A Giant's Strength

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Title: A Giant's Strength A Multisited Spatial Biography in 19th Century Florida
Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: Usherwood, Elizabeth Ann
Publisher: New College of Florida
Place of Publication: Sarasota, Fla.
Creation Date: 2012
Publication Date: 2012


Subjects / Keywords: Historical Archaeology
19th Century
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theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
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Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: This thesis argues for a new methodological approach in historical archaeology: a multisited spatial biography of an individual which traces the life of an individual through time and space. Through the case study of Luis Fatio Pacheco, a 19th century African American man, this thesis illustrates how methodology can contribute to a vindicationist approach of African Diaspora archaeology through an individual's life. By looking at Luis Fatio Pacheco's homespaces, or the places he would have considered home, additionally complexity is illuminated in the historical record. This methodology helps connect his life experiences to the larger collective memory of "African America." A multisited spatial biography alludes to the dynamic movement of the past by eliminating site boundaries through a landscape approach and exploring multiple places connected through an individual's experiences.
Statement of Responsibility: by Elizabeth Ann Usherwood
Thesis: Thesis (B.A.) -- New College of Florida, 2012
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The New College of Florida, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Local: Faculty Sponsor: Baram, Uzi

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Source Institution: New College of Florida
Holding Location: New College of Florida
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: local - S.T. 2012 U8
System ID: NCFE004682:00001

Permanent Link:

Material Information

Title: A Giant's Strength A Multisited Spatial Biography in 19th Century Florida
Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: Usherwood, Elizabeth Ann
Publisher: New College of Florida
Place of Publication: Sarasota, Fla.
Creation Date: 2012
Publication Date: 2012


Subjects / Keywords: Historical Archaeology
19th Century
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: This thesis argues for a new methodological approach in historical archaeology: a multisited spatial biography of an individual which traces the life of an individual through time and space. Through the case study of Luis Fatio Pacheco, a 19th century African American man, this thesis illustrates how methodology can contribute to a vindicationist approach of African Diaspora archaeology through an individual's life. By looking at Luis Fatio Pacheco's homespaces, or the places he would have considered home, additionally complexity is illuminated in the historical record. This methodology helps connect his life experiences to the larger collective memory of "African America." A multisited spatial biography alludes to the dynamic movement of the past by eliminating site boundaries through a landscape approach and exploring multiple places connected through an individual's experiences.
Statement of Responsibility: by Elizabeth Ann Usherwood
Thesis: Thesis (B.A.) -- New College of Florida, 2012
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The New College of Florida, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Local: Faculty Sponsor: Baram, Uzi

Record Information

Source Institution: New College of Florida
Holding Location: New College of Florida
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: local - S.T. 2012 U8
System ID: NCFE004682:00001

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A GIANT’S STRENGTH: A MULTISITED SPATIAL BIOGRAPHY IN 19 TH CENTURY FLORIDA BY ELIZABETH ANN USHERWOOD A Thesis Submitted to the Division of Social Sciences New College of Florida In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts Under the Sponsorship of Dr. Uzi Baram Sarasota, Florida April 2012


ii Acknowledgments “Oh crocodiles! ” There are many people and institutions who I wish to thank for contributing to the success of this thesis. First, I wish to thank my family for supporting me through this endeavor. I especially want to thank m y parents, Karen and Charlie, for their unconditio nal love and support and their faith in my abilities. I wish to thank Carolyne and Frank for reminding me that I needed t o stop writing for a weekend and Colin for reminding me how much family matters You all are the best family that anyone could ask for and I am lucky enough to be a part of it. I also want to thank the anthropology faculty, Uzi Baram, Tony Andrews, Erin Dean, and Maria Vesperi for supporting me academically and emotional ly through this p rocess and over the last four years. Uzi, thank you for directing me in this endeavor and allowing me to make the mistakes necessary to produce the best work I could. You have pushed me to create an archaeology that matters and I cannot tell you how import ant that is for me. Through your classes and this project, I have become a better academic, and more importantly, a better person. Thank you so much for giving me so much support over the last four years. Tony, from first year orientation to now, you have consistently given me encouragement and support. I cannot thank you enough. I cannot replace the experiences I have had or the opportunities given to me under your advice. Outside of New College, there are many people who deserve thanks. Chris Fennell, T err y Martin, and Anna Agbe Davies: thank you so much for giving me such an amazing opportunity and allowing me to work with you. The New Philadelphia field school is not an experience I will ever forget. Brent Weisman: thank you for providing so much infor mation included in this thesis. Additionally, I would like to the thank the New College Counsel of Academic Affai rs, New College Foundation, New College Anthropology Department, and the National Science Foundation Research Experience for Undergraduates f or providing monetary support. To my thesis tutorial, who received a copy of this thesis to r ead, thank you for fixing all of my mistakes. Especially, I want to thank my thesis tutorial group, Eric, Mike, Alexis, Morgan, and Roz, thank you for your time and energy in helping me with this process. Finally, thank you to all of my wonderful friends Brie, Seth, and Chelsea, who have always been there during one of my many panicking moments.


iii Table of Contents Acknowledgments ii Table of Contents iii List of Illustrations iv Abstract v Chapter 1: Introduction 1 Chapter 2: Literature Review 9 Chapter 3: Historical Review 17 Chapter 4: Reconstructions of Cultural Landscapes 28 New Switzerland Plantation 28 Sarasota 35 Fort Brooke, Tampa 42 Dade Battlefield 53 Fort Gibson, Indian Territory 62 Jacksonville 71 Chapter 5: Conclusions 89 Append ix Newspaper Transcription 96 Bibliography 106


iv List of Illustrations Chapter One Figure 1 Map of Luis’ Life 7 Chapter Three Figure 1 Luis Fatio Pacheco printed in the Florida Times Union (Amos 2006:ii) 19 Chapter Four Figure 1 St Johns River postcard ca. 1918 ( 31 Figure 2 Picture of Present Florida Pine and Mangrove Forest ( 39 Figure 3 Engraving of Fort Brooke c. 1838 ( 45 Figure 4 Old Fort Restaurant circa Jan 1947 ( ) 46 Figure 5 Fort Brooke Parking Garage in Tampa, FL ( 47 Figure 6 Lithography of Fort Brooke appeared in Gray & James' 1837 series ( ) 53 Figure 7 Entrance to State Park ( 57 Figure 8 Reenactment Actors at Dade Battlefield (http :// 57 Figure 9 Reconstruction of log barricades built by Dade's troops (Sappington 2011:81) 60 Figure 10 Reconstruction of Fort Gibson ( 70 Figure 11 Street Scene — Jacksonville, Florida ca. 1882 ( 78 Figure 12 Duval County Courthouse ca 1894 ( 79 Figure 13 Looking down Ocean Street Jacksonville ca 1894 ( 83 Figure 14 Rev. Cataline B. Simmons ( 87


v A GIANT’S STRENGTH: A MULTISITED SPATIAL BIOGRAPHY IN 19 TH CENTURY FLORIDA Elizabeth Ann Usherwood New College of Florida, 2012 ABSTRACT This thesis argues for a new methodological approach in historical archaeology: a multisited spatial biography of an individual which traces the life of an individual through time and space. Through the case study of Luis Fatio Pacheco, a 19 th century African American man, this thesis illustrates how methodology can contribute to a vindicationist approach of African Dias pora archaeology through an individual’s life. By looking at Luis Fatio Pacheco’s homespaces, or the places he would have considered home, additionally complexity is illuminated in the historical record This methodology helps connect his life experiences to the larger collective memory of “African America.” A multisited spatial biography alludes to the dynamic movement of the past by eliminating site boundaries through a landscape approach and exploring multiple places connected through an individual’s exp eriences. ______________________ Dr. Uzi Baram Division of Social Sciences


1 Chapter One Introduction On December 28, 1835, a group of Seminoles surprised and attacked Brevet Major Francis Dade on the military road from Fort Brooke in Tampa, Florida to Fort King near present day Ocala, Florida. This event, par t of a three pronged approach in resistance to the United States’ policy of forced removal of Seminoles to Indian Territory, shocked the social and cultural imaginary of white America. Coined “Dade’s Mas sacre,” one of the bloodiest battl es in United States history, the American public was awed by the Seminole’s attack on Major Dade -the event that sparked the beginning of the Second Sem inole War. After the battle, one question remained — how did the Seminol es know Dade’s location ? Luis Fatio Pacheco, an enslaved African American man, was the interpreter on Dade’s march to Fort K ing. Due to his position as interpreter and as an enslaved African American, he was the prime suspect for communicating Dade’s location to the Seminoles in the winter of 1835. Luis was subsequently branded a traitor to the United States. Due to a chance in fate, he was not tried for his supposed crime, but instead he was sent to live with the Seminoles in Indian Territory. Dade’s battle and subsequent outcome was a defining moment of Luis Fatio Pacheco’s life. It is the reason that he remains in the historic record and was not forgotten in history The majority of research on Luis has revolved around this incident ; yet, in this th esis, I cho o se not to comment on whether or not I think he is guilty. At the end of Things Fall Apart Chinua Achebe (1994:179) points out that a life cannot be minimized. In the book which he planned to write he would stress that point. As he walked back to the court he thought about that book. Every day brought him some new material. The story of his man who had killed a messenger and hanged himself


2 would make interesting reading. One could almost write a who le chapter on him. Perhaps not a whole chapter but a reasonable paragraph, at any rate. One goal for this thesis is to add complexity to Luis’ story His life cannot be minimized by focusing exclusively on the whether or not he was guilty. In this thesis I primarily argue for a new methodological approach in historical archaeology: a multisited, spatial biography. Through a case study of Luis Fatio Pacheco, I illustrate that a multisited, spatial biography is an important and relevant methodological tech nique for implementation into historical archaeology Historical Archaeology of Luis Fatio Pacheco In Historical Archaeology: Why the Past Matters (2007), Barbara Little explains her conceptualization of historical archaeology’s ambitions and goals which includes rewriting d ocumentary history, reconstructing ways of life, improving archae ological methods, and interpreting modernization and globalization from a material perceptive. Little (2007) advocates for a historical archaeology that gives atte ntion to those forgotten by history. She de mands a critical archaeology that is political ly relevant for present communities In particular, two sections in the book are relevant for this thesis: first the section “What Do We Care About” which states that historical archaeology is a method for empowering people in the present and then, h er section on public outreach. Little encourages archaeologists to examine their methodologies so that the field furth er develops as a more robust academic discipline. The main message of her discussion is that historical archaeology is in a unique position to change the historic narrative and the changing of this narrative is particularly important for empowering disenf ranchised populations today.


3 Little argues explicitly for a historical archaeology that matters — or a historical archaeology that has positive political and s ocial consequences for present communities One way to achieve this type of archaeolog ical endeav or is by focusing research on groups that are usually ignored by the h istoric narrative: subaltern or marginalized populatio ns. One such population ignored by the historic record in the United States are African American s — although this has been rapidly cha nging over the last four decades African Diaspora the dispersal of African people during the slave trade era, archaeology is an increasingly significant field that attempts to change the eras ing of African American history. In t he United States, African diaspora research focuses on African American individuals and communities in and outside of slavery. This thesis use s the theories and methods of historical archaeology and African diaspora studies to create a more comprehensible understanding of the African American experience in the 19 th century United States. For this thesis, I conduct ed a multisited, spatial biography of Luis Fatio Pacheco to help understand his life as a particular example of the African Diaspora on the Ameri can frontier. The Archaeologist’s Path My interest in African Diaspora archaeology began in 2010 during my second year as an archaeology student when I conducted an analysis of the Negro Fort, the site of a military engagement during the First Seminole War for Historical Archaeology, a class at New College Through delving into the hidden history of this fort and the remarkable lives of the African Americans in frontier Florida, I became engrossed in the subject. In the summer of 2011, I had an opportunity to work at the New Philadelphia Project though a field school funded by the National Science Foundation’s Research Experience for


4 Undergraduates (NSF REU) grant. During this field work, I gained experience in historical archaeology by wo rking on a 19 th century African American founded townsite in Western Illinois This field school was a necessary experience to understand the methodologies of archaeology — excavation and artifact analysis in particular. I am drawn to the African diaspora a s a field of study because of the explicitly activist nature of the field. Archaeologists studying the African diaspora straddle the boundary between past and present. In The Archaeology of Collective Action Dean Saitta (2007) argues for a historical archaeology which is both explanatory and emancipatory. These two characteristics allow the discipline to be both scientific in its inquiry and politically active in its goals. Saitta states that the emancipatory aspect “is in the sense of promoting reflec tion upon the present in ways that can help realize human freedom, potential, and dignity” (Saitta 2007: 3). This emancipatory aspect helps frame this thesis. I argue for a multisited archaeology following an individual to add more complexity to the histo rical narrative of African Diaspora in Florida. The historical precedence for the African America n struggle in Florida has been practically erased in the public sphere. Historical archaeology can contribute to ending present inequalities through rewriting the historic narrative. Landscape Archaeology To create a multisited spatial biography, I use a landscape approach to reconstruct the specific locations of an individual’s life — in this case, Luis Fatio Pacheco’s life. A landscape approach focus es on the symbolic meaning given to the environment by a community. Through this approach, archaeologists concentrate on the intersection between the natural landscape and a community, rather than viewing nature as devoid of


5 meaning (Preucel and Mrozowski 20 10: 54). “Landscapes are products of communities’ relationships with their surroundings, as each generation lives its life and bestows meaning on those surroundings” ( Anschuetz et al. 2001: 19 0). This quote highlights the underlying point of a landscape app roach — to use the environment to at tempt to understand how people conceptualize their physical space and how they constructed and modified the physical environment to create meaning. Whitney Battle Baptiste (2007:236) highlights the importance of a landscap e approach: “Landscape is more than a visual arrangement; it becomes the backdrop for human action.” In “An Archaeology of Landscapes: Perspectives and Directions ” Kurt Anschuetz, Richard Wilshusen, and Cherie Scheick (2001) argue that the idea of a “site” is problematic for archaeologists because it forces certain boundaries that were not present in the past. A landscape approach presents a solution to this problem for it provides a cultural historic framework to understand the sp atial and temporal environment of the past, out side of the confines of the present. T his approach help s eliminate boundaries caused by present archaeological methods to focus on site delineations that are more fluid throughout time and space The cultural landsca pe approach is enormously useful for a multisited spatial biography because it allows the archaeologist to focus on the dynamic relationship between communities and the landscape without being temporally and spatially static. Multisited Archaeology In this thesis, I illustrate the potential of a multisited, spatial biography as a productive methodology for historical archaeology. A multisited archaeological approach based off the multisited ethnography (Marcus 1995), allows for the exploration


6 of the varied locations of an individual’s life. People frequently move to different locations throughout their lifetime ; p resenting the archaeological evidence in a way that it is connected to a larger movement s allow s for a more humanistic interpretation of the materials. A spatial biography is defined as the retelling of individuals’ lives through the spaces they inhabit throughout their lives This thesis is the combination of these two approaches to focus on an individual’s journal throughout multiple locations over the course of their lifetime. In this thesis, I first contextualize th is methodology theoretically and provid e a historical narrative for Luis in Chapters Two and Three, respectively. The case study is in Chapter Four and the conclusion for the thesis is in Chapter Five. This chapter by chapter outline further explains the goals of each chapter. The second chapter is the literature review for the thesis. This literature review contextualizes a multisited spatial biography inside the larger A frican Diaspora archaeology framework. Centered on Paul Mullins ’ (2008) vindicationist approach I explore the choice to focus on an individual, rather than a community. I then discuss the necessity for critical engagement in historical archaeology, focusing on the concept of an archaeology that is both explanatory and emancipatory. I conclude the chapter by looking at various successful archaeological projects of the Afri can Diaspora. I focus this section on three different locations of the African Diaspora in the United States: plantations, maroon communities, and African American towns. As the cultural reconstructions of Luis’ life are focused around geographical locatio ns, these successes are organized as such.


.,pacheco Rancho. 1832.183 .C."1Vort Gibson-18418.1850 oittA Ro4 A [Little River Settlement -June 113501 Nna.111:, NORTH CA 4r•msnlle• SOUTH CAP.O,INA •Atlanta oam. TEXAS SOUiSIAHA Ha It.," Plain COASTAL tPLAIN •usele [Fort Brooke-. 1825.1832] S-a Plate•u [Dade Battlefield-December 28 1835] ItTlew Orleans-1837.1838 :klacksonvelle..1882.1895, 'New_SmIzerland-t800.1812 v r.14e1/ A Washington, D.C. (narlr.t.• TI) Al+.1,NA ..e* X i C 0 4 t. =4E,, Gulf of Mexico Nassau ,NPumff ,LANI11 cO.Atit.BLA, Torreon' 7 The third chapter is the hist ory of Luis Fatio Pacheco Drawing from a single newspaper article published in a St. Augustine as my primary source, I reconstruct his life in as a narrative — pay ing particular attent ion to t he main locations that he lived Once I establish these contextual elements in the thesis t he forth chapter is the application of the landscape approach The chapter is composed of six different reconstructed cultural landscape s — New Switzerland Plantation, the Pacheco ra ncho in Sarasota Fort Brooke, Dade’s battlefield, Fort Gibson in Indian Territory, and Postbellum Jacksonville — focused on the times when Luis lived at each of the sites (Figure 1) For each of these sites, I focus on t he history and archival research, the archaeological investigations at the site, the landscape reconstruction, and a provide discussion of Luis’ particular dwelling spaces at each location. Figure 1 : Ma p of Luis' Life


8 Finally, chapter five is th e conclusion of the thesis. The conclusion evaluates the usefulness of this methodology as well as discusses potentially anxieties about conducting a multisited archaeology. Through this thes is, I hope to demonstrate an archaeological m ethodology that adds complexity to the historic narrative. Through the creation of a multisited, spatial biography of Luis Fatio Pacheco, I argue that centering a project around an individual’s experience allows for a relatable and humanistic interpretatio n of archaeological evidence People are not static; they move through spatial and temporal arenas. Luis Fatio Pacheco lived for nearly a century and over long distances This interpretation of his life through landscapes al lows an avenue to represent the spatial and temporal dynamics of the 19 th century African Diaspora in the North American southeast


9 Chapter Two Agency and the Archaeology of the African Diaspora The goal of this literature review is to contextual ize this thesis with in anthropology, specifically within archaeology and to create the theoretical framework within African Diaspora archaeology. In “Excavating America’s Metaphor: Race, Diaspora, and Vindicationist Archaeologies,” Paul Mullins (2008) calls for a vindicationist approach to African Diaspora archaeology. According to Mullins (2008) a vindicationist approach in archaeolog y is meant to improve lives in t he present by countering racist historic narratives. The goal of African diaspora archaeology is to empower disenfranchised populations This approach is a cen tralizing framework for this thesis and for this literature review. Using this vindicationist approach, this literature review contextualizes themes of individual agency, archaeology of dwelling spaces, and the places of the African Diaspora in the United States. As the multisit ed spatial biography of Luis Fatio Pacheco is centered around the places he lived, this section provides an academic precedence for the study of specific types of places including plantations, maroon communities, and towns. Individual Agency This thesis fo cuses on an individual and connects various places through one man’s life. This focus on the individual is a debate within archaeology. Matthe w Johnson (1989) provides a perspective about the value of the individual in the archaeological record. In “Concep tions of Agency in Archaeological Interpretation” (1989), he focuses on an example of medieval England where the actions of an individual changed the architecture style of the region. Johnson exemplified the usefulness of individual actions and their possi ble effect on the archaeological record. However, Johnson’s example is not about


10 the African Diaspora in North American where present racial ized politics make individual agency difficult to discuss. Mullins (2008) argues that the increasing focus on indiv idualism in African Diaspora archaeology is contentious with a collective identity of African Americans. W ithin a vindicationist framework he argues that focusing solely on individuals limits the analysis of the larger structural inequalities Inequalities which are inherently part of a diasporic population emphasizing the tension between individuality and “an imposed collective racial identity in African America” (2008:110 ). Discussing these structural inequalities is necessary because they cre ated the “African America” which exists in a collective memory and experiences of present populations Dwelling Archaeology For the multisited spatial biography of Luis Fatio Pacheco, I focus on the places where he may have dwelled or the places he called home (Battle Baptiste 2007) when reconstructing the culture landscapes. In “Building, Dwelling, Living: How Animals and People Make Themselves at Home in the World,” Tim Ingold (2000) explains the act of dwelling as anything in the domestic sphere and cr eates an archaeological dwelling perspective. Ingold focuses on the relationship between building and dwelling. “We build houses so we may dwell in them (or, as is usual in industrial society, some people build houses for other people to live in). To dwell in this sense, means merely ‘to occupy a house, a dwelling place’” (Ingold 2000:185). For Ingold, to view a landscape through the lens of dwelling spaces and the act of dwelling creates a more robust description, one which is able to “dissolve the orthod ox dichotomies between evolution and history, and between biology and culture” (2000:187).


11 T his robust viewpoint becomes meaningful when considered in light of Battle Baptiste’s exploration of the enslaved landscape. In “‘In This Here Place’ : Interpreting Ensla ved Homeplaces,” Whitney Battle Baptiste (2007) argues for a gendered interpretation for enslaved domestic locations on plantations. Battle Baptiste deconstructions assumptions about the African American family structure and argues that the “family network was diffused over several kin based households. That is, each household was composed of more than one family” (Battle Baptiste 2007:235).Through a household analysis at Andrew Jackson’s plantation the Hermitage, in Tennessee, Battle Baptiste argue s for “homespace” and “yardspace” as theoretical constructs to analyze plantation households. Battle Baptiste analyzes artifacts, faunal remains, cooking pits, and the enslaved landscape to support “the understanding of how central the domestic realm was to the foundation of African American cultural production” (2007:247). She concludes that people conceptualize and experience landscapes differently; however, she argues that for enslaved African populations, the household is intrinsically connected to the landscape. For Battle Baptiste, the domestic quarters were conceptualized as places of safety, support, and love and as a space for the socially important contributions of black women. “The lives of enslaved Africans were structured by racism, sexism, and oppression. As such the solace of a place called home takes on an added dimension for the daughters and sons of slavery. It provided a place to regroup, to find the strength to resist” (Battle Baptiste 2007:235). The places that Luis Fatio Pacheco dwel led, both while enslaved and out of bondage, would have been important for him both as a symbolic place of safety and as a location to regroup for continued resistance against oppression.


12 Successes of African Diaspora Archaeology Archaeology of the Afric an Diaspora is the most dymanic aspect of historical archaeology. Mullins (2008 :104 ) argues that African diaspora archaeology “ has significant potential impl ications for the archaeology of any social collection because it confronts the racialized roots of identities, probes how lines of difference are embedded in structural relations, and examines the connection between citizen rights and critical scholarship.” As the multisited spatial biography of Luis Fatio Pacheco is center ed around the places he lived, this section provides an academic precedence for the study of specific types of places including plantations, maroon communities, and towns. E xamples of particularly relevant projects which exemplify a successful modern African diaspora scholarship includ e maroon communities (see Weik 1997, 2004, 2007; Baram 2008), African American founded towns (see Deagan and Landers 1999; Davidson and Gonzlez Tennet 2008; Fennell 2010a, 2010b; Shackel 2010), plantations (see Fairbanks 1984; Orser 1984; Singleton 1985, 19 90; Wilkie 2000), and African Americans in colonial cities (see Blakey 1998 ; Leo ne 1982, 1989, 1989, 1995, 2005 ). Plantation Studies Plantation studies is the largest component of African Diaspora archaeology in North America It is applicable to the study of Luis Fatio Pachec o as he was enslaved at two different plantations over his lifetime Charles Fairbanks’ excavation at Kingsley Plantation in 1968 was the first archaeological investigation of enslaved quarters. In “The Plantation Archaeology of the Southeastern Coast,” Fairbanks (1984) gives an overview of prominent archaeological investi gations of enslaved Africans in the United States. In this overview, he describes his own work at Kingsley Plantation outside of Jacksonville,


13 Florida. Fairbanks states that the project started when the Florida State Park Service “needed information for re building a slave cabin” (Fairbanks 1984:2). While the Park Service only requested architectural information, Fairbanks “felt that we could begin to investigate some aspects of slave lifestyle and of their cultural processes” (1984:2). Fairbanks focused his research on two different cabins that were probably the hom e for enslaved drivers or foreme n. During this investigation, Fairbanks concluded that most of the assumptions he had about Africanisms and a trans Atlantic cultural continuity was false. During e xcavations, the largest surprise about enslaved life was the relatively large amount of firearms at the cabins. In “Race and Class on Antebellum Plantations,” John Solomon Otto (1980) discusses race and class identity at Cannon’s Point plantation. Lookin g at settlement patterns on that plantation, Otto argues that the planter ’ s house was located in a panoptic position, giving the planter surveillance of the enslaved population. The goal of the article is to “test out hypotheses about status differences an d the archaeological record, the Cannon’s Point excavations focused on the refuse areas associated with dwellings once occupied by planters, overseers, and slaves” (Otto 1980:7). Using historic documents to tell where each class of people lived, Otto focus ed on refuse pits in the backyards of the dwell spaces. Through these excavations, Otto concluded that “The comparison of the antebellum housing, artifacts, and foods at Cannon’s Point Plantation revealed t hat the archaeological record reflected all three kinds of status differences” (1980:9). This conclusion that differences in class and race could be reflected in the archaeological record through material artifacts and ecof acts to reconstruct diet was important for future studies which also looked for th ese differences.


14 In “What is the Use of Plantation Archaeology? ” Parker B. Potter Jr. (1991) critiques Otto for his functionalist analysis of slavery and argues that archaeologists need to be social ly responsible and consider the political and social impl ications of their conclusions. Misunderstandings between the archaeologist and the public can counter goals of the archaeological project. Potter asserts that the lack of self reflectivity that caused these problematic conclusions is pervasive in much of p lantation archaeology. He advocates for reflectivity in plantation archaeology: “It will clearly lead to a plantation archaeology that is more useful to the hypothetical audience of African Americans” (1991:104). Maroon Communities Along with plantation s tudies, the study of maroon communities is a site specific area of research. Luis Fatio Pacheco may have lived in a maroon community during his life — this section provides an example of a successful project when discussing this specific locale. In “The Arch aeology of th e African Diaspora” (1998 :63 ), Orser presents an overview of the field, focusing on maroon communities. “I n this essay, I explore three prominent areas of research: the archaeology of cultural identity, the material aspects of freedom from ens lavement, and the arc haeological examination of race ” Orser traces the history of the field to explain that diasporic studies in historical archaeology are relatively new. In addition, there is a bias to the African diaspora of the New World through the s lave trade, predominantly focusing on the American South and the Caribbean. Many other Africans and their achievements have been overlooked in plac es such as Europe and the Southeast. Orser discusses the archaeology of maroon communities. Providing maroon archaeological examples of Palmares and Fort Mose, he


15 p resents evidence of the types of cultural information that can be gathe r ed by maroon excavations. However, he claims that while the field is going to increase, there are logistic al and theoretical con cerns for maroon archaeology. M aroon communities are difficult to locate and the material record of maroon sites is not clearly distinguish able from other contemporary sites For this reason, “archaeologists examining maroon sites have usually turned to the interpretation of single artifacts” (72). In “Allies, Adversaries, and Kin in the African Seminole Communities of Florida: Archaeology at Pilaklikaha” (2007), Weik argues “that African Seminole Maroons at the nineteenth century site called Pilaklikaha (central Florida) produced a unique society that left behind a material culture both comparable and unlike what has been found at other sites across the southeast” (311) Wei k uses this maroon community to delve into issues of representation and ethnogenesis. Focusing on identity, Weik deconstructs the terms applied to Africans in Florida by Euro American people. He argues that the term “African Seminole” is the most producti ve for identifying this community, but their identity is a contentious issue. Weik attempts to counter the limitation of categorizing people into one identity by focusing on African Seminoles, or people who may have identified as both Seminole and African. “Archaeological research shows that the society of Pilaklikaha was an amalgam of Africans and African Americans who incorporated Seminole and Creek Indians” (Weik 2007:330). This community survived because of their autonomy as a community, their ability t o move when necessary, and their multilingualism and diplomacy skills to forge alliances and bonds with communities around them. African American Founded Towns


16 The archaeological research at New Philadelphia exemplifies the critical and engaging standard for which many studies of the African diaspora model are based New Philadelphia in Pike County, Illinois was the first African American legally founded town in the United States, established by Frank McWorter — a freedman known as Free Frank The town sit e has been surveyed and excavated over the past six years by a number of researchers including Dr. Christopher Fennell of the University of Illinois Dr. Paul Shackel of the University of Maryland, and Dr. Terrance Martin of the Illinois State Museum (Shac kel 2011). The goal of the New Philadelphia project has been “to use archaeology to tell the story of race and racism in the past and to make connections to inequalities in the present” (Shackel 2011: xvii). T he New Philadelphia P roject has been able to c ollaborate with the local community and descendants of Free Frank to create a public archaeological program. This integrated town on the frontier represents a unique location for studying the African American experience in the United States. Conclusion Pa ul Mullins ’s concept that historical archaeology is in a position to be a vindicationist scholarship, “meant to counter racist historical narratives” ( 2008:106) is a theme of the thesis The examples in this chapter demonstrate that African diasporic archaeology can take multiple shapes, but a successful project attempts to empower disenfranchised people through a connection to their heritage and history The history of Luis Fatio Pacheco’s life is meant to follow th ese successful projects as vindicationist scholarship.


17 Chapter Three Historical Background of Luis Fatio Pacheco This research project combines both archaeological and historic resources to reconstruct the cultural landscapes of an individual’s life. Because of his part in the Dade B attle Luis Fatio Pacheco’s name appears in historic records After the 1835 event, European Americans were fascinated by the attack and its survivors — including Luis. I n 1892, Luis Fatio Pacheco, along with his benefactor, Mrs. Susan L’Engle, gave an interview to a Jacksonville newspaper, The Florida Times Union about his part in the attack with auto biog raphic information This interview given by Luis Fatio Pacheco and Mrs. Susan L’ Engle is the primarily historic text which is available of Lu is’s life. For most men of his race and class in the 19 th century this is a rare window into a life In this chapter, I use the newspaper article as a historical text while referring to secondary historical sources about Luis for addition information. An alysis of Historic Documents This chapter heavily relies on the Jacksonville newspaper article published in 1892 (see Appendix 1 for transcription of article) In Text Aided Archaeology Barbara Little (1992:3) argues that both archaeology and documentary sources are important for a well rounded research project; “the specific uses to which documents may be put to aid interpretation range from the identification of objects and their functions to the explication of a culture’ s world view… history done without archaeology produces incomplete stories at best.” Additionally, Little (1992 :4 ) asserts that “ d ocumentary and archaeological data may be thought of as interdependent and complementary, or as independent and contradictory. Oddly enough, both of these views are viable; the adoption of one or the other depends on the questions one is asking and the point of view


18 of the interpretation.” In this thesis, t he questions about Luis focus on recons truction of the plac es that he lived, rather than testing assertions made through the material record. This form of questioning generally assumes that W.T.B (1892) the newspaper article’s author, did not fabricate the biographical facts about Luis. A multisited spatial biogr aphy inherently relies on the documentary record for where an individual lived throughout his or her life. The use of the newspaper article i n this thesis assumes that the information is mostly factual In the article, Luis is idolized and his picture is i ncluded (Figure 1) He is d escribed as: a venerable figure now. His beard surrounds his face with a halo of silvery white, and seams in the dead black features are cut deep as only time can cut them. Though he is going on 92 years of age, one can see in his remarkable alertness and compact frame evidence of what was once almost a giant’s strength. His voice is not much louder than a whisper, and on account of the absence of many teeth was at times almost indistinguishable The article, while typical of 19 th century writing when discuss ing people o f African descent, puts Luis on a pedestal This aspect of the writing needs to be taken into consideration; however, the author’s biases do not overly affect the details used: the places where Luis lived. Along with the primary source of the newspaper article, this thesis relies on a secondary historical source — the one biography of Luis Fatio Pacheco. In “The Life of Luis Fatio Pacheco: Last Survivor of Dade’s Battle,” Alcione M. Amos (2006) wrote a pamphlet published by the Seminole Wars Historic Found ation. I ncluding The Florida Times Union newspaper article Amos (2006) chronologically describes Luis’s life, starting with his birth and continuing through his death in 1895. She pays a great deal of attention to Dade battle and its s ubsequent effects on Luis’ life.


4;45 ••• .; •4• S. t• .4 ,...,..t, ..•16 t.•-•!, ,iov -... -•.-esio. tk [ ‘ •• ......v......,p,„.."4,1,,,,, 4,0-4-,-4\ 4. 1 ..,...,..... t. „14„., t. tiki..v .. t..r. t. ..I, .4 ......• t. tj l't t..-, -,-•• t.,.. g i • Luis Fatio Pachecc: 19 Figure 1 : Luis Fatio Pacheco as printed in the Florida Times Union ca. 1892 (Amos 2006:ii)


20 As a scholarly article Amos provides support for the newspaper article’s bio graphical information a s factual. Additionally, her research contributes addition al information about Luis’ life and details about some people surrounding him while focusing on Dade Battle. Dade Battle On December 28, 1835, Brevet Major Francis L. Dade and troops were attacked whilst marching from Fort Bro oke to Fort King During this attack, ninety eight soldiers and eight officers were killed by Seminoles. Luis Fatio Pacheco was one of three survivors. Luis had been h ired by the United States government as an interpreter for the marc h as he was fluent in English, Spanish, French, and the Seminole language He replac ed the original interpreter “a white man named Stafford who knew how to speak the Seminole language but not as well as Luis did” (Amos 2006:5 ). Luis was also used as a scou t for the troops, often sent ahead by Major Dade to check for signs of Seminole activity on the road. During the march, the troops were aware of the possibility of a Seminole attack Tensions between the United Stat es government and the Seminoles had bee n increasing, especially with President Jackson’s signing of the 1830 Indian Removal Act that effectively forced the Seminoles from their lands in Florida to Indian Territory in present day Oklahoma. The removal of the Seminole was solidified with the Trea ty of Payne’s Landing an agreement between Seminole chiefs and the United States stating that the Seminoles would move to Indian Territory. Five chiefs, including Micanopy, refused removal and in response, the United States began preparations for war. The se


21 preparations included bring additional troops to Fort King under the command of Major Fra ncis Dade (Amos 2006 :5 ) The Seminoles surprised Dade on the military road near present day Bushnell, Florida. Major Dade was killed during the initial attack, leaving Captain Gardin er in command. During a break in the assault, Gardiner commanded the construction of a “hasty stockade of logs, while the enemy was preparing for another onslaught” (W.T.B. 1892 : 3). During this second atta ck, the remaining American troops were killed The question of Luis’ role in the attack ha s been a matter of controversy and remains a debate At the time, United States officials believed that Luis had been the cause of the attack. As stated by General Thomas S. Jesup, a commander in Florida, “‘The evidence was almost conclusive that … [Luis] has been in constant communication with the Indians from the time the [Dade] command marched from Tampa Bay to that of its defeat…” (Amos 2006: 5). Luis’ subsequent ly denied these allegations in the 1 892 newspaper interview However, the debate was not resolved with this interview. “Later day historians, such as Mrs. Minnie Moore Wilson who later in the 19 th century wrote about the Semino les, also believed that Luis betrayed Dade” (Amos 2006:5). Amos (2006:5) herself, takes the standpoint that Luis could not have possibly communicated with the Seminoles, as he did not know he was going to be on the march until after Dade and company had left Fort Brooke. T he majority of research surrounding Luis has goals to determine innocence or guilt with the events leading up to Dade’s battle. However, in this thesis, I actively avoid assigning judgment on Luis’ actions. The point of the thesis is not to assign guilt, b ut to explore the life of a 19 th century man of African descent.


22 Biography of Luis Fatio Pacheco For his part in Dade battle, and the allegations as a traitor, Luis was thrust into the historical narrative. Dade battle, termed “Dade’s Massacre” was a sou rce of fascin ati on and intrigue — especially about man who was branded the traitor. I n the newspaper interview, Luis provides biographical information about himself. This information is invaluable to the r econstructions in c hapter four and presented below; the quotes come from the 1892 newspaper account. Luis was born enslaved at New Switzerland Plantation on December 26, 1800. New Switzerland Plantation, located halfway between Jacksonville and St. Augustine on the St. Johns River, was owned and operated by Francis Phillip Fatio Sr. Luis’ parents were both born in Africa His father, Adam, “ was a carpenter, boat builder and driver. He was a remarkably intelligent and ambitious negro ” The re is no record of his mother’s occupation. Early in life, Luis was taught to read and write by Fatio’s daughter, Susan Fatio, who was later Luis’ benefactor in Jacksonville. While on the plantation, Luis would have interacted with some Seminoles who frequently visited. “ The fact that he had a sister among the red men, and a brother also, might have had something to do with his frequent running away ” In 1812, New Switzerland plantation was burned down by the Seminoles during the Patriot ’s War : “The Indians were enraged by the assistance that the planters along the St. Jo hns River were giving to a group of Americans, called ‘Patriots,’ who were attempting to annex Florida to the United States” (Amos 2006:2). The Fatio family, and the people enslaved to them, fled the plantation and moved to several different locations unti l settling down at San Pablo plantation in 1818. From t here, Francis Fatio Jr. created a


23 private mail route from southern Georgia to St. Augustine. In 1821, Luis was a courier, delivering mail via boat (Amos 2006 :3 ). Around this time, Luis married a woman enslaved to Roman Sanchez of St. Augustine. This unnamed woman eventually purchased her freedom from Sanchez for 300 peso s. Around this time, Luis Fatio began escaping from enslaved lif e, eventually permanently lea ving the Fatio plantation in 1824 (Amos 2006 :3 ). Many years later, L’Engle records him as state that ‘”he ‘…was caused to run away [in 1824] by the actions of [his]…young master, Lewis…’, the oldest son of Francis Fatio Jr.” (Amos 2006:3). Luis next app ears at the Spanish fisheries near Charlotte Harbor, which is over two hundred miles from St. Augustine. The impetus for Luis to move across the state is unclear, but he could have run to the African American maroon community on the gulf coast called Angol a (Uzi Baram, personal communication April 2012 ). While L’Engle claims that Luis ran away in 1824, these details may be incorrect. Luis may have left the plantation years before then to go to Angola T he Angola community was flourishing on the Manatee Rive r until 1821 when it was destroyed du ring a military raid (Baram 2008 ) As an African American man escaping from slavery, it is likely that he would have joined this community or have known about the community. He may have gone south to Charlotte Harbor after the demise of Angola in 1821 (Uzi Baram, personal communication April 2012 ) After Angola, Luis moved to the Spanish fisheries near Charlotte Harbor. These fisheries, or r anchos, were run by Cubans who fish ed on the Gulf Coast for the Havana market The Spanish often married Seminole women and employed Seminoles. However, Luis’ time in Charlotte Harbor was cut short when, in 1825, “Colonel George M. Brooke,


24 commanding Fort Brooke on Tampa Bay, sent patro ls to the area” (Amos 2006:3). Brooke was concerned about the relations between the Cubans and the Seminoles. During one of these patrols, Luis was captured and brought to Fort Brooke. Upon arrived in Tampa Luis was enslaved to Colonel Brooke. He was pa rticularly valuable because he could read and write, speak four languages, and was skilled as a carpenter. For the ne xt few years, Luis was sold and resold to the various commanders of Fort Brooke — including Brevet Brigadier General Duncan L. Clinch and Bre vet Major James S. McIntosh (Amos 2006:3 4). McIntosh ended Luis’ tenure at Fort Brooke by selling him to Antonio Pacheco. Pacheco, a Cuban man, owned a rancho on Sarasota Bay. “Pacheco, who was illiterate, must have felt that the acquisition of an educa ted black man who spoke several languages and could read and write would be advantageous for his business in Sarasota” (Amos 2006:4). After two years in Sarasota, in 1834, Antonio Pacheco died and Luis became enslaved to his widow, Mrs. Quintina Pacheco. William Bunce a friend of Antonio Pacheco and owner of a fishing rancho in Tampa Bay, was the executor of the Pacheco estate ( Amos 2006 :4 ). In 1835, Bunce negotiated with Fort Brooke to hire Luis for $25 a month. Luis was hired to be interpreter for the march to Fort King under Major Dade. Luis scouted ahead of the troops on the march and was present during the Seminole attack. “Luis, according to his own statement, was saved from death during the battle, be cause he could speak Seminole language and could plead with the attackers for his life” (Amos 2006:6). After the battle, Luis Fatio Pacheco was taken by the Seminoles. As described in the newspaper article:


25 The next day I told Jumper that I wanted to go ba ck to my people and that I was Spanish property. He gritted his teeth and said: ‘You are enough American for us. Let me tell you, you can’t go back. As birds till the air s o the Seminoles till the woods’ D uring the height of the Second Seminole War, Luis lived with the Seminoles in the Florida interior. In 1837, Luis “turned himself in” (Amos 2006:6) at Fort P eyton near St. Augustine. There he identified himself and claimed that he was enslaved to Mrs. Qu intina Pacheco of Sarasota. William Bunce immediately attempted to seize him for Mrs. Pacheco, but the United States military — explicitly General Jesup — refused to release him and instead wanted to try Luis for treason “Fortunately for Luis, the general was extremely busy at that time attempting to get several Seminole chiefs to surrender, so he decided to send Luis out west” (Amos 2006:6). In this turn of events, Luis was sent to Indian Territory with thousands of other Seminoles and people of African des cent. During his transportation to Indian Territory, he was categorized as free; however, “it did not help him when he was sucked into the vortex of the claims that were being advanced against the Black Seminoles by Creek Indians and private citizens alike ” (Amos 2006:7). It is unclear as to how Luis would have identified : African American, Black Seminole, or something else entirely. However, from the time that Luis was sent to Indian Territory, he was eventually classified as a Black Seminole. While the te rm “Black Seminole” is much more complex than a person of African descent living with and working with the Seminoles, it is the term that is often used when discussing Luis — especially by European American sources. In this chapter, I have avoided using eith er African American or Black Seminole when describing Luis, instead preferring to state that he is a person of African descent.


26 While Luis was sent to Indian Territory, a rriving there on August 5, 1838 Mrs. Quintina Pacheco was filing compensation from the United States government for the monetary loss of her “property. ” Congress eventually voted for compensation. “Unbeknownst to Luis, this attempt to obtain compensation for his loss as a slave, would make him a cause clbre of abolitionists in Congress” (Amos 2006:9). The bill to compensate Mrs. Pacheco passed on January 19, 1849. Then Congressman Abraham Lincoln voted against it (Amos 2006 :9 ). Luis arrived at Fort Gibson in the northea st corner of Indian T erritory. He eventually moved to a Black Seminole community called Little River where he was in the eyes of the United States, enslaved to the Seminole chief Micanopy. At Little River, there was a constant threat of African kidnappings by the Creeks and European Americans. Due to this threat, a group of people of African descent went to live under the protection of Fort Gibson. In 1848, this threat was abetted when the U.S. Attorney General declared that these people should be returned to the Seminoles. “In December of 1848 when the return of the black s should take place, Micanopy died, thus making his slaves, among then [sic] Luis, entirely vulnerable to speculators” (Amos 2006:10). During thi s time, Marcellus Duva l the Indian Agent of the area, start ed kidnapping people of African descent who were formerly owned by Micanopy and enslaving them at his plantation in Arkansas. Luis originally escaped to Fort Smith in Arkansas; h owever, shortly after, he was purchased and enslaved to Duval and forced to wo rk at his plantation in Van Buren, Arkansas. Duval was eventually fired from his position as Indian Agent and in 1853 move d himself and the people he enslaved from Arkansas to Austin, Texas where he established


27 a cattle ranch. Duval died in 1855. Luis re mained in Texas after Duval’s death and after the Civil War, registered to vote on August 5, 1867. In 1882, Luis moved back to Florida and settled in Jacksonville. He located the daughter of his first owner, Mrs. Susan Phillip Fatio L’Engle and convinced her of his identity. It was in Jacksonville that he gave his interview to The Florida Times Union Luis Fatio Pacheco died in 1895 in Jacksonville, Florida. As a sign of the high esteem in which he was held by the white community of Jackson ville, either because of the suppose provided by Mrs. L’Engle or because he been a living symbol of a bygone era, Luis was attended in his last illness by a white doctor of Spanish origin, Dr. John D. Fernandez, who signed his death certificate. He was als o buried by a white undertake r and his funeral was attended by ‘many representatives of th e old families of Jacksonville’ (Amos 2006:13). He is buried at Magnolia Springs Cemetery on the St. Johns River. Luis Fatio Pacheco lived a remarkable life in t he 19 th century. This chapter has explored the historic background of Luis’ life as described by both his newspaper interview and through Alcione Amos’s pamphlet (2006). These detail s are assumed to be factual about Luis’ life. In the next chapter, I will reconstruct some of the places discussed in this historical background of Luis’ life using both archaeological and historical data : New Switzerland Plantation, Fort Brooke, the Pacheco rancho, Dade’s battlefield, Fort Gibson in Indian Territory, and postb ellum Jacksonville. These reconstructions will add additional complexity and depth to the portrayal of Luis’ life.


28 Chapter Four Reconstructions of Cultural Landscapes This multisited spatial biography follows Luis Fatio Pacheco’s life trajectory from place to place. This chapter reconstruct s the cultural landscape of known places where Luis lived — New Switzerland Plantation, the Pacheco rancho in Sarasota, Fort Brooke, Dade Battlefield, Fort Gibson in Indian Territory, and postbellum Jacksonville — using archaeological and historic records. Along with the cultural reconstruction, I will focus on Luis ’ dwelling spaces at each site. These dwelling spaces are important as a “relief from the stresses of everyday hardships” (Battle Baptiste 2007:244). Through the lens of dwelling spaces, I look at the spaces where Luis Fatio Pacheco could have lived. Throu ghout his life, Luis Fatio Pacheco’s named changed several times and these reconstructions reflect this progression. New Switzerland Introduction Luis Fatio was born at the New Switzerland plantation on December 26, 1800 and lived enslaved for twelve years until the plantation burned down in 1812 The plantation was located on the St. Johns River on the east coast of the Florida peninsula. Located halfway between Jacksonville and St. Augustine, about 30 miles from each, New S witzerland’s location on the St. Johns Rivers allowed for trading opportunities While in bondag e, Luis lived with his mother, father, and at least one brother. Luis learned to read and write and was fluent i n English, Spanish, and French. Eventually, howe ver, Luis escaped from this enslavement: “According to Luis’ recollections many years later, he ‘…was caused to run away [in 1824] by action of [his]…young master, Lewis’, the oldest


29 son of Francis Fatio Jr.” (Amos 2006:3). Luis only lived at New Switzerla nd du ring his earliest years of life; yet, the geographic location made an impression on Luis. Historic / Archival Research I n 1774, Francis Fatio Sr. moved himself and his family to the newly construc ted New Switzerland Plantation (Willis 1985) T he plan tation prospered due to Fatio’s crop strategy In “Success through Diversification: Francis Phillip Fatio’s New Switzerland Plantation,” Susan R. Parker (2000) argues that the success of New Switzerland was due exclusively to Fatio planting crops which we re natural or well adapted to the Florida environment such as citrus, rice, and timber This was different from the more popular method of planting cash crops, such as indigo. Instead, he “recognized that naturally occurring crops and products constituted the most cost and labor efficient choices” (Parker 2000:71). Citrus was particular useful because it “was a crop from which all strata of society could profit because of the low labor and capitalization requirements” (Park er 2000:76). However, the succ ess of the plantation ended during the Patriot’s War of 1812, when the Seminoles burned down the plantation. The Seminoles protested owners of plantations on the St. Johns River who supported the American forces The attack entirely destroyed the plantation. However, Fatio was not done with his venture in East Florida, eventually moving to a nother plantation San Pablo, in 1818 -with Luis still enslaved to the Fatio family Fatio set up a mail service running from St. Mary’s in Georg ia to St. Augustine. Luis was used as a courier during this time (Amos 2006:3)


30 Archaeological Investigations T here have been no archaeological investigations conducted at the New Switzerland Plantation site Currently, the land is held by private lando wners and is unavailable for excavation. Yet, historic information is available for reconstructing the natural environment of the area. Cultural Landscape Reconstruction Luis Fatio was born at New Switzerland pl antation on December 26, 1800. The plantation on the east coast of the St. Johns River resides mostly in the pine flatwoods ecological zone (Figure 1). The climate is hot and humid, typical of Florida. In Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida, The Cherokee County, The Extensive Territories of the Muscogulges or Creek Confederacy, and the Country of the Chactaws (1792), William Bartram thoroughly describes the natural landscape of the St. Johns River, specifically focusing on the flora, and to a lesser extent, the fauna in the area. Bartram lists more than twenty five different observed botanical species. This description demonstrates the vast amount of natural resources which the St. Johns River region contains. Bartram notes: “Our repose however was incomplete, from the stings of mosquitoes, the roaring of crocodiles, and the continual noise and restlessness of the sea fowl, thousands of them having the ir roasting places very near us ” (Bartram 1792 :69 ). According to Wil liam Bartram, a Florida night comes alive with noise, making it difficult for the average traveler to find rest. To understand the lived experiences of Luis Fatio the sounds and feeling of the night become increasing important. The Florida night is not a


31 quiet place and these sounds would have made up the aural environment in which Luis was born. As opposed to the natural environment the cultural landscape was composed of many different structures including the main house for Fatio and his family, cabins for the slaves, and workshops for specialized skills such as carpentry (Parker 2000). Francis Phillip Fatio’s ch ildren and grandchildren wrote most of the descriptions of New Switzerland and concentrated on the main house. Parker (2000 :79 ) claims: “Francis Fatio was able to live li ke a baron in East Florida.” His main house was a display of wealth with European good s and “thirty four pounds of household silvers; Chinese vases in the library with its gold fringed silk curtains and marble tables” (2000:69). These items in the main house granted Fatio a sense of unparalleled luxury in East Florida. The plantation Figure 1 : St Johns River postcard ca. 1918 (


32 consis ted over 10,000 acres with 12 miles of riverfront property, “two stables with fourteen horses; twenty seven cabins to house eighty six slaves… (Parker 2000:69). As Fatio produced and sold timber and shingles to St. Augustine, he almost definitely used tim ber and shingl es to construct the main house. As for the other structures at the plantation, there is not a complete record. However, there are other contemporary plantations in the St. Johns r egion where archaeological investigations help paint a wider p ortrait of enslav ed life as illustrated in the next section (Fairbanks 1984). In Amos (2006:2) Luis Fatio ’s father is described as being a carpenter, boat builder, and a driver and because of his father’s position as a “skilled slaved” Luis p ossibly had s ome privilege A s a child, Luis was familiar with the skilled labor buildings of the carpentry shop and the dry docks as well as dwelling in the slave cabins. For sustenance, the plantation produced the majority of foods necessary for the inhabitants As Fatio did not practice monocropping like his neighbors, he included rice, oranges, and limes. Additionally, Fatio traded in timber, turpentine, and cattle allowing f or an additional income. W ith his amount of capital, Fatio was able to trade for anyth ing that he was not able to produce. As for the enslaved people at New Switzerland, they also would have eaten the plantation produce. It is likely that they would have also supplemented their data with hunted game and fish from the St. John’s River. At New Switzerland, there were many people around the plantation who would have added to the rich cultural landscape which Luis might have experienced as a child. Fatio, himself, was from Switzerland and probably spoke Fre nch around the plantation. English an d Spanish would have also been heard in and around the plantation. The last language potentially spoken at New Switzerland was the Seminole language due to the Seminole s


33 in the region Luis “learned the Seminole language from a brother who had been stolen by the Indians and later returned to the plantation” (Amos 2006:2). Additionally, proximity to St. Augustine and to Jacksonville meant that visitors were more likely to travel to New Switzerland. This is exemplified through the story of Luis and his marr iage to a woman owned by Roman Sanch ez of St. Augustine. Luis Fatio met and married this woman when she was enslaved W hile she eventually bought her freedom, the initial courtship and marriage would have been difficult. This story demonstrates that while challenging, travel to and from the plantation to St. Augustine was neither impossible nor unlikely. The Life of Luis at New Switzerland At New Switzerland, Luis Fatio would have exclusively lived in the slave cabins. While there is no archaeological ev idence to describe the construction materials or dimensions of the slave cabins at New Switzerland, there are other contemporary plantations in the area which provide the necessary information for a comparative approach. At New Switzerland, there were twen ty seven cabins to house the eighty six enslaved people on the plantation (Parker 2000) Drawing from plantations in northeast Florida, such as Kingsley Plantation, and other plantations in coastal Georgia and South Carolina (Fairbanks 1984) the slave cab ins at New Switzerland were probably composed of tabby Tabby, made of crushed shell, sand, and water, was a common and popular construction technique for slave cabins and other structures in the southeast. Additionally, judging by other plantations, the cabins themselves were probably between nine by nine feet and eleven and eighteen feet in dimension. There were, on average, 3.2 people per cabin at New Switzerland.


34 The se details of the cabins’ architecture allows for reco nstruction of Luis Fatio ’s live d experiences. For the first twelve years of his life, Luis Fatio lived and dwelled in a slave cabin on the plantation grounds. He would have l ived in a community of other enslaved people and would have shared a living space with his immediate family. According to Francis Fatio’s grandchildren, the slave cabins were surrounded by the orange groves. “L’Engle noted that when she and her family returned to New Switzerland probably in 1822 after a decade’s absence, the orange trees still stood outlining where slave cabins had stood before the Seminoles had burned the little houses” (Parker 2000:79). This would have been a stable place for Luis Fatio, in bondage, but surrou nded by family. Conclusion New Switzerland Plantation was a successful plantation during the late 18 th and early 19 th century. Through crop diversification and exploitation of natural resources, Francis Phillip Fatio expanded the plantation and proved him self a successful planter. Luis Fatio ’s life at the plantation would have been stable at the very least. He would have lived in the cabins surrounded by his family and a sense of community between the 27 cabins. He would have had a stable sour ce of food from the plantation. As a courier, he would have been exposed to the world beyond the plantation, especially with his brother’s connections with the Seminoles. However, it is important to note that while things would have been relatively stable, Luis was s till in bondage. He born into slavery and that would have been an incredibly difficult and emotional challenging life.


35 Sarasota and the Pacheco Rancho Introduction Luis Fatio Pacheco lived at the rancho of Cuban born Antonio Pacheco on Sarasota Bay from 1832 to 1835 (Amos 2006 :4 5 ). Sarasota Bay is on the west coast of Florida, approximately 30 miles south from Tampa Bay. Sarasota Bay is a rich aquatic environment and its waters and natural mangrove coastline is brimming with aquatic resources, such as d rum, redfish, mullet, pompano, and grouper (Covington 1959: 114). T he Pacheco rancho was located on directly on Sarasota Bay For the description for this site, I will focus on all of Sarasota Bay and use comparative Cuban ranchos to give an approximate description of life at the Pacheco rancho. Historical /Archival Background With the rich and ample supply of resources in the pine estuary, and mangrove flora environments surrounding Sarasota Bay (Perry 2011:64), Cubans began establishing fishing ranchos in southwest Florida in the early 18 th century (Stack 2011:10). The establishment of these ranchos was due to the overfishing of Cuban waters and the need to expand into new territories, along with a demand for trade by Native American groups living in the Florida interior (Covington 1959 :114). The ranchos flourished from the late 18 th century until the mid 19 th century along the gu lf coast from Tampa Bay in the north to Charlotte Harbor in the south. In “Trade Relations between Southwestern Florida and Cuba 16 00 1840,” John W. Covington (1959) describes the origins and continuation of the trade networks between Native American and t he Spanish. “The natives of southern Florida soon realized that the Spanish greatly desired ambergris, that valuable substance from which perfume was made” (Covington 1959:11 5). The Spanish traded European


36 made wares, such as glass beads, copper and silve r bells, olive jars, mirrors, pendants, scissors and axes for the prized ambergris. By the 18 th century, Cuban fisherman began exploiting the bountiful supply of fish in coastal Florida and “by 1770, it was reported that thirty or more vessels from Cuba were engaged in this [fishing] trade” (Covington 1959:117) lasting from the end of August until the end of March each year The fish caught during the season was usually smoked or salted and then sold in Havana. Eventually, the ranchos changed from seas onal to permanent residence and the men began marrying Seminole women. The Southwest Florida fishing industry lasted to mid 19 th century when the United States took control of the territory. In 1835 the Second Seminole War started in Florida, and conseque ntly the fishing ranchos at Charlotte Harbor began to decline. “Several of the military leaders were certain that the Seminoles were receiving arms and ammunition from Cuban via the fisherman. Accordingly revenue cutters increased their patrols and a tight net was drawn on the area” (Covington 1959:126). From the mo uth of the Manatee River to Bird Key in the south, there were countless Spanish ranchos on Sarasota Bay. “The Sarasota rancho was located just north of present day Whitaker Bayou. It may have be en Antonio Pacheco’s pre war trading post” (Matthews 1983:106). This rancho was an active trading post. Antonio Pacheco at Sarasota Bay had probably refitted an older Spanish rancho as Bunce had done. Pacheco had supplied his place with typical materials and provisions brought back from Havana by shipmaster Jose Silva aboard the sloop Eden one of the fishing smacks. […] For Pacheco, there were eight dozen hinges and locks, twelve pounds of sewing twine, six sail needles, leather, and thirty pounds of tarr ed rope. Pacheco’s cargo also included resaleable provisions — a bale of tobacco, two 130 gallon casks of molasses, a thousand ‘segars,’ six ‘jarrs’ of ‘Sallad’ oil, almond oil, one barrel packed with brown sugar, 170 pounds of coffee, fruit, vegetables, a b ox of vermicelli, corn, beans, and seeds (Matthews 1983:77 78)


37 The rancho was probably a loose cluster of thatch structures spread out over a large area. After the Second Seminole War, this rancho was acquired by Manuel Olivella, a Hillsborough County court clerk. A t the onset of the Second Seminole War the United States built Fort Armistead on Sarasota Bay The construction of the fort led way for a subsequent increase of European presence in the area In 1880, there was a period of rapid urbanizatio n, leading to the foundation of the city of Sarasota. In the 1920s, the Ringling Brother Circus chose Sarasota as the location of their winter home. This immediate influx of money and power tr ansformed Sarasota into tourist centered community and left a po werful impact on the region. Archaeological Investigations In “Archaeological and Historical Investigations at Indian Beach,” Robert S Carr, Janet Snyder Matthews; Katherine Rogers, Marion Almy, Lee D. Harrison, and Lorrie Huldowney (1989) excavated the s ite of Fort Armistead which was rumored to be the site of the Pacheco rancho The excavations yield ed no str uctural evidence of the fort at that location. However, some historical period artifacts were collected. According to George M. Luer (1992:230) “archaeological recovery of Second Seminole War period artifacts … suggests that this area [the store of the Shell Road Midden] was the location of the Pacheco/Olivella Rancho ” The Shell Road Midden is located in northwest Sarasota in the Indian Beach nei ghborhood, just south of New College of Florida. Luer describes Fort Armistead which was a “military encampment was established at the Olivella [originally owned by Pacheco] Rancho on Sarasota Bay”


38 (1992:230). Excavations of the fort did not expose any str uctural remains, of the fort or of the Pacheco /Olivella rancho. In “Skeletal and Historical Analysis: Southwest Drive Burial Site (8So2617), Sarasota, Florida,” Maranda Almy (2003) discusses a coffin burial found near the potential Pacheco rancho in Saras ota. The only artifacts attributed to the burial were four coffin nails which were dated to the mid to late nineteenth century. Almy (2003) argues that these nails are contemporary to the fishing ranchos in Sarasota Bay at this time. Cultural Landscape Reconstruction Leaving Fort Brooke in 1832, Colonel McIntosh sold Luis Fatio to Antonio Pacheco, who owned a rancho on Sarasota Bay (Amos 2006 :4 ) The historic sources call the Pacheco property with three different terms and in some cases combinations of t hese terms. It has been called a trading post, rancho, and a plantation. Most likely, the property was combination of all three of these things with activities including trading, fishing, and agriculture The natural landscape of the Pacheco rancho was di verse. Sarasota Bay is an estuarine environment surrounded by mangroves (Figure 2) Further inland, the land changes to primarily pine forest (Perry 2011: 64). These t wo different unique plant communities create an environment rich in natural resources. Th e natural landscape of the Pacheco plantation was probably a mixture of mangroves on the coast, which would have more than likely been cleared away to provide access to the water. Further inland, however, the land would have monopolized by pine trees and l ow lying scrub foliage. The structures of a typical Spanish rancho were basic palmetto thatch buildings: “They built homes of palmetto thatch (as had the Tocabagas before them) along the


39 shores of the Manatee River and Sarasota Bay ” (Matthews 1983:72). These building used the palmetto fronds as roofing material and either logs or whaddle and daub for the walls. “ The Sarasota ranchos, like their counterparts in Charlotte Harbor and Tampa Bay, were comprised of a number of small huts, seasonal gardens, citrus trees, docks, drying racks Figure 2: Picture of Present Florida Pine and Mangrove Forest (


40 for curing fish and drying nets, and an occa sional stone or tabby building” (Almy 2003:134). T he Sarasota ranchos, including the Pacheco property relied on a varied of sources for providing a diverse diet. Almy (2003) describes seasonal gardens and citrus trees that would have provided the produce at the rancho. Additionally, access t o aquatic resources would have been readily available. These resources included a variety of fish, shellfish, and aquatic mammals, such as manatee and porpoises. On land, people at the rancho would have had access to native terrestrial animals, such as dee r To supplement any native diet from the land, rancho owners also had access to trade from Cuba and beyond. “ The fisherman made frequent trips from Cuba stopping in Key West and then traveling to their ranchos. Their cargo often included food and supplies that they could not prod uct themselves, including nails” (Almy 2003:134). Additionally, the ranchos themselves represent a diverse group of people. In the case of the Pacheco rancho, the owner, Antonio Pacheco, was from Cuba. It was customary for Cubans t o marry Native American women. The workers on these ranchos, the majority of records agree that, “rancho owners or their agents hired a variety of workers, including Indians (sometimes referred to as ‘Spanish Indians’), Italians, Cubans, Spaniards, and Bla cks” (Almy 2003:135). Traditionally, it was assumed that there was little to no slavery on these ranchos with the workforce primarily consisting of Seminoles and Spanish lower classes. However, the sale of Luis Fatio to Antonio Pacheco exemplifies the exis tence of slaves at Southwest Florida ranchos. However, it is unclear what form of enslavement was present at the Pacheco rancho. This variety of people on the rancho would have created a diverse population and c ultural environment. Luis


41 Pacheco’s language skills, fluently speaking English, Spanish, French, and Seminole, would have been incredibly beneficial. In terms of the oral cultural landscape, judging by the expected population the primary languages heard would have been Spanish and Seminole; however, English and Italian might have also been spoken in and around the rancho. Besides the people who lived on the Pacheco property, Sarasota Bay was surrounded by different people who would have had contact with the rancho. In particular, the trade from Cuba would have provided a steady stream of news. Seminoles from the Florida interior used the rancho as a trading post to receive European goods, although particular goods, anything that could have been used as a weapon, were strictly prohibited (Covington 195 9:114). Additionally, those at the rancho may have also had direct contact with American military troops stationed at Fort Brooke in Tampa and Fort Armistead in Sarasota. Since Luis was sold from Fort Brook e to Pacheco in Sarasota, I can infer that contact was maintained through the years. Finally, the Pacheco property had frequent contact with other ranchos in the area, especially to the north in Tampa and to the south in Charlotte Harbor. All of these people contributed to the cultural landscape of the Pacheco property. The Life of Luis at the Pacheco Rancho According to the descriptions of ranchos in Sarasota, Tampa Bay, and in Charlotte Harbor, the majority of structures at a typical Spanish rancho were constructed of palmetto fronds. At the Pacheco rancho a thatch hut is the only likely sleeping dwelling that Luis w ould have resided in during these years at the Pacheco rancho. This was the usual structure for workers at a rancho (Stack 2011 :150 ) ; the only other location which is


42 ev en possible is sleeping outside which is unlikely for Luis’ dwelling. I t is both uncomfortable and unproductive to have workers sleeping outside ( Baram, personal communication). Most likely, Luis would have resided in a thatch hut during this time along wit h other workers on the rancho. To take Luis Pacheco out of the realm of economic property and into a humanistic identity, the question remains: what it would have been like to live in a palmetto thatch structure? T he palmetto hut would have been relative ly comfortable. It would have provided some aspect of privacy for Luis Pacheco, outside of the gaze of his owner. A s the palmetto structure was designed for the southeast, it would have been par ticularly suited for the hot and humid Florida climate. Luis p robably would have accustomed to living in this particular housing structure after living with the Seminoles in the Florida interior. Conclusion Whil e archaeological excavations of 19 th century Sarasota are scant, between the historic sources and comparative studies in Charlotte Harbor, I can give a detailed description of what life may have been like for Luis Pacheco between 1832 and 1835 is possible The years that Luis lived in Sarasota Bay were the prove rbial “calm before the storm.” Fort Brooke Introduction Luis Pacheco lived at Fort Brooke twice — from 1825 to 1832 and then again in briefly in 1835 From 1825 to 1832, Luis was enslaved to three different commanders of the fort He worked as an interpreter and was probably also used as a carpenter (Amos


43 2006) Fort Brooke, established in 1824, is located in and formed present day Tampa (Covington 1958) Built where the Hillsborough River meets Hillsborough Ba y, Fort Brooke is located at the cros sroads of different bodies of water. Both defensible and fertile land, allowed for the fort to thrive, initially as a trading center between the Seminoles and frontier settlers and then as fort during the Second Seminole War (Werner 2004 :84 ). In the site d escription, I will focus on Fort Brooke before 1848 when a hurricane destroyed the majority of structures (Covington 1958:330). I will exclude the latter half of the occupation of Fort Brooke to create a comprehensive description on a particular time. This decision is supported by the fact that Luis Pacheco is recorded as living at the fort from 1825 to 1832 and then again in 1835, well before the hurricane (Amos 2006). The goal of a spatial biography is to reconstruct these locations as Luis Fati o Pacheco might have seen them. Historic/Archival Research Fort Brooke was established on the banks of the Hillsborough River “where downtown Tampa would begin to grow some 20 years later” (Dickinson 1978:2) in 1824 O riginally a military post known as Cantonment Brooke, the United States commissioned the fort in response to the Treaty of Camp Moultrie signed in 1823. This treaty, between the Seminoles and the United States, moved the Seminoles into a reservation in the southern central part of the peninsula. Fort Brooke in Tampa Bay was established in response to the formation of this reservation — to deter the Seminoles from receiving support, in the form of arms and ammunition, from Cuba (Covington 1958:319).


44 Lieutenant Colonel George M. Brooke was the first commander of the newly constructed fort. During the first years of military occupation in Tampa Bay, “the men spent most of their time cutting wood and erecting buildings” (Covington 1958:320). During this time, the principa l buildings of the fort were built including the officer’s quarters, the quartermaster’s quarters, the commissary’s storehouse, and the bake house. “Tents served as temporary housing for most of the persons present while the wooden buildings were being er ected and the camp during 1824 and 1825 presented a view of white canvas tents, the frame work of half completed structures and finished buildings” (Covington 1958:321). A lithography of the fort (Figure 3) illustrates the loose cluster of buildings surrou nded by large live oaks and pine trees. During this time, t he fort operated as a “foothold on the Florida frontier” (Weisman 2011:19) and “a center of trade between Seminoles and frontier settlers” (Werner 2004:85). Colonel Brooke established contacts with cattle ranchers who supplied beef to the fort biweekly and Seminoles The Cuban fisherman who owned ranchos on the coast were also a part of the fort ’s economic network : “Cigars and oranges from Havana were sold to the soldiers by the fisherman from the various ranchos scattered along the coast who usually carried their catch to the Cuban city” (Covington 1958:322). Major J.S. Belton was commander of the fort in Decembe r of 1835 when Major Dade’s troop s along with Luis, marched from Fort Brooke to Fort King (Covington 1958) On December 23 rd a group of Seminoles attacked the troops starting the Second Seminole War (1835 1842) This marked a transition for Fort Brooke. Instead of primarily acting as a trading post, the fort militarized and “assumed a new symbolic role for the Seminoles with the onset of hostilities” (Werner 2004:85). Fort Brooke was a


o•rn,k t • r, Ar, • 2e. ••‘, ,,••••••••• ) 'A‘'n•• t-,. It.% 4 t' tI t. .. t.• 4.. )•.' t% t. t‘ 1 t6'4; .4 ,„;.,• I`, .0 ,...4', t• et v.-4—.22"r =4-1'N,07,,-7-,1,-tA el. t;...). 7r• ----.4' r ::ts: — 45 particularly important during the Second Seminole War and the subsequ ent removal of Seminoles to Indian Territory. During this period, the fort was a holding center for Seminoles who were in the process of being transported out to Indian Territory In 1848 a massive hurricane hit Tampa Bay and effectively destroyed most of its structures at the fort which were later rebuilt (De Quesada 2006). Fort Brooke’s prominence on the Florida frontier came to an end in 1883 when it was decommissioned and publically sold, “leaving Tampa’s future entirely in the hands of those persistent businessman and entrepreneurs who continue to dream of finding wealth on the shores of Tampa Bay” (Weisman 2011:19). The land continued to be privately Figure 3: Engraving of Fort Brooke c. 1838 (State Library and Archives of Florida,


46 held although Fort Brooke’s history was never forgotten from the area. Through the Old Fort R estaurant in the 1950s (Figure 4 ) and the present Old Fort Brooke Mu nicipal Parki ng Garage (Figure 5 ), the name Fort Brooke was never been erased from the landscape. Figure 4 : Ol d Fort Restaurant circa Jan 1947 ( ) Archaeological Investigations Fort Brooke has had a long hist o ry of archaeological inquiries, from 1954 to the present A t least four di fferent aspects of Fort Brooke have been archaeologically explored: the Fort Brooke Military Reservation, the cemetery, and the Fort Brooke Midden The Fort Brooke Military Reservati on represents the main cluster of structures and artifact assemblage from the fort. The United States cemetery was a undocumented graveyard which has received the most a rchaeological attention The Fort Brooke Midden was a prehistoric midden associated wit h the Fort Brooke Mound. (Schell 2005).


HI! tiiiiiiiilmiRmil111111111111111111111111111111M11111 47 Figure 5: Fort Brooke Parking Garage in Tampa, FL ( The first archaeological excavation, in 1954, was conducted by t he University of Florida at the Fort Brooke Military Reservation site In a footnote of “Life at Fort Brooke 1824 1836,” James W. Covington (1958) remarks, “In 1954 a group of Tampa boy scouts under the supervision of Dr. John Goggin and Charles Knight did some digging near the site of the fort and uncovered pieces of flints, lead bullets, military buttons and arrow heads” (319). In the 1970s, the city of Tampa began planning for the initial construction of Tampa’s Southern Crosstown Expressway, now named the LeRoy Selmon Crosstown Expressway. T he city contracted archaeolo gic al work to be conducted along the proposed site of the road — along which were the remains of Fort Brooke While the construction of the highway was scraped until the early 2000s, this project allowed for years of


48 archaeological research to occur in downtown Tampa The first survey was conducted in 1974 by Professor Roger G r ange of the University of South Florida (Werner 2004 :88 ) In 1978, Martin B. Dickenson from the University of Florida, under the supervision of Dr. Charles Fairbanks, conducted excavation s at Fort Brooke. The purpose was “to describe excavations undertaken to determine whether there is an early nineteenth century component associated with the Fort Brooke period” (Dickenson 1978 : ii). During excavation s, four 2 by 5 meter test units were ex cavated, using a backhoe. From the excavations, Dickenson determined that the cultural layers of the Fort Brooke occupation have been heavily disturbed and looted by local bottle hunters and the recent urbanization of Tampa. The same year of Dickenson’s excavation, Elizabeth Fisher conducted excavations at Fort Brooke for her master’s thesis from the University of South Florida. Published in 1979, this thesis describes the history and results of her excavation, highlighting bo th historic and prehistoric artifacts. Similar to Dickenson, Fisher discovers that due to urban growth the site had been heavily disturbed. H owever, she find evidence of the “the devastating hurricane of 1848 destroyed more than half of the fort’s structu res” (1979:116). In 1979, Harry M. Piper and Jacquelyn G. Piper of Piper Consulting excavated the site when the city of Tampa proposed to construct a parking garage on top of the site (Werner 2004 :90 ) This contracted archaeological project conf irmed the location of the fort’s hospital which historic sources claimed was near the location of the proposed parking garage. Stratigraphically, the Fort Brooke deposit consists of a dispersed but


49 locally clustered occurrence of artifacts such as “ bottle glass, tr ansfer printed and shell edged pearlwares and whitewares, crockery, pipestems and bowls, nails and iron hardware, and military items such as uniform buttons and lead shot” (Weisman 2011:19). Additionally, Piper and Piper uncovered many features from the fo rt including the hospital sink, the hospital fireplace, the kitchen fireplace, and the streamboat location (Piper and Piper 1993). Cultural Landscape Reconstruction Luis Fatio first arrived at Fort Brooke in 1825. During the se first few year s the fort would have been under constant construction. The only building on the landscape would have been the main house which served as the officers’ quar ters (Werner 2004 :83 ). Luis Fatio had lived in Florida for over twenty years and was ac climatized to the natura l landscape of the coastal Florida. However, he probably heard the complaints and bemoans of the soldiers from northern states. In particular, Americans unaccustomed to the landscape “find a ‘dead sandy level with patches behind them of rough coarse grass, and tall pine trees whose tops are so far in the air that they seem to cast no shade, and a little scrubby underbrush’” (Roger 1955:181). Dis satisfaction with the fort was record ed in these early years; it is possible that the climate and landscape contri buted to the low morale: Perhaps as a result of the isolation in the wilderness far distant from any large sized settlement, the general spirit was not good and there were numerous infractions of military law among the enlisted men at Fort Brooke. In April 1824, five men deserted from their posts. In November, 1825, twenty six men out of a total of one hundred and thirty men present at the fort were u nder arrest or confinement (Co vington 1958:323)


50 During this time, the soldiers would have been clearing th e dense pine forest (Fisher 1979 :7 ) and building the other structures including stables, kitchens, the hospital, and additional outbuildings (Piper and Piper 1993). During th e earliest portion of Luis Fatio ’s life at Fort Brooke would have been a time of transition. “Tents served as temporary housing for most of the persons present while the wooden buildings were being erected and the camp during 1824 and 1825 presented a view of white canvas tents, the frame work of half completed structures and finished buildings” (Covington 1958: 321). During this early time period, Luis possibly lived in a tent close to the main house to readily serve Colonel Brooke who, at the time, owned him. Once construction finish, Fort Brooke was an open plan of buildings of a “ ‘fanciful order’” (Weisman 2011:19) without a semblance of organized structure. For living quarters, soldiers lived in log barracks which were described by Colonel Brooke as “large, high, airy and as well put together as possible, the whole 260 feet in len gth and 12 feet from floor to the loft” (Brooke and Covington 1953:275). It is unclear where enslaved people would have lived at the fort. Historic maps demonstrates two possible locations for the enslaved at the fort, either in the described “covered marq uees” which are recorded as residing between the barracks and the clothing department or in the Indian dwellings. On the map, there is a location on the outskirts of the fort which is labeled as “Indian dwellings.” There is no record about this location at the fort outside of an acknowledgment of its existence in the map.


51 The area of Fort Brooke, where the Hillsborough River meets the bay, was a plentiful in terms of food production. According to Fisher (1979 :11 ) the available fauna include deer, squirrel, opossum, raccoon, fox, weasel, skunk, otter, mink, panther, mice, raters, and over 200 different bird species Aquatic resources included mullet, red snapper, pompano, mackerel, shark, porpoise, drum, catfish, b ass, gar, manatee, oyster, clam, scallop, conch, crab, and whelks. According to Covington (1958 : 321 ), “There was always a rich supply of sea food available for the men in camp. A boat crew rowed out in the bay twice a week to gather enough delicious oyste rs in an hour’s time to supple to n eeds of the entire camp ” Through local newspapers, the fort contracted local ranchers to supply beef twice a week. Farming was an additional food resource; a variety of vegetables, including corn, melon, string beans, co llards greens, and tomatoes, were grown while fresh fruit was supplied by Cuban fisherman from the south, near Charlotte Harbor (Covington 1958). The Life of Luis at Fort Brooke At Fort Brooke, Luis Fatio probably lived in many different locations, und er very different conditions. Covington (1958 : 321 ) states that during the first part of the occupation at Fort Brooke the men live d in “white canvas tents.” It is likely that during this period, the slaves, including Luis, also dwelled in these tents, alb eit possibly in a segregated location. After this period, however, there are three locations where Luis Fatio Pacheco could have lived: in a tent, in the Indian village, or slave quarters. Each of the three locations have associated historical evidence.


52 First, the possibility of Luis living in undocumented slave quarters is the least likely of the three. Neither historical sources nor the archaeological record demonstrates evidence of any set location for slave dwellings. However, this is an option for th e fort because of the existence of enslaved people. It is probable that there was a designated location for the enslaved people to live. Additionally, Luis could have lived in the Indian village at the fort, the area seen on historic maps. Since he spoke t he Seminole language he c ou ld have lived with the Seminoles. Another option for Luis Fatio ’s dwelling space at Fort Brooke living in a tent. As see n in Figure 6 a lithograph f rom 1837, canvas tents were readily used for people not housed in the log constructed barracks or officer’s houses. In particular, the tents in the foreground of the image represent a likel y location of Luis Fatio ’s living quarters during the years that he lived at Fort Brooke. If Luis Fatio li ved in tents during his time at Fort Brooke, he was living in tents from 1825 18 32 (Amos 2006). That is eight years of living in a canvas structure while the people he served lived in solid log buildings In a tent, he would have been exposed to the elemen ts and, even on a good day, he would have woken up wet from a fresh coating of morning dew living in a tent for years is in no way comfortable. T his daily physical discomfort is important to consider wh en discussing Luis Fatio ’s li f e and his motivations f or the choices he made. Conclusion Luis Fatio Pacheco’s time at Fort Brooke was one of transition. He arrived when the fort was beginning its construction and stayed until 1832 when he was sold to Antonio Pacheco, who owed a trading post in Sarasota (Amos 2006 :4 ). While Luis lived


53 there, Fort Brooke was relatively small, stable outpost. It was not until after Dade’s Massacre, and Luis’s subsequential expulsion to Indian Territory, that Fort Brooke increased their f ortifications and became more militarized. The site was abandoned in 1882 and slowly sold off to the highest bidder until the footprint of the fort was completely disappe ared T he archaeological record is limited but the landscape o f Fort Brooke has been revealed with the combination of archaeological and documentary records. Dade Battlefield Introduction On December 28, 1835, Luis Pacheco acting as guide and interprete r, marched with Brevet Major Francis Dade to transport troops to Fort King near present day Ocala This ill fated expedition, however, was soon stuck short; hidden in tall grasses next to the military road connecting the forts, a group of Seminoles attacked the American troops. Figure 6: Lithography of Fort Brooke appeared in Gray & James' 1837 series


54 The battle has since been dubbed “Dade’s Massacre,” and is counted as the event which start ed of the Second Seminole War. This battle is one of the main reasons that Luis Pacheco born enslaved at New Switzerland, has made a substantial imprint in the historical record. He was branded a traitor for the events, although he adama ntly denied this charge While Luis was at this site for a very small amount of time, under a day at the most, the events of December 28, 1835 had a significant impact on his life; t herefore, it is an important site to explore since the se events followed L uis for the rest of his life. History/Archival Research Dade Battlefield is located in central Florida near the present day city of Bushnell, Florida. Almost exactly in the middle of the state north of the Green Swamp, the Dade Battlefield is located in a n open pine tree cluster. In 1835, o n the outskirts of the pine clearing, there were tall grasses and clusters of palmettos. East of the battlefield was a pond and the west side of the field was the Wahoo Swamp, which both limit ed the escape of the Americ an troops and provide d a refuge for the Seminoles. The site is covered with pine trees and large live oaks. However, in the original maps and accounts of the site, the only trees referenced are the pines: “The battlefield was uniformly s poken of as ‘pine b arren’” (Nimnicht 1971:2 ). A t the site, there were three different ecological zones in 1835 : the pine woods, the swamp, and a freshwater pond. Brevet Major Dade was marching from Fort Brooke to resupply Fort King with troops due to the impending threat o f attack from the Seminoles. According to the statement of significant in the official records of Dade’s Battlefield, the attack on Dade’s troops was a “three pronged effort which saw the murder of Indian Agent Wiley Thompson, the destruction of much of th e plantation economy on the Florida east coast,


55 and in Dade’s case, an effective strike against the small military force then in the territory” ( Nimnicht 1971:3 ). This event was in direct response to the Indian Removal Act of 1830 that forced tribes of the Southeast to move to Indian Territory present day Oklahoma Heightened tensions between the Seminoles and European settlers and military presence in Florida prompted the military to send reinforcements to Fort King: Major Dade’s command. Luis’s involvem ent in the march to Fort King is the key to the historical debate on his role in the battle. He was living at Pacheco’s rancho in Sarasota when Mrs. Quintina Pacheco, the widower of Antonio Pacheco, summoned Luis to Tampa. William Bunce, who was the execut or of Antonio Pacheco’s estate, brought him to Fort Brooke. The commanding officer for Fort Brooke, Captain Francis Belton, wanted to hire Luis as an interpreter for Major Dade’s march. Luis was hired for the march after Dade and the troops had left Fort B roo ke. Once Luis m et up with the troops, he was sent to scout ahead during the entirety of the march. Amos (2006 :5 ) argues that the day of the attack that Luis warned Dade that there was freshly trampled grass along the road, w arning of a Seminole attack The attack itself took place on December 28, 1835, just six days after the troops left Fort Brooke. Luis Pacheco and Private Ransom Clark, two of the three survivors, gave accounts of the attack, which have proven invaluable in understanding the events of the day. Reported in The Florida Times Union article, “ the Indians rose up out of the high grass and delivered a galling fire, at the same time yelling horribly .” Dade’s troops hasty created a log barricade “while the enemy was preparing for another on slaught ” After


56 numerous attacks and counter attacks, the American force was defeated In his account, Ransom Clark claims that: forty or fifty negroes, on horseback, galloped up and alighted, tying their beasts, and commenced, with horrid shouts and yells, the butchering of the wounded, together with an indiscriminate plunder, stripping the bodies of the dead of clothes, watches an d money, splitting open the heads of all who showed the least signs of life with their axes and knives and accompanying their blood work with obscene and taunting derisions Luis claimed that he was saved from death because “he could speak the Seminole la nguage and could plead with the attackers for his life with the argument that he ‘was a slave and was doing as … [he] was bidden ’” (Amos 2006:6). Luis was taken by the Seminoles and lived with them in the Florida interior until 1837. Presently, the battle site has been preserved as the “Dade Battlefield Historic State Park” (Figure 7 ) which is managed and maintained by the Florida Park Service. A s a state park the archaeological and historic resources of the battlefield are continuously protected and maintained as a place of historic significance. Additionally, reenactment events at the park continue to promote local interested in the history of the battlefield and the Second Seminole War (Figure 8 ). These annual reenactment events continuously tell the story of the Seminole attack on Major Dade in an accessible and comprehensible way to the local community. Archaeological Investigations T he Dade Battlefield Memorial State Park was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 1972. There have been few excavations conducted on the property that


57 Figure 7: Entrance to State Park ( Figure 8: Reenactment Actors at Dade Battlefield (


58 have since be en collected in the Florida Master Site File for the site. During a septic tank repair, eleven shovel tests were tested for archaeological records. Out of the eleven only one hole, number eight, was attributed with any artifacts and contained bone fragments which were “most likely not human” (DiMaggio 1996:26 ). However, the constant use of the battlefield as a state park has turned up other artifacts. In particular, there was a projectile point uncovered at the edge of the park’s playground after a heavy rainstorm in 1996. According to the park manager at the time, this was “the first discovery of this type of artifact on the site. Other discoveries have related to the 1835 battle that took place on the site” ( Roberts 1996 :87 ). Another artifact attributed to the site is a dugout canoe. While unlikely that it i s Seminole in origin, it could have been from the 1830 1840s or, “it could also be the work of civilian settlers of the area in that or a later period ” (Florida Master Site File 1974: 35). In Massacre (196 8), Frank Laumer claims that canoes were not used d uring the battle, either by the Am erican troops or the Seminoles, making it unlikely that the canoe found is from the Dade Battle. Cultural Landscape Reconstruction Luis’s experiences and understanding of the battlefield would have been c onstantly changin g Because of the unique events and changing atmosphere which is inherent in a battl efield site, I have broken the reconstruction of Dade battlefield into three distinct periods for a more comprehensive understanding of Luis’s life experiences: pre battle, the battle, and post battle. These three different periods represent landscapes Luis Pacheco may have experienced.


59 Pre Battle Reconstruction After crossing the Withlacoochee River, Luis Pacheco was sent ahead to scout the area. As a scout, he would have paid particular attention to physical landscape, looking down at the grass, looking for any trampling or depressions in the earth. After passing a pond on the road, the pine trees and pal mettos would have dominated the landscape however, there was a large amount of species diversification in the winter. As it was the middle of winter during the attack, the weather would have been cold, for Florida, and dry. The grasses and other low folia ge would have been brown with the only green coming from the pine trees. Luis was the only African American man, and only slave, on the march to Fort King. During the march, he would have interacted with the American troops who were exclusively of Europe an descent. The dominant, and potentially only, language spoken would have been English. During this part of Luis’s experiences leading up to the battle, there would not have been any structures around. Human modifications on the natural landscape would ha ve been minimum and mostly focused around the military road. The road would have probably been a dirt path which was fairly wide for the transportation of goods and troops. The path and boarders would have been cleared of underbrush allowing for ease of tr avel. Battle Reconstruction During the battle, however, the landscape changed drastically. Luis went from traveling along the military road, to defending himself against an attack in a pine barren. The physical landscape would have remained mostly the same as on the military road


60 with a dominant of pine trees, palmettos, and other low lying scrub brush. The grasses would have been tall and thick, able to hide large quantities of men from view. Due to the surprise of the attack, the discombobulation of t he battle would have added to the emotional disarray felt by Luis and the others. After the Seminole’s initial attack, the Americans hastily cut down pine trees and construc ted a wooden barricade (Figure 9 ). This barricade, which was only about knee high b efore the Seminoles launched the second attack, is a temporal but crucial structure at the site. Figure 9: Reconstruction of log barricades built by Dade's troops (Sappington 2011:81)


61 Post Battle Reconstruction After the battle had finished, Luis claimed that he was allowed to live because he spoke the Seminole language and was en slave d — only doing what he was bidden. During this turn of events, the entire cultural landscape and Luis’ life changed. He went from be ing an interpreter and slave for the United States military to becoming a prisoner of war for the Seminoles. He lived with the Seminoles in the interior of Florida for two years until he turned himself into the United States military and subsequently was s ent to Indian Territory. After the battle, Luis was now exclusively around Seminoles and other African Americans who were living and working for the Seminoles. English was no longer the dominant language heard and the Seminole language became the prevaili ng aural experience. The Life of Luis at Dade Battlefield T he archaeology of dwelling spaces for the fateful march can be split into the three distinct categories: pre battle, during battle, and post battle. Before the battle, Luis was marching for six days. He would have slept on the ground in a portable tent at night before being sent ahead of the troops to scout for danger. Du ring the battle, the main dwelling location would have been behind the barricade. Since this rough construction of logs was only knee high, Luis would have been practically lying on the ground while covering himself from a rain of bullets. After the battle Luis was saved from death and was taken as a prisoner by the Seminoles. This part of his life is unknown.


62 Conclusion On December 28, 1835, Luis Pacheco’s life changed. O n his role in the events leading up to the attack, there is a historical debate over his innocence or guilt for betrayi ng Major Dade to the Seminoles. As mentioned previously, I have chosen to avoid this debate and concentrate on Luis’ experiences during and leading up to the battle. Fort Gibson in Indian Territory Introduction Luis lived in the interior of Florida for a little over two years before turning himself in at Fort Peyton, near St. Augustine on September 4, 1837, claiming to be the property of Mrs. Quintana Pacheco of Tampa. William Bunce, the executor of Antonio Pache co’s estate, attempted to take immediate possession of Luis. However, General Thomas Jesup, after hearing of Luis’s arrival at Fort Peyton, refused Bunce’s request. Jesup wanted to try him for treason because of his actions in Dade’s attack. However, Jesup did not have the time to put Luis on trial, so he sent him to Indian Territory. Luis lived west of the Mississippi River for 44 years — nearly half of his life. While he lived out of Florida for so long and in many different places, I will only focus on one location, Fort Gibson, for this part of his life. History / Archival Research T here are two simultaneous stories that are relevant for the history of Indian Territory The first is Luis Pacheco’s experiences in west of the Mississippi River from 1838 when he arrived at Fort Gibson to 1880 when gives a n ewspaper interview. Second is the story of Fort Gibson, which is the focus of the reconstruction. To create two different historical descriptions that overlap and diverge each other at various points, I


63 will present these narratives chronologically during the time that Luis could have been there. Fort Gibson was built in 1824 and was the first fort in present day Oklahoma. However, Luis’ life in Indian Territory began in 1833 with the Treaty of Fort Gibson. The treaty states that: The Seminole Indians relinquish to the United States all claim to the land they at present occupy in the Territory of Florida, and agree to emigrate to the country assigned to the Creeks, west of the Mississippi river; it being und erstood that an additional extent of territory proportioned to their number will be added to the Creek county, and that the Seminoles will be received as a constituent part of the Creek nation, and be re admitted to all the privileges as members of the sam e ( This treaty gave the Seminoles land in Indian Territory between the Little River and the North fork of the Canadian River In 1836, Seminoles began arriving in Indian Territory moving through Fort Gibson, to settle at the Little River settlement in Indian Territory. A second group arrived in June of 1838 ; they se ttled at Fort Gibson Luis arr ived in Indian Territory on August 5, 1838 at Fort Gibson From 1838 until 1845, he lived with Micanopy and the Seminoles at the Little River Settlement alternatively called Thomas Town (Gallagher 1951). During this time, Luis’ freedom was questioned mult iple times. Initially, he claimed to be free. However, as he was considered a valuable as set, he had three claims over him as property (Amos 2006 :7 8 ). Outside of legal claims, Luis’ position as a freeman was not secure; as a black man, he was the target of many attempted kidnappings for a sale outside of the territory. Due to fear of the Cre eks and enslavement many “Black Seminol es” took refuge at Fort Gibson, from 1845 1848. It is likely that Luis was with them until 1848. “The situation of the Black Seminoles claiming to be free was finally settled in 1848 when the U.S. Attorney


64 General de clared … that the blacks should be returned to the Seminoles” (Amos 2006:10). During this time, Luis would have been under the jurisdiction of Micanopy, whom he may have met in New Orleans, “because now Micanopy appeared as his original owner” (Amos 2006:8 ). However, as he was due to return to Micanop y at Little River, Micanopy died, leaving Luis up for speculators. Meanwhile, durin g this time at the fort, heavy construction is occurring, the Black Seminoles and Luis are put to work: Continued agitation for the construction of more substantial quarters for the garrison resulted in an appropriation by Congress, and on July 17, 1845, General Thomas S. Jesup, quartermaster of the army, arrived at Fort Gibson to direct the construction of new buildings of stone on the hill above, and on the slope between it and the old log fort. Work on the new structures was soon started and by March 1846, a barracks for two companies had progressed above the second floor and timbers for both floors and piazzas were laid. (Forem an 1943 ) Luis then disappears from the record for two years, until 1850, when he is working at Fort Smith in Arkansas. It is here that Marcellus Duval, the Indian Affairs agent, kidnapped him and pl aced him back in bondage (Amos 2006 :10 ). Marcellus Duval was a South Carolina sla veholder until his appointment as Indian Agent 1844. Ardently pro slavery, within a year of hi s arrival to Indian Territory he had enslaved kidnapped Black Seminoles on his plantation in Van Buren, Arkansas A fter the summer of 1850, Duval abducted Luis from Fort Smith and took him to Duval’s plantation in Van Buren, Arkansas (Agnew 1980). Luis’ life “had gone full circle. He was a plantation slave again but this time under even more harrowing circu mstances” (Amos 2006:11). Luis was enslaved until Duval died of “unknown causes” on November 6, 1855 (Agnew 1980: 177). Luis lived in Van Buren, Arkansas and then when Duval was dismissed as Indian Agent at a plantation in Austin, Texas Duval died in Texas.


65 After Duval’s death, it is unclear how Luis’ life may have changed. He stayed in Travis County, although by choice or force, it is uncertain. Ten years later, 1865, he officially gained his freedom and on August 5, 1867, Luis Fatio Pacheco registered to vote in Travis County, Tex as under the name “Lewis Fatio” (Amos 2006 :12 ). In 1882, Luis moves back to Florida. Archaeological Investigations For this section of the thesis, I chose Fort Gibson for multiple reasons. Primarily, this was the first place that Luis would have experienc ed living at for an extended period of time when he first arrived in Indian Territory. Additionally, it is one of the only sites which Luis lived at which has had any significant excavation. Reconstructed by the Works Progress Administration (WPA) in the 1 930s, the historic site of the fort is owned by the Oklahoma Historic Society and is listed on the National Register of Historic Places. Archaeological investigations at the fort have been “in conjunction with site development” (Gettys 1995:37). In particu lar, the archaeological research at Fort Gibson has been in relation to the developments at the site for the tourist industry. The WPA reconstructed Fort Gibson’s stockade; however, the reconstructed structure is not on the original footprint ( Brent Weisma n, personal communication March 2012 ). The original structure extended into what is now the parking lot, road, and railroad bed” (Gettys 1995:37). Thus, much of the archaeological excavations at Fort Gibson have focused around establishing the parameters of the original stockade and locating the other structures on the site. Most recently, archaeologists have been working to establish fort feature s that are outside the WPA stockade walls ( Brent Wei sman, personal communication March 2012 ).


66 Cultural Landscape Reconstruction Luis Pacheco moved to Oklahoma, in 1838, when he was 38 years old. After spending nearly 40 years in the hot and humid climate of Florida, moving out west would have been a complete change for Luis Geographically, the Florida peninsula is mostly flat T he majority of the state is surrounded by salt water ; t his access to salt water creates a particular cultural environment. Often times, this accessibility to oceans are felt as freeing by populations who live near them. There is a transcendent property to large bodies of water that is a powerful moving ex perience. Luis had lived near the ocean for most of his life in Florida He wo uld have been adept at dealing with a coastal environment. However, once he moved to Indian Territory, this would have changed drastically. Fort Gibson was the first location in Indian Territory that he lived for any extended period. Located on the Neosho River, a tributary of the Arkansas River, Fort Gibson is in present day eastern Oklahoma near the Arkansas border. Outside of the obvious geographic differences between Florida and Indian Territory, the climate would have been a drastic change for Luis. T his adjustment to life out west was a shared experience for all those on who were forcibly removed from the southeast. In The Road to Disappearance: A History of the Creek Indians, Angie Dabo (1979) describes the impact of the physical landscape on the em otional transition from the Southeast to Indian Territory. “The climate was one of extremes, with violent rains and burning droughts, and the broad, low banked, treacherous rivers were shallow ribbons of water weaving over dry beds or raging torrents teari ng across the flooded valleys” (108). T he winters would have been especially difficult for Luis: “The mild sunny days of the


67 winters alternated with short, sudden periods of intense cold, new to the experience of these southern people” (Dabo 1979: 108). When discussing the physical characteristics of Indian Territory’s natural landscape opinions can be roughly categorized into two groups — those who saw the territory as a barren wasteland and those who saw it as plentiful and full of opportunity. In “‘We H ave a County’: Race, Geography, and the Invention of Indian Ter ritory,” James P. Ronda (1999) describes these various expeditions and how Indian Territory’s geography was socially constructed. For those who saw Indian Territory a negative, infertile space described the territory as “‘a barren and inhospitable region,’ a land where ‘water and timber are scarcely to be seen’” ( 1999: 739). Another n egative example builds on the perception of Indian Territory as barren and desolate: Indian Territory was “an extensive prairie badly watered and only skirted on the margin of water courses and poor ridges with copses of wood” ( 1999: 751). While this negative conceptualization of the territory w as pervasive, it was not the only one. Those in favor of Indian removal, in particular, wrote of the territory as a positive and fruitful locale. These descriptions are almost the exact opposite of the negative descriptions. In this conceptua lization, Indi an Territory is “ fertile, and mostly so surrounded and interspersed with wood th at most of it can be cultivated ” ( 1999: 747) and “a landscape of ‘forest, hill, and dale richly enameled with a profusion of beautiful and curious flowers’” ( 1999: 749). The most extensive description of the positive qu alities of Indian Territory is poetic: “‘Beyond the river the eye wandered over a beautiful champaign country of flowery plains and sloping uplands, diversified by groves and clumps of trees, and long screens of woo dlands; the whole wearing the aspect of


68 complete and even ornamental cultivation, instead of native wildness’” ( 1999: 750). Additionally, “The country given to the Five Civilized Tribes comprised three basic subdivisions. In the east were the wooded hills a nd valleys of the Ozark Plateau and the Ouachita Mountains, the former covered with a great hickory forest, the latter with a similar scattering of short ear pine” (Doran 1976:50). T he flora on the prairies of Indian Territory was very different from the plants in Florida. “The rich deposits of the floodplains supported varied tree cover, including huge oaks, ash, and hackberry, and dense canebrakes and luxuriant grasslands” (1976:51). Fort Gibson, on the Neosho River, fits into the ecological description. Additionally, the most extensive landscape feature of Indian Territory was the “open prairie grassland that covered all of the western two thirds of the Territory except that immediately along the watercourses. The major grasses were bluestem, bunch, and Indian grasses, dominantly respectively from east to west” (1976:51). These basic value judgments about Indian Territory provided two different opinions on the landscape that gives a rounded description of the extremes in opinion on the physical landscape Some saw the beauty of the grasslands, while others conceptualized these prairies as uncultivable and barren, unfit for habitation. This was the landscape of Fort Gibson d uring the Luis lived in Indian Territory. Outside of the natural landscape, there would have been a number of structures at Fort Gibson : the stockade, the powder magazine, barracks, and the hospital. “There is the fort itself, with its blockhouses the palisades with their heavy wooden gates, the stables on a hill nearby, the quarters of the dragoons in a former day and their look out, the campus outside the fort, a plot of ground elevated above the river, having on two sides the houses


69 of the officers, the chapel and schoolhouse, the government store, and all newly whitewashed” (Foreman 1943 ) These structures would have been constructed of logs (Woodhouse et al. 1992). Additionally, however, the fort was operational from 1824 through the Civil War when it was occupied by both the Union and the Confederacy. These various occupations each modified the fort, in particular stone buildings at the historic site are contemporary with the Civil War, not part of the original 1824 structures and the structures that Luis saw and helped construct ( Brent Weisman, personal communication March 2012 ) T he Life of Luis at Fort Gibson Luis Pacheco lived at Fort Gibson two different times, once when he first arrived in Indian Territory and then again f rom 1845 to 1848, when he lived w ith a group of Black Seminole s (Amos 2006:9 10). During this time at Fort Gibson, these men lived at the site and helped with construction projects during these three years until they were released back to their villages in Seminole territory. During these years, Luis lived inside the wooden palisades of the fort. In terms of this dwelling experience, it is unclear where precisely Luis would have lived. Probably, it would have been inside the wooden stockade, especially because of the fear of kidnapping. He probably would have lived in the same structur e as the other African American men, similar to a barrack or other group living environment. This structure would have been con structed using logs (Figure 10) The current reconstructed fort on property illustrates two story log structures with chimneys an d shingle roofs. This may be similar to the location where Luis lived.


70 Despite the living accommodations, or perhaps because of them, this would have been a familiar living situation for Luis. He had lived at United States military forts before and perha ps looked to them as a safe haven (Battle Baptiste 2007) However, one can imagine that he would have longing to go back to stability of Seminole territory where the maroons had their own villages and towns. Figure 10: Reconstruction of Fort Gibson (ht tp:// Conclusion Fort Gibson, on the Neosho River, was one of the first places Luis saw when he arrived in Indian Territory on August 5, 1838. The United States military fort, constructed solely of log structures in 1838, would have exemplified the cultural landscape which was so different from his familiar sight. Archaeological investigations have centered on locating specific structures and reconstructing the original footprint of


71 the wooden stockade built in 1824. The physical landscape of Fort Gibson in eastern present day Oklahoma is determined primarily by the rivers around the area. Luis Fatio Pacheco’s life at the fort would have brimming with fear of the Creeks, uncertainty of the future, and constant work at the fort. Jacksonville Introduction Luis Pacheco moved t o Jacksonville, Florida in 1882, at the age of 82, at the height of the Gilded Age and, adversely, at the beginning of the Jim Crow era. Luis lived there until his death on January 6, 1895. T his is one of the most ambivalent times in Luis’ life because the motivation behind his relocation to Jacksonville is uncl ear. This is the one time t hat Luis’ movement was not prompted by a major event — whether t hat event was escaping slavery or a moving him to a new location. His movement to Jacksonville seems to b e of his own will and volition. Jacksonville, Florida is located on the east coast of the Florida peninsula — only thirty miles away from New Switzerland, where L uis was born. From 1882 to 1895 Jacksonville was a bustling city — growing as a resort community and a railroad hub. In 1876, the Department of the Interior Census Office recorded that Jacksonville’s prosperity was due to “the fact of its being a port of entry on the most important river of the state, that its railroad facilities are good, and that there is a good prospect of an improvement of its harbor” ( 2012). Jacksonville was a very active city and Luis lived in this bustle For this section of the cultural landscapes, I will exclusive ly foc us on the reconstruction of Jacksonville along with the historic data explicitly relevant to Luis Fatio


72 Pacheco. By this, I mean that the archaeological investigations will be intertwined with the cultural landscape reconstruct rather than put in its own section. Historic/Archival Research According to Amos (2006 :12 ), Luis moved to Jacksonville in 1882 and immediately located Mrs. L’Engle. This seems to be the first record of Luis back in Florida, “Mrs. L’Engle seems to have helped him during the last years of his life” (12). In Amos’ endnotes, she states “The death certificate of Luis indicates that in 1895 he had lived in Florida for 13 years, thus placing his arrival in 1882” (2006:19). During this time, two different censuses have helped piece together Luis’ life: the 1880 and the 1885 census. The first time that Luis appears a postbellum census in Florida is in 1885. The national census occurs every ten years and was taken in 1880. This census proved to be incredibly important in the uncovering of Luis’ life in Jacksonville and his motivations for moving back to Florida. The 1885 census is a rare document because Florida was one of five states t o record census data that year. In this 1885 document, an 80 year old African American man named “Lewis Facio” is living at 90 Ocean Street in Jacksonville, Florida. This record is likely referring to Luis Fatio Pacheco. As Luis was approximately 85 years old at the time of the 1885 census, In the 19 th century, the point of the census was not to collect biographically data on residents, but merely to make a count of the residents. Fatio is pronounced like “Facio” (Robin Moore, personal communication February 2012 ) and while Luis was 85 years old at the time, he might have said, “around 80” when questioned on his age. Additionally, the dates make sense for the details known about Luis’ life. There is a “Lewis Facio” in the 1885 census but not the 1880 census.


73 Assuming that “Lewis Facio” is referring to t his study’s Luis, the people he was living with at 90 Ocean Street in 1885 are relevant. In particular, the census states that the head of the household was Sophia Simmons, a 50 year old widowed African American woman. Her occupation was simply re corded as “laborer.” Luis Pacheco is recorded as her brother. There are four other people in the house: Joe Simmons, her son; Mary Keughes, her niece; Josephine Williams, her niece; and Emanuel German, a boarder Luis is recorded as being widowed, working as a “lab orer,” as not being able to read or write, and as being born in Florida along with both of his par ents. This record is the first mention of Luis’ sister although if she actually was his sister is a questionable. Additionally, in this record, Luis is recor ded as a widower; the first time that his wife, whom he left New Switzerland to see, is recorded as deceased To reaffirm Luis’ identity as “Lewis Facio,” I looked into the 1880 census for two reasons. First, I wanted to make sure that Luis was not record ed as living with Sophia Simmons and thus negating his identity; second, I wanted to see with whom and where Sophia Simmons was living. In the 1880 census, Sophia Simmons is living at 90 Ocean Street. However, this time she is living with Catelin e B. Simmo ns, her husband, who wa s a minister and her 14 year old son Joseph whose occupation is recorded as “cigar maker.” Reverend Cateline B. Simmons was a minister at Bethel Baptist Church located at the corner of Union and Pine Streets in Jacksonville (Bethel B aptist Church 2012). Rev. Simmons died in 1883, around the same time that Luis moved to Jacksonville (Brown 1998:44). There is a large age gap between Luis, 85 years old, and the women recorded as his sister, 50 years old. There are many different possible explanations for this gap. First,


74 Sophia’s age could have been misreported, or the census recorder could have made a mistake. Additionally, she could have been Luis’ half sister or they could have had a familiar relationship of siblings without being biologically related. A ssuming that Luis and Sophia identified as siblings, i t is e specially significant that he is livin g with his sister and her son and nieces. It adds complexity to the situation and a potent ial motivation for Luis’ move from Austin, Texas to Jacksonville. It is possible, granted sp eculatively, that Luis moved from Texas to Jacksonville after Rev. Catelin e Simmons died. There was probably a financial burden with the loss of her husband and Luis might have stepped in to help It seems that Sophia was diversifying her income with Luis and Joseph, her son, working as laborers and the additional income of the border at 90 Ocean Street. Moreover, Mrs. Susan L’Engle might have another source of income for the household. As “Mrs. L’Engle seems to have helped him during the last years of his life” (Amos 2006:12), it seems that Luis was receiving monetary support f rom Mrs. L’Engle which would have helped the household finances. Luis Fatio Pacheco di ed on January 6, 1895. He was 95 year old. In his last days he was well respected even by the white community of Jacksonville. Luis was attended “in his last illness b y a white doctor of Spanish origin, Dr. John D. Fernandez, who signed his death certificate” (Amos 2006:13). Buried at Magnolia Springs Cemetery, Luis Fatio Pacheco ’s final resting place was just a few miles from where it originally began on the St. John’ s River. Cultural Landscape Reconstruction of Jacksonville, Florida Luis Fatio Pacheco’s life from 1882 until his death in 1895 was in the busy railroad city of Jacksonville, Florida. To reconstruct the cultural landscape of Jacksonville, I will


75 use two d ifferent scales The first is a macro approach to the city, focusing on generalities of the city and Jacksonville’s population. This is more a top down approach to understanding Jacksonville as a whole. The second approach to Jacksonville focuses on Luis’ n eighborhood. Jacksonville before the 20 th Century T he United States Census Office recorded a “Report on the Social Statistics of Cities: Part 2, The Southern and Western States” which documented basic descriptions of Jacksonville in 1876 (Census Office 2012 [1887]). These descriptions of various parts of th e city includ ed climate, geographic aspects, streets, drainage, markets, cemeteries, and inf ectious diseases, among others. These descriptions represent the official understanding the landscape. While Luis’ comprehension of these aspects of the city would have probably differed greatly, the descriptions help construct a basic framework for understanding Jacksonville in the late 19 th centuty. Ja cksonville, Florida is located in the northeast corner of the Florida peninsula. Typical of all of Florida, Jacksonville’s climate is generally hot and humid. In 1882, the average summer temperature was 82 degrees while the average winter temperature was 5 6 degrees. The city is situated at a bend in the St. Johns River where the river is the southern and eastern boundary. Jacksonville’s proximately to the Atlantic Ocean and St. Johns River generally moderate the temperature. “The adjacent marshes have, in s ome localities, a tendency to produce malaria of a mild type, which is generally dispersed by the breezes blowing across the peninsula. The prevailing winds are from the northeast and from the southwest” ( Barbour 2012 [1882] ).


76 In the late 19 th century, Fl orida still represented the frontier in many ways In “Gender in Paradise: Harriet Beecher Stowe and Postbellum Prose in Florida,” Susan Eacker (1998) claims that “Postbellum Florida as still a frontier untamed by civilization and thus a space where gender conventions had yet to b e fully inscribed” (496). While explicitly discussing white women originally from northern states during this postbellum period, Eacker argues that Florida had yet to be fully co nstructed as a gendered space. In her argument, she c laims that white women from the upper classes did not have to perform as women like they might have in other cities. Additionally, as a railroad hub, Jacksonville was connected to the rest of Florida and the county; this connection allowed the city easy access to material goods and innovative products. One example of this innovation which is frequently cited came with the invention of refrigerated train cars: “ it was now possible to pick oranges in south Florida; put them on a train heading north; and ea t them in Baltimore, Philadelphia, or New York in less than a week” (Florida Heritage 2012). Jacksonville is typical of early Gilded Age architectural styles. The city is constructed in a grid plan with particularly wide streets. For describing the street s and sidewalks in Jacksonville, the Census Office documentation is particularly useful for understanding the cultural landscape of Jacksonville. “Jacksonville has 17 miles 640 feet of streets, none of which are paved. Sidewalks on the business streets are paved with stone or wood, but the greater part are paved with wood. Trees are planted for shade on both sides of the streets, about 10 feet front the fence line, and from 30 to 40 feet apart” (2012). This description is particularly important because Luis lived on a main street near the center of the city. Ocean Street was probably one of these unpaved streets with sidewalks and


77 trees. Additionally, Figure 1 1 shows the wide, unpaved streets described by the Census Office, albeit without the trees described in the census. Showing a business street, this image has the Gilded Age architecture in the building facades for this street in Jacksonville. In particular, the Duval County courthouse in Jacksonville in 1894 (Figure 12 ) characterizes this Gilded Age arch itecture which was common in the growing city. “Influenced by Greek Revival, Romanesque Revival, and Neoclassical Styles, county courthouse, and on a larger scale state capitols, capped with domes or impressive towers, were the massive monuments to the pow er of the United States as it conquered Native Americans and asserted its power and influence throughout the world” (Shrock 2004:64). Other public structures in the city that created the cultural landscape which residents of Jacksonville including Luis, w ould have experienced. The historic Sanborn map s of Jacksonville shows many different buildings that were part of the landscape and, in some cases, were located only a few blocks from Luis’ home. These buildings, including the post office, water works, ja il, public library, city hall, and city park, were all centralized near the middle of downtown Jacksonville and located less than half a mile from the courthouse -located at the corner of Market and Adams Streets. These were probably large multistoried structures which would have dominated the landscape. Additionally, in terms of the economy, there were five different railroad companies which all had depots in the city, six banks, eight principal hotels, and three fire departments. In terms of industry Jacksonville was the home to several factories including El Modelo Cigar Manufacturing Company. Due to the recent immigration of Cubans to Florida, the cigar industry flourished first in Key West and “by the late 1870s cigar factories […] appeared in Ja cksonville” (Poyo 1986:47). El Modelo Cigar was one


78 of the largest cigar factories in the state and the la rgest employer in Jacksonville. Jacksonville was a bustling city of promise and opportunity. However, this promise and opportunity seemed to be exclu sively for the European population — a group of people which Luis Fatio Pacheco was not a part. Figure 11: Street Scene — Jacksonville, Florida ca. 1882 (


• woo no ••••'2. •"1:: •••• •••••" ,010 '11/ s. ••• axmor...ix 79 Figure 12 : Duval County Courthouse ca 1894 (


80 90 Ocean Street’s Neighborhood In in t he second part of the reconstruction of Jacksonville, Florida, I will focus on the specific locations that Luis would have lived and visited. In particular, I emphasize Luis’ residence at 90 Ocean Street where he lived with his sister, nephew, her nieces, and a boarder, Mrs. L’Engle’s residence at 58 Monroe Street, where he would have visited, and Bethel Baptist Church where his brothe r in law formerly was the minister and where he may have gone to church. Additionally, I will include a section on racial relations during Luis’ life For a reconstruction of Luis’ street, there are two historic sources which are particularly important fo r painting a picture of the neighbor: the 1885 census and the Jacksonville Sanborn maps from 1884. The Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps were created in cities all over the country as records to estimate fire insurance liabilities. The maps are invaluable for hi storic preservation and reconstructions of many major cities in the United States. The census data for th e houses in this neighborhood — 95 Ocean Street, 87 Ocean Street, and 83 Ocean Str eet — provide insights about residents in Luis’ neighborhood. In this sec tion, I will explore these insights about Ocean Street’s residents. For this house by house reconstruction, I rely heavily on Rebecca Yamin’s (2001) “Alternative Narrative’s: Respectab ility at New York’s Five Points.” In this article, Yamin creates narrati ve vignettes about various households in the Five Points neighborhood of New York. These vignettes tie together archaeological data with historical research to present an interpretative discussion of the neighborhood. Her discussion presents a model for fo cusing on a household a city neighborhood.


81 90 Ocean Street housed the Fatio/Simmons family as described previously, and one boarder, Emmanuel German who is recorded as being a black man born in Greece. According to the Sanborn Map, 90 Ocean Street was de scribed as the “ Negro Shanties” and was a collection of buildings on the lot. The house directly next to Luis’ residency, 95 Ocean Street, was almost definitely a boarding house fo r middl e class white men Of the five residents, all were men between the ages of 17 and 23. All of these boarders were unmarried T he owner of the house, Malford Leyman, was older than the boarders and was married, although his wife did not lived in the house as well. These m en were generally well educated with high presti ge; their occupations included a pilot, clerk, engineer, and a laborer. At 87 Ocean Street, there lived a white family composed of a married couple and their five young children from Georgia. The occupation of David Mead, the presumable husband and father of the family is illegible. He is the only one in the house who is listed with an occupation. 83 Ocean Street was the last house on this page of the census. This household was composed of a man Gardner Keimbob his wife, Emma, and their daughter Minnie. Outside of the immediate family, there were two African American servants Martha and Willie Baker who were both born in Florida, and three boarders. These boarders were a male banker Octavis Leale, fr om Brazil, a female dressmaker Margaret, from Irela nd and a female, Ella, from Florida. Thus in the four recorded houses on Ocean Street, there were both African American and white families present. Additionally, there were people from Greece, Italy, Brazil,


82 Ireland, and the United States. States represe nted were Vermont, South Carolina, North Carolina, Florida, Virginia, and Maine. From the occupations recorded on the 1885 census, it is likely that during this time, the neighborhood surrounding Ocean Street was a working class neighborhood. While there is a presence of high skill jobs such as engineers, pilots, and clerks, these high skill careers were exclusively found living in boarding homes or as boarders in family homes. Most of the residents on Ocean Stree t were described as “laborers.” As the Sanborn maps describe, Luis lived in the “Negro Shanties” which were a collection of small building s on the lot. This description of shanty conjures images of poorly built houses or even shacks. If this poor construction is representative of the phy sically structure of Luis’ residence then he would have most certainly been a part of the lower classes. The buildings of the “Negro Shanties” are on the perimeter of an empty space. It is possible that this presumably empty space would have been an impor tant social sphere. In Black Feminist Archaeology Whitney Battle Baptiste (2011) discusses the importance of such space in African American household. When discussing a conversation with her grandmother about her yard, she describes it as a necessary aspe ct to the house. “It was an extension of the living space, a part of the house where most of life happened. The house she remembered the most had a separate kitchen, so the yard was literally at the center of the living space, where food was prepared, game s played, and people came to visit and socialized” (Battle Baptiste 2011: 92). It is likely that the yard, at the center of the buildings to 90 Ocean Street would have also occupied this important social role


83 In 18 94, Ocean Street was an unpaved prima rily residential street. Large trees lined the road and sidewalks. The road was a mixture of sand and dirt which is the soil in the area. A photograph shows (F igure 13 ) the roads look composed of loose soil. This soil was probably particularly problematic during windy days or when kicked up by horses. Overall, the house at 90 Ocean Street was in a multicultural community composed of people from all over the globe. Most of the people who lived in the neighborhood were skilled or un skilled laborers and many family home s had taken on various boarders. A s Mrs. L’Engle was his benefactor until his death in 1895 t he L’Engle/Fleming house at 58 Monroe Street would have been another location that Luis was accustom to visiting. In the household, there lived Louis Fleming, a lawyer and the head of the household. His wife May Fleming whose occupation is recorded as “kee ping house,” and Figure 13 : Looking down Ocean Street Jacksonville ca 1894 (


84 their two children: Louis and Edeo, ages 13 and 6 respectively. Susan F. L’Engle is recorded as Louis Fleming’s mother, although she was presumably his mother in law. Additionally, there is a boarder in the household. Twenty year old John Bradley is a law student, po ssibly studying as an apprentice under Louis Fleming. In this affluent neighborhood, all of the residents are recorded as white and the majori ty of these residents were born in the United States, however, many of their parents w ere born abroad in Cuba, Ireland, France, and in the case of Mrs. L’Engle -Switzerland. As illustrated by the direct neighbors of 58 Monroe Street, this house was located in a middle to upper class neighborhood. The L’Engle/Fleming household held three gen erations inside of its walls. At 73 in 1880, Mrs. Susan Fatio L’Engle would have been considered elderly Louis was middle aged at 53 while his wife was 36. Their children would have bought noise and life to the house at the ages of 13 and 6. Additionally, the 20 year old law student would have been another generation added to the house. The physical structure of the L’Engle /Fleming house at 58 Monroe Street probably looked typical of Gilded Age architectural characteristics. Similar to the houses on the affluent end of Ocean Street, this house would have had multiple porches and balconies. The house itself would have been rather large, as Louis Fleming probably could have afforded a larger house in his career as a lawyer. Additionally, as the house was on a street which runs north to south, it is likely that the house would have been oriented east to west. This means that, assuming there were windows on the east and west sides of the house, during particular times of the day, the house would have been natu ral sunlight indoors. Similar to Ocean Street, Monroe Street was probably not paved, but instead


85 composed of loose soil and sand. As a residential street, there would have been trees in between the street and the paved, potentially brick, sidewalks. These streets, large live oaks, would have provided shade from the Florida sun. There probably would have been a rather large backyard as well. The final location in this neighborhood view of Luis’ Jacksonville focuses on Bethel Baptist Church. Luis’ brother in law, Reverend Cataline B. Simmons (Figure 4), was its pastor; it is likely that Sophia Simmons and her family would have continued going to the church as a members of its congregation. Bethel Baptist Church was founded in 1838 as an interracial church. After the Civil War, however, white members of the church left and founded the First Baptist Church in the same location. The now all African American church moved “to a large building on Union and Pine where the Reverend Cataline Simmons served as pastor ” (Bartley 2000:14). In 1890, the congregation large with 1,200 people attending services. As his sister was the pastor’s widow, it is likely that Luis was one of these members from 1882 to 1895. Bethel Institutional Baptist Church has had a continuous con gregation since its establishment. Bethel Baptist Church also has an interesting history as being a center for social activism and as serving an important function for Jacksonville’s African American Community. “Bethel’s institutional charter allowed its members to undertake of variety of p rograms including vocational training schools, recreational programs for youth, and Emancipation Day events. In short, Bethel was an integral part of the community” (Ortiz 2006:120). Bethel Baptist’s necessary function in the community was continued throughout the years. In 1901, its reputation for helping organize social justice efforts in Jacksonville came to fruition. Shortly after Luis’ death, Bethel Baptist Church a


86 fundamental force in helping organizing the anti segregation stree tcar boycotts i n Jacksonville. As well as the church’s symbolic importance in the community, the physical structure would have served an important community function. The “large brick building on Union and Pine” (Bartley 2000:14) would have functioned as an additional purpose of being both a social building as well as a meeting place for different community functions. There is very little historical data about the building on Pine and Union in 1868. However, in their history of the church, the present day Bethel Instit utional Baptist Church published that in 1868, “purchased a lot on the northwest corner of Union and Pine Streets […] they erected a one room frame building where the Bethel Baptist Church congregation worshipped for twenty seven years and grew from a few souls to several hundred” (Bethel Baptist Church 2012). This simple framed one room brick building would have been the location that Luis went to church until his death in 1895. Conclusion Luis Fatio Pacheco probably lived at 90 Ocean Street until his deat h. In this house, filled with family, he would have lived out his life as an old man. Surrounded by his sister, nieces and nephews, with the financial support of Mrs. Susan L’Engle Luis’ last few years alive might have been comfortable. According to the 18 85 census, in his old age, he could not read or write English. This is remarkable different from his younger self, who was verbally fluent in four different languages and could read and write better than most white men at Fort Brooke (Amos 2006:3 4) Luis died on January 6, 1895 of senility or dementia His last years were with Mrs. L’Engle trying to prove his innocence from the events during the attack on Major Dade (Amos 2006 :12 ). These events on 1835


<87 Figure 14: Rev. Cataline B. Simmons (http://www.


88 with are the reason that Luis obtained fame in the historical record, but this moment in his life is not the whole story. As a person, he should not be compressed into a single moment — a single event. This spatial biography of Luis Fatio Pacheco has attempted to shed light into the life of Luis. The point of this case study was to add co mplexity to a name on a census through a methodological approach, an approach for historical archaeology which is assessed in the next chapter.


89 Chapter Five Conclusion In this thesis, I have argued for a new methodological approach in historical archaeology, focusing on geographic places to tell the story of an individual’s life Termed a multisited spatial biography, this approach traces the life of an individual throughout time and space. Combining the historical and archaeological records, the method describes the physical locations and cultural landscape in which the individu al lived. Through the case study of Luis Fatio Pacheco, I have explored how a multisited spatial biography can contribute to a vindicationist approach of an individual’s life. For this concluding chapter, this chapter rearticulate s the methodological appr oach — focusing on how it fits within the academic discipline. Then I evaluate if a multisited spatial biography is a useful tool for historical archaeologists for situating their research. Finally, I explore the future for this approach, both in the public and academic spheres. Methodological Rearticulation A multisited spatial bio graphy is the pillar of this thesis. Arguing that it is useful to explore all locations of an individual’s life, this approach is based off of a multisited ethnography In “Ethnography in/of the World System: The Emergence of Multi Sited Ethnography,” Geor ge Marcus (1995 :99 ) lays out three “methodological anxieties” whi ch cultural anthropologists feel towards a multisited approach: “a concern about testing the limits of ethnography, a loss about attenuating the power of fieldwork, and a concern about the lo ss of the subaltern ” These three anxieties could easily translate to the field of archaeology when discussing the possibility of a multisited archaeology. However, as Marcus in 1995 systematically debunked these fears, archaeologists can pursu e a similar academic trajectory with confidence.


90 The first anxiety is concerned about the limits of archaeology. Previously archaeology has been fundamentally site specific. This is mostly because of the limits of archaeological techniques Dissertatio ns are commonly comparative but rarely multisited. With a multisited framework, there is an unavoidable loss of archaeological d etail about specific locations; i t is impossible to have as rich of detail when reconstructing six or more specific sites as one site However, one way to tie in the site s together through a life is by focusing on one aspect which is constant through all of the sites. In the case study, I chose to focusing on dwelling spaces at the sites since many of the sites did have an any arch aeological evidence outside of some structure locations, or in the case of New Switzerland, outside of the historic record’s description of structures. This section of the landscapes created continuity through Luis’ life through a shared experience: the st ructures where he lived. Household spaces are important places in the social sphere of an individual. To explore the household, I draw on Whitney Battle Baptiste (2011) and her discussion about the concept of “home” and what that means for dif ferent peopl e. Particularly, home and “homespaces” are generally considered gendered locations and have particular importance for women. However, while Luis is man, I argue that the concept of home is just as important for him. Battle Baptiste defines “homespaces” in a personal way: “I began to think about my homespace as my environment, the spaces that shaped my experiences and memories. I did not grow up in an individualized place; in many ways there was a collective nature where I grew up” (2011:95 emphasis in orig inal ). The concept of homespace is also relevant and important for understanding


91 Luis’ life. The places he lived, and the structures he lived in, would have shaped his experiences as Battle Baptiste’s homespace shaped her experiences. The second anxiety is a question about the practically of a multisited endeavor. For this issue I believe that a multi sited archaeology is practical. T here are many ex cavated materials for these sites. T he scope of the project is asking new questions wit h old data — for this reason, a multisited approach is both practical and beneficial Similarly, this thesis is theoretically situated inside of an African Diaspora framework with a v indicationist approach In chapter two I explore different aspects of Afri can diasporic archaeology focusing on three different locations which this archaeology takes place: the plantation, the maroon comm unity, and the African American founded town. Each of these locations create very different stories about the African American experience. The case study builds upon this geographic diversity and combines these locations to create another experiential story. Luis Fatio Pacheco experienced the plantation and the maroon communi ty but also military forts and African American communities inside of larger cities. This represents an African American man’s lived experience, adding complexity to the historic record. Case Study Analysis The case study was a multisited spatial biography o f Luis Fatio Pacheco, an African American man born enslaved in Florida in 1800 who was the interpreter for Dade’s massacre, an event which seeming defined his life. For this case study, there were two main historical references which were paramount for und erstanding Luis’ life. The first was a newspaper article published in 1892 in the Florida Times Union a Jacksonville, Florida newspaper. This article was based off an interview conducted of Luis Fatio


92 Pacheco and his benefactor in Jacksonville, Mrs. Susan Philippa Fatio L’Engle. The second source that is paramount for this case was a biography of Luis Fatio Pacheco written by historian Alcione Amos (2006) This brief biography named the specific events and locations of Luis’ life and provided a fundamental framework for creating a spatial biography. The multisited spatial biography focus ed on spatial locations on cultural landscapes. Combining the natural environment with the culturally created environment allowed for further detail in the analysis and rec onstruction of each site. Focusing on the reconstruction of the cultural landscape allowed for different questions to be asked of each location rather than a traditional biography which would ask questions about the events of Luis’ life. These different qu estions, such as where was Luis living and how did this location effect his daily lived experience, allowed for addition ally insights into his life. It illuminates the complexity and depth of his life. For evaluating the approach one example in particula r is useful. In my research of Luis’ living accommodations in Jacksonville, I looked into the census records for 1885, three years after Amos (2006) states that he arrived in Jacksonville. In the records, Luis is recorded as living with his sister. N owhere in the secondary historical accounts state that Luis has a family in Jacksonville However, by trying to find the house that he lived at, the presence of a sister was discovered. When writing a historical biography centered around an event, historia ns do not typically look at living accommodations. Thus, through this sort of questions, new information ca n be gathered, and additional complexity can be added to the historic record. Future Relevance of a Multisited Spatial Biography


93 In this thesis, I argue for a new type of methodological approach to be added to the toolkit of historical archaeologists. This multisited spatial biography of an individual has future relevance particularly in how it looks at and understandings the indivi dual life. By looking at more than one location, a research project can become much dynamic In “Communities and Other Social Actors: Rethinking Commodities and Consumption in Global Historical A rchaeology,” Ly nda Carroll (1999) builds on the concept of a world system to understand relationships between individuals and groups with global processes. The lens of her approach is smaller than most other studies and focuses on communities and individual agency through the lens of material culture. “One way to be tter understand the entanglement of individuals and groups with global processes is by examining the community — the focal point through which we can look at relationships on the local scale of analysis, as well as the interactions between communities, enter ing in and out of regional and global processes” (Carroll 1999). This methodological approach of a multisited spatial biography is another way to achieve a focus on movement in an archaeological project. In chapter one, I discussed the problematic nature of historic site boundaries as introduced by Anschuetz et al. (2001). Anschuetz et al. (2001) argue that archaeology is generally too boundary specific — discussing the data of a single excavation or the data of a single geographic location. While this is u seful, it does not accurate represent the past. The authors argue that a landscape approach is one to cross spatial and temporal boundaries; however, I add that a multisited spatial biography is another way. The benefit of this methodology is the fluidity and movement it adds to archaeology. These connections between locations are made through the life of an individual, rather


94 than through the material culture, as Carroll (1999) describes. However, the end goals for these connections remain the sam e: to understand the communities’ place in the globe This can be achieve d through the example of the individual and the journey he or she experienced to be at a certain place at a certain time. This methodology expands the boundaries and allows these connection s to be seen. Additionally, there is an emotive benefit to this type to methodological approach. This approach is a new way to conceptualize the archaeological record, in terms of the individual. Focusing on one individual creates a humanistic endeavor. A public audience would be able to relate to an individual’s life story more easily than when discussing a particular site or location. Ideally, this methodological approach can make archaeology more accessible to the public. As demonstrated through the ca se study of Luis Fatio Pacheco, a multisited spatial biography can be useful and productive way to organize and understand archaeological data. The questions asked through this theoretical approach are unique and help provide a new and different understand ing of archaeological sites. By focusing on an individual, this archaeology can be more relatable to the public, allowing them to help understand the daily lived experience of an individual. The focus on a m ember of a subaltern population can have benefici al consequences on present populations and descendant communities. Overall, the employment of this theoretical approach on the life of Luis Fatio Pacheco was a very successful endeavor — asking new questions and adding complexity to the historic record.

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95 Appendix Transcription of Newspaper Article THE DADE MASSACRE It Was the Bloodiest Battle of All the Seminole Florida Wars. LOUIS FATIO’S THRILLING STORY. He Was Saved from Death by the Son of Chief Jumper. A FAIR FIGHT IN THE OPEN WOODS. Every Man Killed but Two — They Rose Up “Like a String of Pepper in a Streak of Light” — How History Err’s — Louis Not a Traitor. Lying beneath a row of white pyramids in the old military cemetery at St. Augustine are the bones of Major Dad and one hundred and six gallant soldiers who feel on December 28, 1835 in what has been chronicled in history as the most horrible affair of all the wars with the Seminole Indians. “The War in Florida — the Campaigns of Generals Church Gains and Scott,” b y a late staff off ice (W. Potter), published in 1835 by Lewis and Coleman of Baltimore, contains an excellent account of the “Dade Massacre,” which has served as the groundwork for subsequent historians. The details were secured from one of three survivors — Private Ransom Cl arke, and, as Mr. Potter says, from “the only survivor who saw all of the battle.” One of the other two survivors was killed the day after the fight, and the other escaped in the first part of it. It is, therefore, evident that Clarke was thought to be th e only person who could have given an authentic account of the battle, if he had chosen, but that he did not the writer proposes to prove by a survivor who lives today in Jacksonville, of whom Mr. Potter had no knowledge when he wrote one of the most impar tial histories of that Indian war, for the reason that Louis Fatio, the guide of Major Dade, the survivor of whom we speak, was captured by the Indians and was never seen at the forts or by a white man until hostilities ceased. I n fact, the tabulated stat ement of the losses as set forth in “The War in Florida” set him down as dead. This statement of the killed is as follows. The officers who fell are: The Dead Roll. Brevet Major Dad e Fourth Infantry

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96 Captain G.W. Gardiner, Second artillery Capta in U. Fraser, Third artillery Lieutenant W. E. Bassinger, Second artillery Lieutenant R. Henderson, Second artillery Lieutenant Mudge, Third artillery Lieutenant J.L. Keayes, Third artillery Assistant Surgeon Gat lin, United States Army, thir d artillery. Total, 8. Non commissioned officers and privates, 96. Interpreter, Louis, a servant, 1. Buried by army of General Gaines, 106. Killed day after battled, 1. Escaped (of which only 1 remains), 3. According to Mr. Potter’s account the fight took place at the military road between Ft. Brooke (Tampa) and Ft. King (Ocala). A new treaty has been made between the United States and the Seminoles, by which the Indians were to be indemolfied [original spelling] for their lands in Florida by lands in Arkansas. Some of them we re willing to emigrate, while o t h ers were urged to resist. The leader of these was a half breed (Indian and white) named Powell, erroneously called Osceola (Asceola, “Rising Sun”) a romantic name given Powell by United States Judge Reade, then a resident at St. Augustine. The headquarters of the army under Major Dalton were at that time in Ft. Brooke. Rumors of Indian depredations in the neighborhood of Ft. King caused the commandant to send reinforcements to Ft. King. These (110 strong) left Ft. Brooke a day or two before Christmas. They encamped the first night on the banks of the Little Hillsboro’ and moved on the next day, being compelled to ford the big Hillsboro’ as the bridge across it had been burned. The incide nts of the march are not relevant, therefore, they will be passed. The Massacre. Of the battle, Mr. Potter says that the Indians rose up out of the high grass and delivered a galling fire, at the same time yelling horribly. The troops were startled, but r eturned the fire, trained a field piece on the savages, and with grape shot did some

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97 damage and succeeded in driving the enemy a half mile away. Major Dade fell on the first fire, and the command devolved on Captain Gardiner, who erected a hasty stockade o f logs, while the enemy was preparing for another onslaught. The Indians soon renewed the attack and stationed one hundred mounted warriors back of the troops to cut off a retreat. The gun was mounted on the breast works, but every gunner was shot down in succession. Captain Fraser fell also on the first fire; Lieutenant Mudge received a mortal wound at the same time; Lieutenant Reayes had both arms broken on the first attack and was soon after tomahawked by a negro; Captain Gardner later received a death s hot in the breast, and the command fell t o Lieutenant Bassi n g er, but an hour after he was disabled by a shot through the thigh. The ammunition gave out, and the Indians and negroes broke into the breast works and began to mutilate in a most horrible way ma nner the bodies of those who shoved the least sign of life. Lieutenant Ba ssinger implore them to spare h im, but they struck him down, cut open his breast and tore out his heart and lungs. “Such,” says Mr. Potter, “is the report of Clarke, the only survivor However, I must confess that the appearance of the body on the 20 th of February did not seem to indicate that such violence had been committed on him, though the private’s body was found in a truly revolting condition.” Mr. Potter’s history adds that the negroes stripped all the officers and some of the men, but left many valuables on their persons. Errors of Statement All of Potter’s or any other person’s history must by the story of Clarke. It is probable that it was sifted carefully by the light of embauquent [blurred] events and all those things eliminated which could be proved untrue. The writer, recognizing the charity in de mortuls all niel bonum has no intention of casting a slur upon the memory of that remarkable private, but he must, nevertheless, believe that Clarke, when he arrived at Tampa in an excited frame of mind, weak from the wounds and foot sore from a journey of sixty five hours, stated many things which, while they may not have been intended to add to his own story, were ha llucinations. For instance, he estimated the number of Indians at 600, while accounts from the chiefs of the Seminoles who were engaged place it at 100; and Mr. Potter himself in that line is far more conservation than Clarke. Clarke also stated that the I ndians fought from behind trees and in high chumps of palmetto and

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98 grass. When the army officers visited the place two months subsequently they found nothing by an open pine woods, with no high grass nor high clumps of palmetto except in one stop, which c ould not have concealed more than twenty men. In fact, Potter says that it was a ill chosen battle ground for the Indians. The probable reason that this sport was chosen to ___________ Dade is that it was an excellent _____ for the Indians to move their ______. Four miles west was Wahoo swamp to which was located Chief Jumper’s village, Pilakalakahs. Micanopy’s village was four miles east. It was right between two large Indian towns. A Later History. A year or two after the publication of Potter’s “War i n Florida,” and after hostilities has creased, John Lee Williams published a history which for many years was recognized as an authority, This history tells the story of the Dade massacre substantially as it was told a year or two before by Potter, except that the knowledge that Louis Fatio, the negro gu ide, who was believe to be dead was really living, promulgated a new theory visible in the following quotation, “Louis was frequently away from the march and it is believe that he led the troops into ambush He fell an breaking the first gun, and afterwards read the dispatches on the dead. He was a free negro, formerly the property of General Clinch.” Fairbank’s “History of Florida,” published in 1871, the now recognized authority has nothing new concerning the Dade massacre. The words even are not new. Whole paragraphs are reproduced from William’s work, with by slight changes. Relative to Louis Fatio, the guide, it, however, adds a word or two to increase the odium, viz: “The treacherous negro guide, Loui s Patcheco, feigned to fall at the first fire, but joined the Indians at the earliest moment, and ever afterwards remained with and sided them and was afterward sent to Arkansas, where his accomplishments seemed to have been obscured.” History Corrected. N ow for the story of Louis’ life. Fortunately the years have dealt kindly with one who knows more of his earlier days than he does himself. This one is none other than Mrs. Susan L’Engle, “his young missus,” who, though 86 years old, stills retains all her

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99 faculties and surprises an intimate circle of friends by a memory that re m ains everything — time, places, things, people and literature. Mrs. L’Engle lives in Jacksonville. She says that Louis Fatio was born a slave the property of her father, Francis Phill ip Fatio on her father’s place, New Switzerland, now Remington Park, on the St. John’ s River, about thirty miles south of Jacksonville, on the 26 th day of December, 1800. His parents were direct descendants of pure blooded negros, born in Africa. Louis’ fa ther, Adam, was a carpenter, boat builder and driver. He was a remarkably intelligent and ambitious negro, and his son inherited these traits, but was of a roving disposition that hated restraint. Mrs. L’Engle herself taught Louis in his early boyhood to r ead and write. He was ambitious to learn, and of quick perception, acquiring a good deal more of book learning than was usually found among negroes in those early days when the laws prohibited the education of slaves. The Seminoles used frequently to come around the old plantation, and their free and easy roaming life had attraction for the negroes. It is probable that the comparison of his and their conditions caused Louis to wince under restraint. The fact that he had a sister among the red men, and a br other also, might have had something to do with his frequent running away. This brother of Louis, by the way, was stolen by a band of Seminoles when but a child. He returned to the plantation twenty odd years later, when Louis was but a lad, and he couldn’ t speak any language except that of the Indians, From him Louis picked up a great deal of the language which later on caused him to be in demand among the United States officers as an interpreter. He married early a negro, the property of Ramon Sanchez of St. Augustine. She subsequently purchased her liberty from her Spanish master, under the law which compelled him to manumit when a slave tendered $300 to become free. Louis’ last runaway escapade was on account of his wife, who lived at St. Augustine, thi rty odd miles from the Fatio plantation It wa s a month or so before Christmas all the slaves had been promised the customary Christmas vacation, but Louis couldn’t wait. He ran away to see his wife, and his whereabouts were unknown for many months. At last it was learned that he was at Tampa, when he was sold to Colonel Brooke. Back to Old Scenes.

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100 After living for years among the Indians and wandering to and fro over the world, the old darkey has returned to Jacksonville to be among his own people and to lay his bones where those of near and dear ones lie. For years and years he has been anxious to have his history written and to correct the accusations of treachery which has lived so long. He presents a venerable figure now. His beard surrounds his fac e with a halo of silvery white, and seams in the dead black features are cut deep as only time can cut them. Though he is going on 92 years of age, one can see in his remarkable alertness and compact frame evidence of what was once almost a giant’s strengt h. His voice is not much louder than a whisper, and on account of the absence of many teeth was at times almost indistinguishable. Such was the man who came before the writer to put in black and white the history of a battle fought fifty seven years ago, and to seek vindication of history from the aspersions which he asse r ts have been, perhaps unwittingly, cast upon him for many years. He is unwilling that the stains of this fellow human beings’ blood, those whom he regarded as his friends and under whom h e occupied a position of trust should longer rest upon his name and reputation, or be handed down after his death as a blot upon his and his family’s record, of which he justly feels proud. For though occupying a subordinate position these people, even as slaves, were proud to maintain their personal and family records, to draw social lines, and with the increase of education and the implanting of their dignity which comes of freedom and self maintenance, these castes and social lines and family records are constantly becoming matters of greater important to them. That portion of his earlier life which has been hold to need not be hold again. After becoming the property of Colonial Brooke and acting as interpreter for him and for every subsequent commander, his knowledge of the Indian language making him almost invaluable as an adjunct at military headquarters, Major Burke bought him, Colonel Clinch subsequently, and during a long interim of peace he became the property of Antonio Patcheco, a Spanish gentlem an. Patcheco had moved from West Florida to Tampa where he found Louis, and subsequently to Sarasota, thirty miles south of the gulf coast, where he had a plantation and kept a trading post. Some years afterward, Patcheco died and Mrs. Patcheco moved to Ta mpa. Louis was left at Sarasota. One day a schooner crossed the bar, sailed over the bay and landed at the Patcheco dock. The captain had a

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101 message to Louis from his mistress, telling him that she was sick and to come to Tampa and bring all her personal pr operty. Louis did as instructed, packed the goods in the little boat and bastened to Tampa. When the schooner arrived at the dock there he found his mistress, who had recovered. The Story Begins. There was also a note for him telling him the Major Belton, in command of Ft. Clinch, waiting him immediately at headquarters. He proceeded there and Major Belton said that he needed him as a guide for Major Dade, who has started out the day before for Dt. King. He obtained the consent of Mrs. Patcheco and Louis of course was willing He was told that Major Dade would be found that night camped on the Little Hillsboro’ river. He made hasty predations to overtake him and naturally made inquiries as to what mission Major Dade and his hundred odd men were bend on. There were rumors of Indian depredations, but the rumors were vague and not credited, as peace between them and the whites had reigned unbroken for a long period. Louis found, therefore, that the p eople of Ft. Clinch were almost unanimously of the impression that the red men were no hostile. He hurried on the road and late that evening came upon the troops of Major Dade camped on the Little Hillsboro’. The next morning after breakfast he was sent t hrough the woods and swamps to the Big Hillsboro’. There his suspicions were aroused. In fact, he became frightened. He found the bridge over the river burned and a cow in the road split wide open. He did not know what it meant, but he knew it was a sign of evil omen. He came back and reported the fact to Major Dade. Major Dade laughed when Louis asked him if the Seminoles were not hostile. “Hostile? No,” said the major. “That’s old Bowlegs did that, Louis. He’s been in the guard house at Tampa. He got away a few days ago, and he did that out of spite. Louis, however, knew more of the Seminoles than Major Dade did, and his fears were not decreased by this light treatment of a serious matter but it was in vain that he protested that “more than old Bowleg s did that.” Hastening on to Death Nevertheless the troops pushed on and forded the river. On the line of march many houses of settles were found empty, and even the cattle had been driven away. This

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102 heightened the fears of the guide, who felt more than ev er that something was wrong, and when told by a colored man on the road that Major Dade has been told that the Indians were going to attack the whites on the Oulthalacoochee (Withalachoochee) river, his fears were heightened, as the road to Ft. King led d irectly across that stream. Today Louis says, “I believe that M a jor Dade knew that the Indians were hostile, for I as sent on to explore every bad place.” “If you are afraid, Louis, I will not send you,” said the commander. “Oh, no, major, I’m not afraid. Did not you tell me that the Indians were not hostile?” “Well, Louis, if they catch you, go easy with them. I’ll get you some day.” On the night following the day of the fording of the Big Hillsboro the command slept at Hage rman’s Hole, a spring at which travelers were wont to camp. In the morning Major Dade called up Louis and sent him on to Istowatchotka “If you see a black man in the road named Same, tell him I’ll see him — to wait.” Louis went on, but he found no man. He discovered instead the grass mashed down in the woods near the road and concluded that the Indians had been hovering around the camp all that night. He reported all those things to Major Dade. The major apparently paid but little attention to the fears o f the guide, for he passed them by and said: “I guess Sam’s ‘gone to Wahoo Swamp to keep Christmas.” “No, major. It’s worse than ‘keep, Christmas.’ There wasn’t a soul on the place.” About that time Major Dade, having decided to send Louis on tp Wahoo Swa mp, Camptain Fraser came up. Said he: “Major, It’s dangerous to send his man on. You don’t know what the Indians will do.” As Major Dade turned on his feel in disdain, Captain Fraser, turning to the guide asked: “What do you think about it, Louis?” “If th e Indians catch me, massa, they’ll kill me sure.” Next day Louis didn’t go to Wahoo Swamp, but was sent on to reconnoiter. He found fresh tracks in the hammock and told the major that it looked very suspicious. Was He Wise? Major Dade became angry. “Oh,” said he, “I’ll go through if I have to fly sky high.”

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103 “That same morning,” says Louis, “Major Dade said: ‘See here, captain, I had a strange dream last night. It was one of e strangest dreams of my life. I dreamed that I was among all the old officers that died in the war.’ Then he called them by name and tol d how each looked, what they did and what they said. Some time later the major said: “Louis, I have concluded not to send you to Pelatkalakahaw today, but I’ll send you on to Camp King tomorrow.” “About this time,” says Louis. “I could see that the major was anxious like. There was a whole ‘passel’ of hound dogs in the troop, and these were let loose in the woods with men behind urging them on with a ‘Soohy, boy! Soohy!” An advance guard was thrown out for the first time the day before the battle, but the advance guard did not precede the troops by more than two hundred yards. On the morning of the battle the dogs were sent out again but persisted in remaining in the road. They did not hunt through the woods nor bark with any spirit Louis maintains that th e Indians had some strange way on controlling the dogs. One of them said to him a day or two afterwards: “Don’t yoyu think we know what to do to make dogs quiet?” the guide confessed that he did not, byt the red man vouchsafed no further reply than a pityi ng smile. After having crossed the Withalalcoochee the troops marched for about three miles, at which point there was a broad expanse of open pine woods, with no other cover than scattered clu mps of scrub palmettos and wire grass hardly six inches high. The advance g uard was 200 yard s ahead of the troops. About a m ile mile up the road Major Dade observed a white mare. The Death of Dade. Ordering Louis to com e with him he proceeded to investigate But when half way be tween the troops and the advance guar d, the crack of a rifle was heard close by. Major Dade threw his hand to his breast, cried out, “My God.” And fell from his horse with a groan. The shot that killed Major Dade was fired by the head chief of all the Seminoles Micanopy, and was the signal f or the savages to begin the fight. “I looked off,” says Louis, “and saw the Indians rise up like a string of pepper in a streak of light They had on only breechclouts and moccasins. Their bodies were painted red, and when they fired it looked as if lightn ing had flashed along the whole length of

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104 the line. Every man of the advance guard fell. Consternation tilled the troops. You could see them waver and tremble. Then the voice of a command rang out and they remained firm. I thought I had seen the last day o f the world. I fell down and laid close down behind a pine tree, beating my head against it and praying. The big gun commenced to speak. The grapeshot tore up the ground all about me. The Indians mocked the gun with derisive yells and ‘Puff! Ugh!’ and the y answered it with bullets which hummed like bees about my eats. All the time the Indians were extending their line. They had a front of nearly a half mile and threw out a wing to the left, all the time converging the two wings and firing from front and fl ank. They didn’t lie down, but stood up and fought like men. The flank movement gave the soldiers so much to do that their attention was drawn for a time from the front. The savages seized the opportunity the advanced rapidly to within one hundred yards, f iring with deadly aim. Two Indian boys came up within ten feet of men, jumped back quickly and cocked their guns. One aimed at me, but an old Indian knocked the gun barrel up and said: ‘Don’t kill him.’ They passed on by, and three more saw me but this tim e the s on of Chief Jumper saved me. He said: ‘That’s a black man. He is not his own master. Don’t kill him.’ Still another Indian wanted to kill me, but I told him Jumper’s son said not to. A moment later this Indian threw his arms in the air and fell dead One of the bucks who had passed me got a bullet fastened in his gun and ran back. All the Indians saw him run and not knowing what he ran for, followed him. “This retreat gave the troops a chance to build a breastwork. They set to work with a will and ha d to trees falling on all sides. They pulled these together, but hadn’t gotten the stockade more than half completed before the savages found out why one of the braves had run and then they renewed the fight. They left an old crippled colored man to guard me, and he told me that a white man of the Creek (or Cowetha) Indians had been in and out of Tampa and had hold the Seminoles that the whites were going to drive them from their homes about Christmas; and that is why the Indians had made the battle. “Well, the fight kept on until not a single white man was alive. But when they had killed them all, neither the Indians nor the blacks among them stripped the soldiers or hacked and mutilated them. If there was any inclination to do so, it was checked by Chief J umper, who made a speech to his braves. ‘Don’t do that,’ he said, ‘It is bad enough at it is. It will bring us bad luck.’ The Indians nor the blacks didn’t take a thing from the

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105 persons of the soldiers. They all separated and went to their villages. Most o f them didn’t know there was a single survivor, and when they heard of me they marveled and came around me in large crowds. They persisted in believing that I knew uncanny arts and had made myself invisible. I told them that I resorted to no trick, but the y didn’t believe it. “The next day I told Jumper that I wanted to go back to my people and that I was Spanish property. He gritted his teeth and said: ‘You are enough American for us. Let me tell you, you can’t go back. As birds till the air so the Semino les till the woods.” “I remained with the Indians for many years and did not go to any of the white settlements until peace was declared. My appearance was the opportunities for the story to be circulated that I had betrayed the troops. They threatened to kill me. When the Indian war broke out again, I was put in irons and sent to Arkansas with the Seminoles where I lived for many years.” W.T.B.

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107 Barnes, J odi 2011 The Materiality of Freedom: Archaeol ogies of Post Emancipation Life University of Sou th Carolina Press, Columbia, South Carolina. Bartley, Abel A. 2000 Keeping the Faith: Race, Politics, and Social Development in Jacksonville, Florida, 1940 1970 Greenwood Press. Westport, Connecticut. Bartram, William 2012 [1792] Travels Through North and South Carolina: Georgia, East and West Florida, the Cherokee Country, the Extensive Terr itories of the Muscogulges Or Creek Confederacy, and the Country of the Chactaws Google Ebook. Bartram, William and Dorina G. Dallmeyer 2010 Bartram’s Living Legacy: The Travels and the Natural of the South. Mercer University Press. Macon, Georgia. Battle Baptiste, Whitney 2007 “‘In This Here Place’: Interpreting Enslaved Homeplaces” In Archaeology of Atlantic Africa and the African Diaspora Akinwumi Ogundiran and Toyin Falola (eds). Indiana University Press. Bloomington, Indiana. 2011 Black Feminist Archaeology Left Coast Press. Walnut Creek, California. Bethel Baptiste Church 2012 “Early Church History” Accessed April 19, 2012. Bird, J.B 2012 [2005] “Rebellion: John Horse and the Black Seminoles, the First Black Rebels to Beat American Slavery” Accessed April 19, 2012. Blakey, Michael 2000 “Bioarchaeology of the African Diaspora in the Americans: Its Origins and Sco pe” Annual Review of Anthropology 30:387 422 Blassingame, John W. 1979 The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the Antebellum South Oxford University Press Oxford, United Kingdom.

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