 2007 declaration, and is a core component of issues with indigenous rights on a global scale. In many countries, a native individuals identity is in some way controlled by the central government or through effects of the colonial process Just like how the Japanese government controlled Ainu identity, the United States of America controls Native American identity. The same can be seen in the French colony of Tahiti, with the indigenous Tahitian i dentity being modified through French sponsored tourism
69 To show how the Ainu experience is not an isolated dynamic this chapter will compare the right s to being indigenous for the Ainu to the right of identity for the Native Americans. I will also compare the power of tourism to alter Tahitian identity with tourisms effects on Ainu identity. These comparisons are limited, and do not provide a complete explanation of indigenous experiences. What they are meant to provide is an understanding of how the colonial process has limited the identity of individuals, and to show how it is not an aspect of the colonial process that is unique to the Ainu. Native Americans Tahitians, and the Ainu In the United States, there are federally recognized tribes. These tribes have their own bylaws that determine who can be a member. While tribes can determine, their own membership, they are required to keep certain requirements in order to receive federal aid. So while the government does not directly control who the tribes can accept, they have effective control over the requirements the tribes may use. For the recognized tribes, they have some privileges to make up for historic injustices, but the unrec ognized tribes have no special privileges and are legally not Native Americans. Just like in Japan, the government has final arbitration on who is officially Native American The 2007 Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People was not initially s upported by the United States, but as of 2010, the declaration has received official endorsement by the United States through both the president and the senate While the declaration allows for self identification, the laws of the United States have not c hanged to give federal recognition for self identified tribes. Domestic American law has aspects that give additional rights to recognized tribes, and give special recognition to their cultural lands and items. The Ainu have the 1997 Law for the Promotion of Ainu Culture
70 and the Dissemination and Advocacy of Knowledg e in Res pect to Ainu Traditions, but that law fails to provide the Ainu with concrete support or with rights to lands and artifacts with which they have a cultural heritage. In the Unite d States, the indigenous people have quite a few rights and support from the government, which recognizes to some degree, tribal sovereignty The US government also recognizes that historic injustices were done to the native peoples While that can be beneficial for many indigenous people, it limits their ability to self identify. If a person considers themselves to be a descendent from a native group, but that group is not one of the federally recognized groups, and the U.S. courts or congress does not decide to grant them indigenous status, then legally that person is not a Native American. For the Ainu, as of 1997, it is a matter of self identification. Before 1997, the Ainu were identified as k yudojin, which means former native. In a country that prides itself on homogene ity, that can be a socially damaging classification. After that classification was removed, a person could choose to identify as Ainu, but was not compelled to (Okada 2012: 1) The Utari Kyuokai (Ainu Associati on) believes that there are many more Ainu th a n in the official numbers, because many do not want to identify as part of a minority group. In the United States, indigenous groups have special rights, but their identity is controlled. In Japan, the Ainu c ontrol their identity, but do not have any special rights based on their history as an indep endent people, and had to challenge the government to be considered indigenous, rather than just a minority group (Okada 2012: 2).
71 In Tahiti, the indigenous Tahitians have a similar issue with identity. While Native Americans have their identity regulated by the United States, the Tahitians have effectively self regulated their identity. The main economic opportunities for the Tahitians are through ethnic tourism, and like the Ainu with their ethnic tourism, the Tahitians have created a cultural identity for the purpose of economic profit (Kahn 2011: 120). Ainu identity created through tourism has served to keep some aspects of Ainu culture alive, but has a ltered and removed the meaning from previous culturally significant aspects of identity. The Tahitians have created an image of themselves that has been crystalized and preserved through their reliance on tourism. While culture is relative and changing, the Tahitian tourism identity has effectively made any new aspects of the culture separate from the identity of Tahitianess. In both Ainu and Tahitian ethnic tourism, the cultural identities of both groups has been altered and commoditized for greater pro fit. The necessity for the adaption of their culture for profit is a result of marginalization through the colonial process, which has disenfranchised both groups, and has made it so one of the few resources available for a comfortable lifestyle is throug h tourism. One aspect the Ainu, Tahitian, and Native American experiences have in common is issues of identity and identification. For this dis cussion, identity will be defined as how individual s classif y themselves, while identification will be defined as how an outside group identifies others. For the indigenous groups, the outside classifier will be their respective governments. While people may call themselves what they will, identification plays an important role for both the Ainu and the Native Americans.
72 Native Americans have no legal right to profit from their indigenous identity, or to have access to special rights for being a Native American unless they are part of a federally recognized tribe. That basically means a Native American cannot officially represent him or herself as such unless the federal government recognizes the tribe he/she claims to belong to and the tribal leaders recognize him or her as a member. For the Ainu, their identity is socially stigmatized by the government and the majority Wajin ethnicity but up until 1997, the ir official registration showed them as Ainu ( k yudojin). The Tahitian identity issue is more of how tourism has created an identity for the Tahitians, and w hile they can choose not to follow their artificially created identity, the choice has potential consequences. For the Tahitians, tourism is the main source of income, so not participating in the tourism industry leaves little opportunity for Tahitian peo ple in French Polynesia. What I hope has been invoked with the two comparisons is how indigenous identity was shaped through colonial activity. While contemporary nations do not as openly engage in colonial activities, it is important to remember that man y peoples are still controlled by an outside group they never willingly joined and many nations still possess colonies. Each example of the colonial process and how it affected individuals and groups is unique, but they all shed light on the overall story of the indigenous experience.
73 Chapter 8: Conclusion The Ainu experience for the last six hundred years was one of a drawn out colonial process. While total control of the Ainu people was not accomplished until the latter half of the nineteenth century, by the fifteenth century, the Ainu had already beg un to lose control of their homeland. Between 1456 and 1551, the Ainu and the Wajin had sporadic warfare, with the Wajin being almost pushed out of Hokkaido in the initial fighting (Takakura 1960: 25). The peace agreed u pon by the Ainu chiefs and the Kakizaki family, who represented the Andou clan, marked a distinct decline in Ainu independence. A small portion of southern Hokkaido was directly controlled by the Wajin, and the rest of Hokkaido was divided into East and W est Ezo. Both halves of Ezo had a single chief, who received a portion of taxes levied against Wajin merchants who traded with the Ainu (Takakura 1960: 12). The ensuing dynamic altered the Ainu political structure, as two individuals became more powerful than the previous dynamic allowed through a buildup of wealth. These powerful leaders were reliant on the Wajin for the maintenance of their authority That balance of power remained until eventually the mistreatment of the Ainu by the Wajin became too much, and the Ainu rebelled in 1668. The Matsumae clan, which was the title given to the Kakizaki family by the Tokugawa Bakufu, crushed the rebellion and firmly established an official dominant control over the Ainu through a series of oaths that all def eated Ainu had to take (Siddle 1999: 70). While the official dominant status of the Wajin did not come into being until the late 17th century, Wajin colonial activity in Hokkaido began during the mi d 16th century. Before the peace between the Kakizaki and the Ainu, Wajin merchants traded on roughly
74 equal terms with the Ainu, but after the peace, the Kakizaki controlled which merchants were allowed to trade with the Ainu and by 1603, this power became officially sanctioned by the Tokugawa Bakufu when the Kakizaki became the Matsumae clan. The Matsumae merchants had monopolistic power over trade rights, and used that to force the Ainu into unfavorable trade relations and began to take resources such as salmon from traditionally Ainu controlled sources. These colonial activities led to the first rebellion, which once defeated, cemented the unequal nature of the AinuWajin relationship. The relationship between the Ainu and Wajin became more and more unequal, until eventually the Meiji government declared Hokkaido a colony of the Japanese state and took direct control over the entire island and its entire populace. So while colonial activities began in the 16th century, or even arguably earlier, total colonial control was not established until the latter half of the 19th century (Harrison 1931: 136). Under Meiji colonialism, the Japanese state attempted to turn the Ainu into peasant farmers. The attempt to make the Ainu into independent peasant farmers largely failed, but did integrate the Ainu into the Japanese state in the lowest social class as peasant laborers. Some Ainu resisted attempted conversion, but with Ainu population consisting of around half a percent of Hokkaidos population, they were no longer able to use the lands in a way that supporte d their previous lifestyle. The Ainu wo uld enjoy full legal rights as peasant s but they were socially stigmatized by the Wajin and were relocated off of their productive lands into areas of inferior quality. To help integrate the Ainu, the Japanese government banned the use of the Ainu language in schools, instituted mandatory public education, and banned the Ainu from practicing many of their religious and social rituals. As the Ainu lifestyle
75 changed, the significance of the rituals lessened, and tr aditional Ainu society and culture began to break down. While traditional Ainu society began to erode under Meiji policy, early ethnic tourism served to preserve some of the Ainu culture. The Meiji government supported Ainu culture for tourism, as it was a good source of wealth for Hokkaido, while simultaneously suppressing Ainu culture in other spheres. This would continue until World War II effectively put a halt to special Ainu policy or tourism in Japan. The war itself proved an integrating factor, as many of the Ainu served in the military or were part of war production. After the war, the Ainu once again became fixed in a low socioeconomic status due to SCAP policies Their main forms of employment were as laborers or in the tourism industry (Siddle 1996: 157). As the country matured and industrialized, the Ainu condition improved somewhat, but quality of life, as measured through employment, jobs, and welfare usage remained well below average when compared to the rest of Japan (Okada 2012: 1011). Today, the Ainu have attained recognition as the indigenous population of Japan, but are still fighting for rights beyond the right to a cultural identity. The Japanese government has made no reparations for the treatment that the Ainu suffered, or fo r the land and wealth stolen during the nearly 600 years (or more) colonial domination of the Ainu (Kayano 1994: 2337, Okada 2012: 1213). While Hokkaido shows the signs of colonialism, and was even called a colony by the Meiji government, it is not considered a colonial possession in common thought. On the Wikipedia page for Hokkaido and the Ainu, any form of the word colon y is used only once and it is dismissed as a term mistakenly used by the Meiji government. All
76 academic books I have encounter ed treat Hokkaido as a colony, but there is a distinct divide between academic understanding and common perceptions of place. This thesis does not attempt to bridge the divide between the perception of Hokkaido as a main part of Japan and the historical s eparation of Hokkaido and the Japanese state, but that the divide represents the difficulties the Ainu face in establishing themselves as a people who are not only nonJapanese, but indigenous. Each colonized people or indigenous group has had their own unique experiences when facing the subjugation of colonialism. But while each experience is unique, they experience similar results in the power dynamic created between the colonized and the colonizer that does not end when the colonizing power abandons t he colony if ever While the Ainu situation deserves study and should be examined in its own context, further research in how the Ainu colonial experience was similar to and different from other groups could go a long way in providing the Ainu people support to further revitalize their culture and aid in the fight for their rights as an indigenous community. Dru C. Gladney (2003) studies ethnic minorities in China and makes the case that a minority group, the Hui, can be used to better understand the maj ority, the Han. The Japanese have a history of comparing themselves to the outside other, but the Ainu currently have a unique niche as the inside other. How the contemporary Wajin people view themselves in comparison to the Ainu could prove fruitful for a greater understanding of the Japanese people, and for the formation of ethnically separatist ideas and racialized ideology amongst the Japanese. As such, a similar study to G la dneys would be valuable in a Japanese Ainu context.
77 One other concept that deserves exploration through an Ainu context is the effects of tourism on how one presents their identity, and how economic influences can create a condition on how one identifies. For the Ainu, the tourism industry demands a stereotypical representation of Ainu identity, but for any other form of employment, any Ainuness of the potential employee must be downplayed. Sjberg (1993) identifies a divide in the Ainu community over how to represent themselves, mostly between the Ainu employed in tourism and the Ainu employed in other economic sectors. Further ethnographic research can go a long way into examining how economic factors play into both self perceived and self presented identification, and the Ainu provide an excellent case study for that proje ct
Evan Darrow 78 Appendix 1: Major Kamuy and Kamuy Classifications For the classification of all the Kamuy, Munro offers a list of eight basic groups: 1. Remote and Traditional Kamui 2. Familiar or accessible and trustworthy Kamui 3. Subsidiary Kamui 4. Theriomorphic Kamui 5. Spirit helpers and personal Kamui 6. Mischievous and malicious Kamui 7. Kamui of pestilence 8. Things of unutterable horror. List of the Pase Kamuy (Important Kamuy): Kamuy Fuchi, Nusa koro Kamuy, Shiramba Kamuy, Hash inau uk Kamuy, Wakka ush Ka muy, Chise(i) koro Kamuy, Kotankoro Kamuy, Shinrit Kamuy, Kanna Kamuy, Kenru Katkimat, Chup Kamuy, Imosh Kamuy, Kim un Kamuy or Metot ush Kamui (bear Kamuy), Rep un Kamuy, Kinashut Kamui, Korokeu Kamui, and Shitumbe Kamui. Two examples from these lists a re Chup Kamuy and Kanna Kamui. (Munro 1963:1213)
Evan Darrow 79 Appendix 2: THE HOKKAIDO FORMER NATIVES PROTECTION ACT (LAW N0.27, 1 MARCH 1899) Article 1 Those Former Natives of Hokkaido who are engaged, or wish to engag e, agriculture shall be granted free of charge no more than 15, 000 tsubo (3,954 yards) of land per household. Artic l e 2 The land granted under the preceding Article is subject to the following condition on rights of ownershi p 1 It may not be transferred except by inheritance 2 No rights of pledge, mortgage, lease or perpetual lease can be established. 3 No easement ( servitude) can be established without the permission of the Governor of Hokkaido. 4 It cannot become the object of a l ien or preferential right The land granted the preceding Article shall not be subject t o land tax or local taxes until 30 ye ars from the date of grant. Land already owned by Former Natives shall not transferred except by inheritance, nor shall any of the real rights (jus in r em) referred to in paragraphs I to 3 be established upon it without the permission the Governor of Hokkaido. Article 3
Evan Darrow 80 Any part of the land granted under Article 1 shall be confiscated if it has not be en cultivated after 15 years from the date of grant. Article 4 Hokkaido Former Natives who are destitute will be provided with agricultural equipment and seed s. A rticle 5 Hokkaido Former Natives who are injured or ill but cannot afford medical treatment shall be provided with medical treatment or expenses for medicine. Article 6 Hokkaido Former Natives who are too injured, ill, disabled, senile or young to provide for themselves shall be granted welfare under existing legislation and if they should die at or during the period of assistance funeral expenses will be provided. Article 7 Children of destitute Hokkaido Former Natives who are attending school will be provided with tuition fees. Article 8
Evan Darrow 81 Expenses incurred under Articles 4 to 7 shall be appropriated from the proceeds of the communal funds of Hokkaido Former Natives, or if these are insufficient, from the National Treasury. Article 9 An elementary school will be constructed with funds from the National Treasury in areas where there is a Former Native village. Article 10 The Governor of Hokkaido will manage the communal funds of the Hokkaido Former Natives. The Governor of1Hokkaido, subject to the approval of the Home Minister, may dispose of the communal funds for the interests of the owners of the communal funds or may refuse to expend it if he deems necessary. The communal funds managed by the Governor of Hokkaido shall be designated by the Governor of Hokkaido. Article 11 The Governor of Hokkaido may issue police orders with regard to the protection of the Hokkaido Former Natives and may impose a fine of over 2 yen but no more than 25 yen or a period of imprisonment of over 11 days but no more than 25 days. By laws
Evan Darrow 82 Article 12 This Act will become effective from 1 April 1899. Article 13 Regulations relevant to the implementation of this Act shall be set by the Home Minister. (Siddle 1996: 1946)
83 Glossary Ainu Moshir ( i ) : Traditional Ainu world. The basic translation is the world of people. Ainu Moshir refers to Hokkaido, the Kurils, Sakhalin, and Northern Honshu. Bakufu: Japanese word for the Edo period Shogunal government. Basho: Japanese word for a large place, but for the Matsumae, it refers to the tax districts Hokkaido was divided into during the Edo period. Chise : A traditional Ainu house. Edo Period: 16031868 C.E. This period is when the Tokugawa Shoguns ruled from Edo. It began with Tokugawa Ieyasu being named Shogun, and ended with the Meiji Reformation. Ezo : Ezo is the historic Japanese word for the island of Hokkaido and the people who lived there. Heimin : Japanese word for commoner. Inau: Ainu word for a s hamanistic totem that is used to interact with Kamuy. Iyomante : The Ainu bear festival.
84 Kamuy : The Ainu word for deity. Kotan: The Ainu word for a traditional Ainu village. Kyudojin: A Japanese word that translates into former native. It was used to identify Ainu on the family registry up until 1997. Matsumae: The Matsumae are the clan who had nominal control over Hokkaido during the Edo period. The word also refers to the land directly controlled by the Matsumae. Ramat : Ramat translates to he art, but is generally used to describe the spiritual energy that exists in all things. Ramat, unlike Kamuy, has no sentience.
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