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THE SOCIAL GEOGRAPHY OF P OST MAO CHINESE CITIES: HOW POLICY, PEOPLE, AND THE MARKET SHAPE CITY SPACE AND URBAN LIVES BY LACEY SIGMON A Thesis ! Submitted to the Division of Social Sciences and Humanities New College of Florida in partial fu lfillment of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts Under the sponsorship of Dr. Barbara Hicks Sarasota, Florida May 2012
! "" Acknowledgements I would like to first and foremost thank my parents and fami ly for their love and support e specially my mother for making me a student who loved learning. Whether it meant pushing me to work harder when I thought I could not, or helping me to discover my passions, thank you for always being there for me. I would also like to thank my thesi s sponsor Barbara Hicks for making the thesis process one of t he most enriching experiences of my life. The weekly discussions I had with you helped me to discover for the first time my inner academic. Additionally, I would like to thank the Chinese department. Both Zhang and Zhu have served as my most vital support systems during my four years at New College. My college experience would not have been as rich or as important without you. Thank yo u Zhang for being the best academic sponsor a st udent could ask for. I was always excited to know that when I would set up a meeting with you I was in for a vibrant discussion of or another piece of Chinese literature in addition to our planned agenda Thank y ou Zhu for teaching m e Chinese. You h ave opened up an entirely new world to me, and I will always be grateful for that. Also I would like to thank the Chinese students who have been my ever present New College family. Lastly, I would like to thank New College. You have changed me fo rever and taught me one of the most important lessons I can lea r n from an academic institution, n o discussion is worth having if i t has a stopping point.
! """ Contents List of Figures and Tables........v List of Acronym s .. ......vi Abstract..........vii Introduction....1 Methods....2 Chapter Layout.....5 Chapter 1 Social Geography a nd Chinese Governance.........7 Social Geography.....7 Different Schools of Thought in Social Geography....8 The Sociospatial Dialectic.....10 Urban Social Geography: The Modern City an d Factors of Change.....11 Social Geography in Chinese Cities..13 The Five Constructs of the Urban......13 Government Organizations of Urban Society....15 The Scales of Social Inequality ..16 Governance in Post Deng China....17 Conclusion.....20 Chapter 2 The History of Chinese Cities...21 Historical Overview...21 Types of Chinese Cities .....23 The Capital City.....23 Treaty Port Town...24 Interior City....24 The History of the Case Study Cities.....25 Beijing ....25 Chongqing..29 Nanjing...32 Shanghai.....35 Guangzhou.....38 Mao Era Cities...40 Deng Era Cities ..44 Chapter 3 Urban Planning and Land Use Policy Reform in Chinese Cities and the Effect on their Social Geography....47 Land Use Legislation, Planning, and Governance....48 Land Use Policy .....49 Planning Law.....52 The City Planning Act of 1989......52 Master Plans...........54 Strategic Plans....55
! "# City Region, Statutory and Loc al Plans.....56 Case Studies...57 Beijing....57 Chongqing..60 Nanjing...62 Shanghai.....65 Guangzhou .....68 Implications....71 Local Government and the Market....71 City Competition....75 Unplanned Urban Sprawl...77 Conclusion .....78 Chapter 4 Housing Reform and Sociospatial Differentiation in the City.........79 History of Housing Reform...80 The Work Unit and Socialist System of Housing Allocation....80 Reform Era Housing Policy...81 The Emergence of the Commodity Housing Market.....83 Affordable Housing Programs...84 Sociospatial Differentiation in Housing in Chinese Cities....86 Historical Legacy ...87 Housing Redevelopment and Urban Poverty.....89 Urban In Migration and Villages in the City.....93 Housing Choice..94 Case Studies...95 Beijing ....96 Chongqing..99 Nanjing.....101 Shanghai...104 Guangzhou...108 Conclusion...111 Chapter 5 Concl usion : Chinese Urban Social Geography.. ..114 Post Mao Chinese Cities......115 Beijing......115 Chongqing....117 Nanjing.....119 Shanghai ...121 Guangzhou...123 Conclusions..125 Capital Cities....125 Treaty Port Towns....127 Interior vs. Capital Cities.. ...128 Conclusion ...130 Bibliograph y....132
! # List of Figures Figure A Map of China....3 Figure B Population Density of China, 2010.....4 Figure 1 .1 Levels of Governance in China....19 Figure 2.1 Imperial Beijing Across the Dynasties.....26 Figure 2.2 Beijing City Plan, 1925....28 Figure 2.3 Chongqing City Map, 1938..30 Figure 2.4 Map of Nanjing City, 1884..33 Figure 2.5 Shanghai Foreign Settlements, 1907....36 Figure 2.6 Map of Shanghai, 1912....36 Figure 2.7 Guangzhou City, 1876.....38 Figure. 2.8 Map of B eijing, 2010.....44 Figure 2.9 Map of Chongqing, 2010....44 Figure 2.10 Map of Nanjing, 2010...45 Figure 2.11 Map of Shanghai, 2010..45 Figure 2.12 Map of Guangzhou, 2010 ...46
! #" List of Acronyms PRC People's Republic of China SEZ Special Economic Zone FDI Foreign Direct Investment ECH Economical and Comfortable Housing HPF Housing Provident Fund CRH Cheap Rental Housing ViCs Villages in the City MLSA Minimum Living Standard Assistance ODHRP Old and Dilapidated Housing Plan HAFI Housing Amenity Fulfillment Initiative
! #"" THE SOCIAL GEOGRAPHY OF POST MAO CHINESE CITIES: HOW POLICY, PEOPLE, AND THE MARKET SHAPE CITY SPACE AND UR BAN LIVES Lacey Sigmon New College of Florida, 2012 ABSTRACT Since Deng Xiaoping initiated economic reform in the late 1970s, Chinese cities have quickly urbanized and modernized, becoming important centers of the globalized world. Two major factor s institutional forces and urban residents shape Chinese cities. The institutional factors of land use policy, urban planning policy, and housing policy were heavily influenced by the reform era, and therefore reflect most vividly the effect of economic re form in shaping Chinese cities. On the other hand, urban residents also have an informal hand in shaping cities, which has heavily contributed to their modern day manifestations. These two forces comprise the sociospatial dialectic that creates a city's so cial geography. To examine how the se two forces have shaped Chinese cities, five case study cities were chosen: Beijing, Chongqing, Nanjing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou. Analysis of the effects of reform era policies, people, and the market on Chinese cities s ince the beginning of the Deng era found that historical purpose played an important role in laying lasting foundations from which these cities have urbanized, modernized, and developed. In addition, similar urban phenomenon a such as sprawl, socioeconomic stratification from redevelopment, migrant vill ages in the city, and
! #""" developer led urbanization were found, indicating the emergence of some predominant trends in Chinese urban social geography. Despite these similarities, each city presents its own rich u rban social geography, worthy of individual examination. Barbara Hicks Division of Social Sciences
! $ Introduction Since the early 2000s, burgeoning Chinese cities have become a topic of conversation. It is not just the pace or scale of China's urbanization, but rather the emergence o f Chinese cities in light of the country's past which has made this topic so fascinating. During the Mao era, China was made obscure by the invisible, but often impenetrable wall Mao bui lt around the country. So wh en China reemerged in the late 1970s, those outside of China could only begin to understand the thirty year period they missed before a completely new China began forming. For anyone studying urban sociology, or the social geography of ci ties, every city p rovides a wealth of information to analyze and interpret. However, unlike the w estern cities that are so f amiliar to th e field, Chinese cities are new to this type of research. China provides a whole new cultu ral and historical framework from which to begi n understanding the social geography of urban areas. This thesis looks at changes in the social geography of five cities in China: Beijing, Chongqing, Nanjing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou, from the beginning of the re form era under Deng Xiaoping to the prese nt. During this t ime period, major changes in land use policy, contemporary planning policy and h ousing policy have transformed the social geogr aphy of these cities These reforms most directly affect the physical layout of
! % Chinese cities, one side of the sociospatial dialectic. The other side of the dialectic is the way in which urban Chinese residents live and shape the physical layout of the city through their own social dynamics The sociospatial dialectic creates and recreates the social geography of the city that this thesis is pursuing. Methods This study examines the evolution of five cities in order to provide a general understanding of the social geography of modern Chinese citie s. While many studies focus on change in a single Chinese city, th e use of five case study cities & each entrenched in the history, culture and economy of China & provides multiple perspectives on Chinese cities and thus a more comprehensive view of Chinese urban development These cities are: Beijing, Chongqing, Nanjing, Shanghai and Guangzhou. As Figure A shows, Chongqing is the only interior city Beijing is not geographically on the coast, ho wever its legacy as a capital city meant that transportation to Tianjin, and thus the coast, was easily accessible. Nanjing is a lso not on the c oast but is connected to both Shanghai and the coast by the Yangtze River, one of China's most important waterways. The coast has always been the preferred lo cation for development in China, and thus the nation's population is densest in th e east, especially on the coast (see Figure B) A few interior cities, such as Chongqing and its metropolitan area, are the exceptions. Figure B also shows the stark difference between western and eastern China. It is cle ar that China's population gr avitat ed towards the areas that are most developed. While
! Chongqing has a similar population density as the other four cities, its location has meant that different geographic and socioeconomic factors have shaped its development, making it an appropriate repres entation for interior cities. These five case study cities have been chosen because they are the centers of urban life in China and particularly, the changes in urban life in the post Mao era T he chosen case study cities do represent coastal cities more than interior cities. The main reason for this is that academic research on the urban sociology of Chinese cities is a fairly new field, and the more developed cities are the ones most studied As the f ield continues to develop more research will certainl y be available on interior and lower tiered cities in China that will add to the per spective provided in this study Figure A: Map of China Source: Map created by Author
! ( Figure B: Population Density of China, 2010 Source: China: Population Density ". 2010. Map from Britannica Online for Kids. In addition to t he five case study cities three explanatory factors and their effects on the social geography of these cities have been c hosen: land use policy, planning policy and housing policy. The three po licies were all dramatically affected by the reforms of the De ng era and represent the strongest influencing factors of reform on Chinese cities. Fu rthermore, these three factors most directly affect the physical geography of Chinese cities, encapsulating one side of the sociospatial dialectic. In analyzing the effects of these influencing factors, the other side of the sociospatial dialectic emerges. These three policies shift where people live, work and play in the city; however, people still retain some choice of where to carry out these roles and build social networks that alter the impact of policies. Restrictions on choice certainly apply,
! ) something that segregates the different socioecon omic groups throughout the city, but w it hin these restrictions people shape the city through their choices. Chapter Layout Chapter 1 introduces the sociologic al and contextual framework for this thesis. The concepts of social geography and the sociospatial di alectic are defined In a ddition, a general overview o f the governance structure in China is provided, giving a firmer unde rstanding for the origins of the policies examined, and the institutions that hold power to reform and implement them. Chapter 2 provides a historical background of the five case study cities. Historical legacy has a major effect on the modern manifesta tions of the social geography of these cities. A n understanding of where thes e cities came from is essential to understand ing the ways in which the reform era and more sp ecifical ly, the t hree policies shaped the five cities. Chapter 3 explores the effects of land use and contemporary urban planning policy reform on the case study cities. Studying the outcomes of these policies reveals the fundamental layer of the contemporary social geog raphy of the five cities This chapter thus discusses one side of the socio spatial dialectic. Through land use policy and urban planning policy cities are created in light of what the gove rnment needs or wants from the urban area s The physical results of these policies do affect urban residents something which this chapter will discuss.
! Chapter 4 addresses the effects of housing policy reform on the social geography of the five case study cit ies. Housing policy contribute s to the urbanization and modern ization of cities by the government and economy, and therefore has a hand in shaping the physical layout of the city. However, t his chapter also explores the opposing force of the d ialectic by discussing how urban residents choose to live in the city throu gh housing choice, and also how they adapt and manipulate the environment provided for them once they have made that choice. Chapter 5 concludes this thesis by comparing and contrasting the social geography of the five case study cities. Cities are compa red along the lines of their historical categories and governmental power. A clearer picture of the effects of land use policy, urban planning policy and housing policy on Chinese cities is presented. Land use policy and urban planning policy represent on e side of the sociospatial dialectic in which institutions shape the sociospatial distribution of Chinese cities. While housing policy also represents the institutional affect on cities, the ways in which people react to housing policy most clearly display s the other part of the sociospatial dialectic, or the way in which people shape their own urban environment.
! + Chapter 1 Social Geography and Chinese Governance T he concep t of social geography provides t he thematic foundation for the research presented in this study Social geography entails the exploration of the sociospatial dialectic that creates both the physical and social structures in a space These concepts provide the analytical framework of this study While an initial discussion of the se soci ological concepts reveals their importance for researching cities in general chapters 3 and 4 will utilize them to examine reform er a Chinese cities. A brief overview of China's governance structure also sets the context for the case study analyses of how various levels and institutions of government develop and modernize cities through policy making, one side of the sociospatial dialectic. Social Geography The study of social geography has its roots in sociology, specifically the sociology of a define d space. However the main academic pursuit of social geography is to analyze the way in which patterns o f social groups form in a space and the processes
! that have an effect in differentiating them. Immediately, this definition begs some specificity in de fining what is a "space" and what is a "social group ." Since social geography became an area of study, two popular definitions of space have been defined: urban and rural ( Johnston 1987, 2 ). While even these delineations are vague, they provide a good star ting pl ace for defining a space. In most contexts rural and urban spaces have the most definitive differences in lifestyle, history and governance. The definition of a social group can be eve n more complicated than a space While there is always an option to define a group by socioeconomic status, ethnicity, or power hierarchy, in any real life s ituation, members will often fall into multiple categories, and therefore the lines of groups defined in any such way are by their very nature blurred. S ocia l geographers will often look at three important questions when defining a social group. First, what is the factor that binds indiv iduals together to form a group; second, how do these different groups interact in a social space ; and finally how does this interaction between grou ps change over time (Johnston 1987 3). By answering these three questions, a social geographer can more easily account for the complicated nature of patterns in a space. Different Schools of Thought in Social Geography As the s tudy of social geography has evolved over time, multiple ways have been devised to s tudy social patterns These different schools of th ough t fall into two categories, outsider perspective s and insider perspective s The outsider perspective looks at how the space and factors within a space affect social patterns. The insider perspective
! attempts to not only assess how the space defines patterns, but also how patterns define space, getting into the co ncept of sociospatial dialectic which will be discussed la ter. The first school of thought in the "outsider perspective is aspatial social geography, which looks at the living patterns of a social group relative to its surroundings rather than in an absolute sense (Johnston 1987, 7). The second school of thou ght is spatial social geography which studies the social character of different areas and how these fit into the patterns of the larger u rban complex ( 9). The third type of insider perspective is behavioral social geography, which focuses on the movement o f so cial groups within cities. This school of thought concentrates on what causes different settlement patterns for different groups and also the interactions between these different groups once settlement has occurred ( 10). As can be seen from the emphase s of all of these schools of thought, the way i n which the social group exists within the spatial con text was of the utmost concern. B ut this concentration changed with the emergence of an insider view. A social geographer who subscribes to an insider pers pective not on ly takes into account the above mentioned schools of thought, but also strives to understand what the local environment really looks like to a group, and understands this local environment as a produ ct of what the locality created and continu ously maintains. Therefore, in addition to understanding the factors that created the social patterns in the first place, the, "construction, maintenance and functioning of informal and formal associatio ns," are also studied ( 13). While each of these frame works concentrate s on different aspects of the formation of social patterns, the ease with which they overlap is astounding, and therefore an eclectic take on social geography is not only possible but required
! $. The Sociospatial Dialectic Essential to un derstanding any study of social geography that takes the insider perspective is the notion of the sociospatial dialectic. This dialectic can be underst ood as the mutual relationship between a space and the people. More precisely, the sociospatial dialectic is, "a continuous two way processin which people create and modify urban spaces w h ile at the same time being conditioned in various ways by the spaces in which they live and wo rk" (Knox and Pinch 2000, 8). Dear and Wolch have recognized the thr ee princi pal aspects of the way in which space affects the people who live there These include, 1. Instances wherein social relations are constituted through space, as when site characteristics influence the arrangements for settlement. 2. Instances wherein socia l relations are constrained by space such as the inertia imposed by an obsolete built environment, or the degree to which the physical environment facilitates or hinders human activity. 3. Instances wherein social relations are mediated by space, as when the general action of the friction of distance' facilitates the development of a wide variety of social practices, including patterns of eve ryday life. (Knox and Pinch 2000, 9) All of these poin ts discuss the way in which urban reside nt s space controls the way in which they live in the city. The third point especially emphasizes that when a space affects a lifestyle to a certain extent, social practices will result that supplement the changes in the lifestyle to bring about the stability of everyday lif e. On the other side of the dialectic is the way in which urban residents change or adapt to the spaces that are affecting them.
! $$ Urban Social Geography: The Modern City and Factors of Change One of the most prominent characteristics of the modern city is the way in which the capitalist economy ha s changed the structure of the city from uni centered to a multi centered megalopolis. This type of city is characterized by low density settlement on the fringe and a complex network of specialization that prov ides infrastructure for production and consumption of products and services in the city center (Knox and Pinch 2000, 31). The mode rn market economy has affected not only the way that cities develop but also the way that countries urbanize. During the 19 th century and early 20 th century, a country's development happened in literal terms through a geographical expansion outwards. This geographical e xpansion was often seen as taming the frontier, a place of no development. However, during the late 20 th centur y, this idea of taming the frontier changed from an outward expansion to an, "internal differentiation of geographical space at the urban scale (Smith 2002, 263). One of the reasons for this shift may have been the pace by which countries expanded, leavin g little or no room for further outward expansion. Another factor is that as cities expanded outward, the loss of development in the city center provided a new "frontier" for development. This new development often takes the form of gentrification and rede velopment which pushes previous residents out, and brings a more affluent population in (Smith 2002 264). No matter the specific manifestations of the urban economy in the city, it is clear that they are present and have major effects on changing the soc ial geography of an urban environment. The modern era of economic consumption has also changed the face of the city. With the rise of consumerist culture the content of the urban environment has been affected Not only have urban centers changed from are as of production, to areas of
! $% consumption, the most important area of consumption, home ownership, has changed the make up of the city (Knox and Pinch 2000, 18). Because of the increased importance of home ownership, housing choice has changed. The way in which residents have settled has also changed in the modern city. With industrialization, occupation clu stering was the most frequent form of settlement in the city. However, with the separation of workplace and home, changes of zoning, and modern economi c development, settlement patterns have changed. More specifically, settlement based on economic status, family structure, ethnicity and lifestyle is often found (Knox and Pinch 2000, 27). This shift has had obvious effects on the social geography of citi es. The ways in which social groups interact are definitely affected by where these social groups decide to live. Due to the expansion of the city with suburbanization, and internal differentiation with redevelopment and gentrification, distance became a determining facto r in quality of life Distance determines the proximity a person or group has to amenities and opportunities (Knox and Pi nch 2000, 9). The distance of one's residence to the urban center affects job availability, and access to public infr astructure, services and community structures. The modern day megalopolis has provided multiple centers of business in a region, seemingly solving this issue. However, the multi centered megalopolis is still not as efficient as the single urban center.
! $' Social Geography in Chinese Cities While the current forms of Chinese cities are certainly comparable to modern cities in other countries, it is important to contextualize the application of general theories to Chinese cities. In doing so, the aspect s of Chinese cities that make them Chinese can be brought to the forefront. The Five Constructs of the Urban Defining unique aspects of the urban in China is an important way to understand the particularities of Chinese cities. John Friedman has provide d a succinct framework to start delving into these traits with his, "Five Constructs of the Urban" in China. The first construct is administrative urbanization. All places in China are defined administratively, either as a province, autonomous region, muni cipality or special administrative region. Within these larger divisions, there is a designation for town or city. T he people are also defined administratively through the hukou ( ) or household registration system (Friedman 2005, 36). These administrative divisions allow for difference s in governance in different areas as well as differences in rights for the p eople who live there. Administrative designation is a mechanism of c ontrol and delegation for the central government. The second construct is economic urbanization. Econ omic urbanization in China means changes in employment due to urbanization. There has been a shift away from primary employment in the form of agricult ure, and an increase in secondary and tertiary employment which includes manufacturing, industry, trade and services. Furthermore, the scale of tran sactions has changed from local to regional, national and global
! $( (Friedman 2005, 37). This economic urbani zation since the Deng reforms has had a drastic effect on what it means to work and live in China. Physical urbanization is the third construct and includes the modernization of both cities and villages. This modernization takes place in the paving of s treets, the beautification of public spaces and the creation of multiple family housing complexes. In addition the infrastructure of these modernizing areas is improved, whether it be with new medical clinics, shopping malls or schools (Friedman 2005, 37 ). It is important to emphasize that modernization is happening in major urban centers in China, as well as surrounding vi llages and townships, and while it is slower outside of the city, modernization is having major effects on the people in the rural are as as well The fourth construct is sociocultural urbanization. This construct can be seen as a product of the above mentioned constructs o f urbanization. A s major changes have occurred, a drastic change in Chinese people's everyday life has taken place These c hanges take the form of different work opportunities and work environment s as modernization has changed the nature of both agricultural and industrial production, and created a service sector. In addition, consumption and free leisure time have al so been products o f the above constructs, which has changed the way in Chinese people spend their time outside of their job s Consumption is typically an activity of leisure time and therefore, Chinese urban residents are contributing to the demand on serv ice sector industries in China (Friedman 2005, 37). The final construct is political urbanization and has been a result of decentralization of decision making power down to the municipal governments of cities (Friedman 2005, 37). While decentralization can be seen as liberalization of governance
! $) in China, it is mainly a means to aid the marketization of cities while still maintaining some central control. Government Organizations of Urban Society Since the creation of the People's Republic of China, th e organization and governance of urban society has been a major task of the centr al government. The first major step during the reform era was decentralization of power down to municipal governments. Many changes in the relationship between the central gov ernment and municipal governments, as well as in the power of municipal governments took place during the reform era. The main discussions of governance in this thesis will concentrate on these changes. However, this localization of governance went even fu rther than the municipal level. In 2000, the central government began to produce policy documents that designated the community "as the basic unit of urban social, political and administrative organizations" (Bray 2007, 531). However, the central governme nt's use of the word community does not match up completely with its use in urban sociology. Community, as defined by the Ministry of Civil Affairs, has multiple components. First, the community is created and designated by the central government and thu s does not emerge organic ally. Secondly, the community has an administrative role, and therefore its purpose is to govern. Third, the community has clearly defin ed territorial boundaries that encapsulate their jurisdiction. For example a neighborhood asso ciation w ould have jurisdiction for its neighborhood only. It is easy to see that this definition of community is intrinsically tied in with the government and in the role of governance. As the reform era progressed, the loss of welfare programs required a new source for community services (Bray 2007, 534). Therefore, community entities such as the homeowners association
! $* began to be responsible for providing community services and raising the moral and educational quality of the urban population (Bray 2007, 543). This example of community shows the extent of localization of urban governance. However, it is important to remember that even these community organizations, with no affiliation t o the government, still answer to the government and are under governm ent control. Some community organizations, such as those that are formed in migrant enclaves, do exist outside of government control (Read and Chen 2008, 315) Therefore, when talking about any form of governance outside of the government structure, it is important to differentiate whether or not it is officially recognized. The Scales of Social Inequality China has a strong locational basis for inequality, due to the hukou system. There are three broad scales of sociospatial inequality in China. These a re : urban rural, inter urban and intra urban. Urban rural inequality exists because of differences in policies for rural and urban residents. Rural residents do not have access to the modern facilities and opportunities to which urban re sidents have access Further more, if someone is born a rural resident, it is nearly impossible to change his or her hukou status from rur al to urban. I f a rural resident moves to the city to work, that person still do es not have access to social welfare resources that are re stricted for use by urban res idents only, such as subsidized housing and education (White, Wu and Chen 2008, 119). The second spatial inequality is inter urban which is the inequality that exists across the different regions of China: the coastal region inner/central region and western region. This inequality has grown out of the central government s varying economic development strategy. Typically, cheap resources are taken out of Western provinces and
! $+ used in the coastal region to make high value pro ducts to export through coastal ports or to c onsume domestically. T his pattern has led to massive development in the Eastern coastal region, and little development in the Western and central regions. O ver time the coastal regions have reaped the benefits of economic development and modernization that the western an d central regions have not (White, Wu and Chen 2008, 119). The final spatial inequality is intra urb an which is the inequality that exists between inner urban and sub urban residents as well as among neighborhoods inside the inner city. During the Mao era differences in neighborhoods were small, as equality in the workplace and residence was emphasized. However, with economic development, large differences have emerged. The infrastructure that is found inside the city is often lacking in the suburban areas w here rural migrant workers typically live (White, Wu and Chen 2008, 119). Governance in Post Deng China Governance in the post Mao era has taken on a particularly fragmented nature. While th e central government has seen a renewed position as a regulator of the economy, a legislator, and representative, the main change during this era has been a reduction of control by the central government. Thus, there has been a major redistribution of powe r horizontally and vertically with significant power being decentralized to local levels (Saich 2004, 121). Figure 1.1 shows the basic outline of the structure of governance in China As can be seen, the highest level of power in China is the State Council the executive organ of the central government (133). The second level o f governance are
! $, provinces, autonomous regions, municipalities under the central government and autonomous prefectures. Municipalities under the central government, otherwise known as p rovincial level cities, are especially important to a discussion of Chinese cities. There are four cities in China with this designation, three of which are case s tudies in this thesis : Beijing, Shanghai and Chongqing. T he municipal government s of the se cities have much more administrative control because they most directly ans wer to themselves. Cities that answer to the provincial government such as the other two case study cities, Nanjing and Guangzhou have another bureaucratic structure to deal with Therefore, it is important to keep in mind that the municipal governments of Beijing, Shanghai and Chongqing have a significant amount control over their own city, something that Guangzhou and Nanjing do no t have (158).
! $! Figure 1.1: Levels of Governance in China Source : Adapted from Saich, Tony. 2004. Governance and P olitics of China (UK: Palgrave Macmillan) 157 While the second tier of government, such as provinces, and the muni cipalities under the central government, are meant to be separate administrative bodies, the State Council is able to exert control over them through party sanctioned appointments of the top personnel in these administrative areas, known as the nomenclatur a system (Saich 200 4, 155). This system is one way the central government maintains control in an /012"13 450136785 97 813:"13 ;701370" ;<0<=!9851>"? @A8#"1>=B C5<818D85B! E=3"81B F="2"13 G51">"H0?"<"=B! I1J=A!9=1
! %. increasingly decentralized system. Fiscal decentralization down to provincial and municipal governments has also been significant. Fewer expenditures are happ ening at the center, and the provinces and municipalities are increasingly responsible for financing their infrastructure and providing social welfare programs to their j urisdictions (167). T he differences in administrative power between cities are particu larly important in this regard, because of their ability to regulate the resources in their city. While Beijing, Shanghai and Chongqing are able to directly allocate resources to the city, Nanjing and Guangzhou must first be allocated resources from the p rovincial government. It is important to point out that Nanjing and Guangzhou do hold elite status in thei r provinces, and therefore do not strug gle with resource shortages to the same degree as other cities on the same administrative level. However, as wi ll be seen later on, Guangzhou and Nanjing are often more regionally focused in their pursuits because they are competing for resources with other cities in their provinces. Conclusion The sociological concepts of social geography and the sociospatia l dialectic provide an illuminating framework for examining the effects that land use, planning and housing policy reform have on the lives of urban residents over time. It has been nearly 40 years since the reform era began, and in this time, new Chinese cities have formed. Looking at the effects of economic reform and China's evolving structure of governance and on the sociospatial dialectic is an important approach for devel oping a current analysis of the social geography of Chinese cities.
! %$ Chapter 2 The History of Chinese Cities The Chinese cities of the Qing, Nationalist, and Mao eras are on the surface, unrecognizable in comparison to their modern counterparts. Yet under the surface, their history is vital to understanding the context of the moder n social geography of Chinese cities (Knox and Pinch 2000, 23). While massive changes may have occurred, the social geography of the current cities in China is laid over the skeleton of the city's past. China currently has 663 cities, a number which change s every year. No study would be able to fully encapsulate all of China's cities, however, five case study cities have been chosen for the research of this thesis. Each city is entrenched in China's past, and each have a legacy that has lived on through the ir modern manifestations. Historical Overview Before the modern era, Chinese cities were the most impressive in the world. They were not only larger than their European counterparts but were also more populous (Esherick 2000, 1). However, as the West underwent industrialization and modernized,
! %% China began to fall behind their development. Western imperialism finally made a substantial mark on China with the first Opium War. Upon China's loss, the Treaty of Nanjing was signed in 1842, which gave Hong Ko ng to the British and created treaty port cities in Guangzhou, Xiamen, Fuzhou, Ningbo, and Shanghai. Over subsequent years, more cities became foreign owned port towns, including another one of the case study cities, Nanjing (Friedman 2005, 9 10). The crea tion of these treaty port towns had an enormous effect on China, as this Western infiltration changed Chinese culture, politics and way of life. This Western influence immediately became evident in the modernization tactics used in cities at the time. Us ually modernization consisted of city walls being torn down, the creation of major thoroughfares, the designation and development of city centers, and the concentration on promoting public utilities, such as water and plumbing. While modernization was an i nevitable process that needed to happen in the cities, the proliferation of Western architecture and planning changed the face of Chinese cities (Esherick 2000, 2). The whole way of life for an urban resident was changed drastically over a 60 year period, and by the time of the Communist revolution, the makings of modern cities were in place. However, the war with Japan and the revolution left these modernized cities in terrible shape, and they required another round of modernization and recreation under t he Mao regime (Lewis 1971, 2). The Mao era itself was also not without war and upheaval, and the cities again underwent the most recent round of development and modernization after the Deng Xiaoping economic reforms of the 1980s.
! %' Types of Chinese Cities Chinese cities can be divided into three main categories, capital cities, port towns and interior cities. These categori es provide a basis for a city's central purpose S ome of these cities fall into multiple categories, and therefore these categories ar e not mutually exclusi ve. Regardless, they do a good job of pointing out the shared qualiti es between cities with a similar purpose. The Capital City Capital cities in China are typically uniform in their construction, with historical and spiritual mean ing playing an important role in the planning of the city. Important aspects include cardinal orientation, the palace or yamen as the center of the city and walls that define the city into areas for different social groups to live in. The members of the go vernment lived closest to the city center, and upon moving outwards from the center, each level was lower and lower in the socioeconomic and power hierarch y. In addition, gates were placed along the walls and became centerpieces for the city itself because of their importance as areas of transportation and migration into and out of different city sections. Often, the aesthetics of capital cities were extremely similar as their physical nature was meant to be a symbol of national pride and power (Esherick 20 00, 4). Beijing, Nanjing, and Chongqing were all capitals at one point i n Chinese history. Beijing has been the capital longest and most often, and thus reflects these characteristics most ardently.
! %( Treaty Port Town The treaty port towns were areas of international influence and trade. Of the case study cities, Guangzhou, Shanghai and Nanjing were all foreign held port towns at one time. Western and Japanese powers were able to establish their own jurisdictions, laws, and culture in these areas, givin g them a fair amount of autonomy from the Chinese central government (Esherick 2000, 2). Unsurprisingly, this overlapping of power had interesting effects on cities and their citizens. Native Chinese intermingled with foreigners, and the foreigners often f elt the modernity of their home countries made them superior to their Chinese neighbors. This created a new hierarchy of foreigners and native Chinese. Because port towns were oriented towards trade, they typically had large central business districts, and Western influenc ed architecture. Along with these features there were typically areas designat ed for the Chinese natives that became small insular cities within the larger framework of the port town. Like the capital city, the Chinese center housed polit ical infrastructure and the official yamen or City G od temple (Esherick 2000, 4). This combination of cultural influences changed the lifestyles for Chinese citizens living in these areas drastically, as they were the first to be exposed to Western culture and imperialism. Interior City Before the modern era, the interior and coastal cities had few differences. However, with the creation of port towns that rapidly modernized, the differences between coastal cities and interior cities became very distinct By the time that the Nationalist government was forced to move inward, the cities they found seemed eons
! %) behind the coastal cities (Esherick 2000, 5). Outside of the Nationalists' movement inwards, the central government never felt much of a ne ed to mode rnize interior cities. Because of this, throughout Chinese history interior cities have been known to be the most financially neglected of all types of Chinese cities (5). Along w ith this neglect, though, has also come greater freedom from the control of t he central government This unofficial autonomy has definitely affected the neglected cities of the interior. Chongqing is the only city in the case studies tha t is an interior city. Along with being an interior city, Chongqing held the brief status of a c apital city during the Nationalist era While this brief status may make it less representative of interior cities' social geography in history, the brevity with which Chongqing was a capital city makes it possible to still illustrate what post Deng interi or cities' social geography looks like. The History of the Case Study Cities This section will conce ntrate on the urbanization history of the five case study cities, ove r the period of the Qing, Republican, and Mao e ra s Due to the nature of the Mao era, less detailed information is available for th e physical nature of each of the case stud y cities Subsequently, this section will end with a more robust thematic detailing of how cities generally looked during the Mao era. Beijing The foundations for modern day Beijing were first built during the Yuan Dynasty (1215 1368), and while Beijing underwent many changes over the centuries, by the end
! %* of the Qing Dynasty, the city still maintained its history (Dong 2003, 24). As Figure 2.1 shows, Beijing's urb an structure changed only slightly over a 500 year period. Beijing during the Qing Dynasty would have still been spatially familiar to Beijingers from the Yuan Dynasty. Figure 2.1: Imperial Beijing Across the Dynasties Source: Chong, Steven. 2010. Preser vation of Beijing's Hutongs:An Altern ate Approach (Knol) Because Beijing was a capital city, it was designed with the emperor especially in mind. The emperor's pavilion was placed at the highest point in Beijing so that they could see both horizontally and vertically all around the city (Dong 2003, 25). This can be seen in each one of the maps of Beijing over the four dynasties in Figure 2. 1. This practice not only was symbolic, but also reflected the importance of control in Dynast ic China. Qing Dynast y Beijing was one of the most heavily policed cit ies in the world, with one police officer to thirty residents (Esherick 2000, 4). Another a spect of control in the city were the walls that physically outlined the city and the hierarchy of power. Walls were utilized to keep different groups separated along lines of status and ethnicity (Dong 2003, 28 29). These walls were especially important because their gates were closed at night, and therefore the ability for different groups to run into each other while going about a daily routine was lessened. As the Qing dynasty continued, the importance of gates lessened,
! %+ and eventually gates began to be left unlocked indefinitely, showing the clear effects of modernization on city practices (Dong 2003, 33). Upon th e Nationalist takeover of China, construction in Beijing more often took the form of destruction. Walls were torn down and spaces once constricted, were now open (Dong 2000, 136). The creation of railroads occurred simultaneously with the tearing down of w alls. In 1915, a railroad that connected all the major gates in the city was constructed. An interesting aspect of this redevelopment was the symbolic transfer of the meaning of the wall to the meaning of the railroad. The wall was built to keep outsiders out, and groups separated in the city. However, the railroad was a form of transportation meant to bring outsiders in, therefore destroying the past meaning of these boundaries (Dong 2003, 37). This trend towards mobility was not only pursued outside of th e city limits, but also in the city. Between 1914 and 1927, 75 percent of the archival materials left by Beijing's Municipal Council had to do with the creation and maintenance of a street network (Dong 2003, 38). Convenience is an important aspect of any modern city, and mobility in the city for the citizens was imperative for modernization. Despite th e creation of a modern street network, the streets did not provide a blank slate for Beijing's citiz ens. Instead, the streets affected Beijing's society in m uch the same way as the city walls (Dong 2003, 39). As can be seen in Figure 2.2, the 1925 Beijing City Plan still maintains the cubical nature that the imperial walls once defined, except for the lines no longer represent walls, but the brand new street n etwork. Streets were not universally constructed throughout the city. The more affluent areas where more powerful members of society lived were funded for street construction and improvements, and the areas that were poorer were neglected (Dong 2003, 39). Figure
! %, 2.2. also shows that the street network was much denser near the city center than on the fringes of the city, a trend which will continue throughout the modernization and urbanization of Beijing. Therefore, the benefits of streets only reached parts of the population, and contributed further to segregation in the city. Because of the connection between roads and the economy, certain groups of society did not have access to the same economic, cultural, and political resources. T here was, and continues to be an important connection between the road network and development and modernization of different places and people in the city. Figure 2.2: Beijing City Plan, 1925 Source : Crow, Carl. 1986. Handbook for China (Oxford: Oxford University Press). En larged Map in Appendix A. Major construction in the city was halted by the Nationalist revolution and eventually the war between the Nationalists and Communists. The biggest effect this time period had on Beijing was the movement of the capital from Beijin g to Nanjing in 1927 (Dong 2003, 80). Beijing no longer held the privileged status it had held in the past, and the loss of money and importance had clear effects on Beijing. In fact, when Beijing lost
! %! its status as a capital city, it was designated a tour ist town. This change actually served to protect Beijing's history, as preservation rather than modernization was the city's pursui t (Dong 2000, 135). Remaining walls and other cultural aspects of the city were preserved. With the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC) came also the designation of Beijing as the center and capital of the new Communist China. The change in governa nce and ideology had important e ffects on Beijing. The conflict Beijing had always witnessed between preservati on and development finally came to the forefront. The Communist government, whose ideology combated traditional Chinese culture, threatened Beijing's historical structures. However, economic restraints and active preservationists in Beijing's government he lped to preserve some of Beijing's historical structures through the Communist era to the Deng Xiaoping government (Lian, 1995, 1). Chongqing Through the imperial era, Chongqing underwent only minor development. However when it became a capital of the Nationalist government from 1937 to 1945 the city flourished under its new prestige. Chongqing's status as the nation's capital was not easily reconc ilable with its image. For its entire history Chongqing had been basically autonomous from the central go vernment, and therefore had not practiced the same lifestyle of more heavily controlled cities, let alone capital cities (McIssac 2000, 174). In addition, the physical nature of Chongqing was not well suited to become a capital city. The hilly terrain did not facilitate the grid like street patterns and wide av enues that were the centerpieces of Chinese capitals (McIssac 2000, 174). However, many of the reasons that Chongqing seemed like an unlikely candidate for a capital city were also reasons
! '. why it was an ideal choice for the time period. Because of Japanese invasion from the East, the Nationalists were gradually being pushed inward. Not only was Chongqing an important interior city, but the hilly terrain that made it a less than ideal capital made it a more than ideal fortress. The mountains of Sichuan were vital in keeping the Japanese at bay, and furthermore, the valley formed by these mountains created a dense fog providing the capital further cover from attack Even more importantly, despite Chongqin g's interior location, it was connected to resources through the dense river network which ran through it (McIssac 2000, 176). Figure 2.3 shows the im portant place the Yangtze and Jialing Rivers had in shaping Chongqing. The layout does not reflect the org anized pattern of Beijing and is instead shaped by the river's contours. There is no clear center as in Beijing, just a concentration of development on the riverbank. While this map is from 1938, at the very beginning of Chongqing's capital st atus, the war that ravaged the country at the time would leave the city in much the same state as it is now. Figure 2 .3: Chongqing City Map, 1938 Source : http://www.earnshaw.com/china/ch26.html
! '$ As the Nationalists began to build up the city to meet the needs of its new purpose as a wartime capital the government used Nanjing as the model after which to design Chongqing. The aesthetic quality of Chongqing was to be both modern and nationalistic to boost the morale not only of the government, b ut also any foreign investors and governments that may visit there (McIssac 2000, 176). As in all other modernizing Chinese cities, the first major step was the tearing down of the city walls to make room for expansion within the city (McIssac 2000, 181). Because there was fe ar of air raids inside the central city, major construction happened outside of the city. The road system was constructed to connect the industrial, residential and universit y districts outside of the city to each other and the city center (McIssac 2000, 184). Given this geographic dispersal, the interior city not only needed a modern road system for future development, but required one for a vital way of life. With Chongqing's modernization the social divisions betwe en those who had originally lived in the city and tho se who had moved there as it became a capital became more and more pronounced (McIssac 2000, 176). The locals who had lived in Chongqing before the war were referred to as "natives", while refugees from coastal cities were called "downrive r" residents. Although these terms did describe the geographical origin of each group, they better encapsulate the division between those who called the city home, and those who were only there temporarily and had come from more modernized and affluent cit ies in the East (190). While power was quickly taken away from the natives and garnered by the Nationalist elite who entered and modernized the city, there still was an existing elite in Chongqing who held power, money and influence but who are rarely men tioned in accounts by those from coastal cities (181). Yet elite power was
! '% not enough, as it is clear that the "downriver" residents quickly changed the face of the city and the way that residents existed in it. The city center, which had been located on t he riverfront, where the center of Chongqing's economy once existed, was quickly moved to the highest spot in the city where modernization by the Nationalists took place (191). Chongqing's modernization clearly was not pursued with the existing residents i n mind, and Eastern dominance took over the city. Due to Chongqing's previous status as a capital, the city's relationship with Sichuan Province and the central government has be en a complicated one. Early in the Communist era, Chongqing was downgraded fr om a provin cial level city, to a sub provincial level city; the city would not regain provincial status until the late 1990s. The city that had been a political center for a number of years was quickly forced into subservice under Sichuan, a province whose policies promoted the city of Chengdu and not Chongqing. These change in governance structure greatly changed Chongqing over the communist era and up into the Deng era (Hong 2004, 450 51). Nanjing Nanjing, also known as the Southern Capital, has been Ch ina's historical center throughout their histor y. During the Ming Dynasty Nanjing became China's capital many times (Cody 1996, 355). Imperial Nanjing's urban layout was very similar to Beijing's. Figure 2.4 shows that Nanjing, like Beijing, was compartme ntalized, with walls as the city's defining factor. The political center, also served as the city's center, physically displaying the importance of Nanjing as a capital city.
! '' Figure 2.4: Map of Nanjing City, 1884 Source: "Nanking". 1902. Encyclopedia Br itannica, 9 th ed., (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica) When the Nationalists decided to reestablish Nanjing as the capital again in 1927, the city, which had been ravaged by the Taiping rebellion, was still in shambles (Musgrove 2000, 140). Yet its histori cal legacy as a capital city and its distance from Beijing made it an important choice for the Nationalists. The Nationalists modernization efforts were the most far reaching in Nanjing, as they planned reconstruction in light of creating a space for a "n ew Chinese citizen," who would live in a different way than in the past, and who would fulfill a new type of national pride (Musgrove 2000, 147). To carry out these plans, Henry K. Murphy, an American architect, was hired to oversee the Nanjing master plan (Cody 1996, 355). One of Murphy's greatest impacts on the city was his protection of the city walls, whose destruction was the first step in the modernization process for each of the other case study cities (Cody 1996, 357). The plan zoned the city into e ight districts based on residential housing. Immediately the way that these areas
! '( were zoned divided residents by their socioeconomic level, as each district was geared towards either the workers, poor, or ric h (Cody 1996, 362). T he effects of the master p lan on the social geography of the city can thus be seen early on in modernization of the city. Road widening was the first pursuit. The way in which this task was tackled was mirrored after efforts already established in Guangzhou. The front of building s and establishments were "cut off" and the pavement was widened to make more successful road systems (Cody 1996, 356). The symbolic nature of the new road construction in Nanjing can be best encapsulated by the fact that the main thoroughfare in the city was Zhongshan Lu, a road that led from the city center directly to Sun Yat sen's memoria l (Cody 1996, 356). T he symbolic nature of the city is revealed as one of the major symbols of modernization, the thoroughfare, was used to memorialize a leader rather than facilitate an economic pursuit. This theme of memorializing national pride can be seen throughout cities touched by Nationalist modernization. T he idealistic plans of the Nationalists were quickly squashed by the realities of the war. Very quickly fu nds that were meant for the modernization of the capital were diverted to the war against the Communists and Japanese (Mus grove 2000, 154). Consequentl y, the master plan was never fully carried out in Nanjing, and the government eventually fled inward to C hongqing. T hroughout this time period though, Nanjing still remained the symbolic capital of the Nationalists, even as the government capital moved.
! ') Shanghai Shanghai's prime location at the mouth of the Yangtze River, has greatly affected the lega cy of the city. Shanghai is connected to not only the Yangtze River in the north, but also the East China Sea in the east and the Hangzhou Bay in the south. Because of Shanghai's central location, the city has always been the anchor of north south coastlin e transportation networks for as long as they have been built. Its central position makes it a vita l center for all trade on the coastline (Wujun and Xiang 2007, 3). Knowing Shanghai's geography then makes it unsurprising that toward the end of the Qing dy nasty, Shanghai's dominan ce was established as the Western ideal of urban superiority took over the country (Rudolph and Lu 2008, 165). Shanghai has been an international city for some time, as its status as a center of trade left a large population of imm igrants and sojourners living in the city long before the Treaty of Nanjing made Shanghai a treaty port town (Wasserstrom 2000, 193; Goodman 1995, 48). Because of the history of Western influence on Shangha i, Shanghai's identity has been mixed up with its Western origins, giving it an international identity which can often overshadow its Chinese identity (Rudolph and Lu, 166). As can be seen in Figure 2.5, after Shanghai became a treaty port town, the Chinese city existed inside o f the foreign settlements t hat reside d around it. Each settlement had its own defining boundaries and while Shanghai is not known for its extensive city walls, the settlements did serve to separate people. Figure 2.6 shows that unlike Nanjing and Beijing, a political center is not clear on Shanghai's map. Rather there is a clear clustering around the Hangpu River denoting that the center of the city is economic rather than political
! '* Figure 2.5: Shanghai Foreign Settlements Map, 1907 Source: Murray, John. 1907. "Outline of the F oreign Settlements at Shanghai", (London). Figure 2.6: Map of Shanghai, 1912 Source : From Madrolle's Guide Books: Northern China, The Valley of the Blue River, Korea. Hachette & Company, 1912.
! '+ Once Shanghai beca me a treaty port town, its history as an international city distinguished it from the other port towns. Typically in coastal cities, a single foreign power held control over the port. However, in Shanghai, because of the mix of international influences, res idents had relative autonomy, and no on e power or country reigned supreme (Wasserstrom 2000, 192 193). Furthermore, the Chinese government did not have a significant ho ld over the city either, leaving the residents of this area responsible to their lifestyle of trade more than their nation. The refore, the Shanghaine se identity was not solely Chinese, but had a much stronger association with the West and urban superiority than national pride (Rudolph and Lu 2008, 166). Because of this history, the legacy of government control in Shanghai is vastl y different from that of other Chinese cities. During the Nationalist period, Shanghai's industry thrived. In fact, Shanghai employed nearly 50% of China's industrial workers and accounted for half of the country's industrial production (Esherick 2000, 1 2). The city was not just a center of industry during this time period, but also the center of modern culture. The main publishing houses in China were located in Shanghai, as were the most important newspapers and journ als (Esherick 2000, 12). By the earl y 20 th century, the country's worship of Shanghai as the center of modern was established. However, with the communist revolution came a dark time for Shanghai. The closing of China's borders had a clear effec t on the city. Shanghai would not regain its do minance again until the Deng era.
! ', Guangzhou During the Dynastic era in China, Guangzhou, like Shanghai, was a trade town, and therefore was an international city widely known as Canton, long before its establishment as a treaty port. It is unsurprising then that Shanghai and Guangzhou look quite similar. Figure 2.7 shows that Guangzhou, like Shanghai does not clearly have a physical clustering around a political center. Rather, the Pearl River shoreline has the most clustering o f development. Not only wa s the city's legacy related to its international influence, but it also happened to be the center of revolutionary activity. It was the site of the anti Manchu uprising in April 1911, and a political base for the Nationalists in the 1920s (Poon 2008, 249). One of the reasons for its importance as a revolutionary location may have been because of the international influence that dominated the area, possibly pushing out some of the Chinese government's power. Also, its distance from Beijing made it a prime lo cation of revolution. Figure 2.7: Guangzhou City, 1876 Source : "Canton". 1902. Encyclopedia Britannica, 9 th ed., (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica)
! '! During the Qing Dynasty, the urbanization of Guangzhou was heavily influenced by foreign thought, alth ough not in the same way as Shanghai. Chinese architect, Cheng Tien tow studied plan ning and architecture in the United States before coming back to China to pursue and implement the modernization of Guangzhou. Cheng felt that the commercial development of Guangzhou was dependent upon the creation of a bund, a waterfront embankment, along the the Zhujiang. This construction required tearing down the city walls. However, unlike in the other cities studied, the government was much more hesitant to pursue the destruction of something so important to the history of the city. Despite this reluctance the walls were mostly destroyed in a fire which broke out in 1912. This "accidental" destruction served to be the excuse which set off a series of demolitions and ro ad construction projects (Cody 1996, 342). By the 1920s, Guangzhou's modernization was in full swing. Two thirds of the 6,500 buildings that were condemned during the time period, were destroyed so that streets could be widened (Cody 1996, 344). The same planner who handled the Nanjing master plan, Henry K. Murphy, undertoo k the modernization of Guangzhou. The city witnessed a "phoenix like" transformation during the Nationalist era partly due to the efforts of Henry K. Murphy and partly due to the promot ion of modernization by the Nationalist government. Guangzhou's urbanization turned the city outward to the world, fully embracing its status as a port town and a center of trade (Leaf and Hou 2006, 562). Murphy had two main visions for a modern Guangzhou ; a new harbor facility and a Chinese style civic center, which would centralize municipal power in the city (Cody 1996, 352). The pursuit of a new city center proved to be one of the more contentious changes in Chinese cities. Guangzhou's city center was focused around the City God
! (. Temple, which was the center of life for Guangzhou residents. However, the importance of this temple to local culture threatened the political and economic center that was a part of Murphy's vision. By controlling the city cente r, the Nationalist government could better control the city's culture, and thus the citizens' way of lif e (Poon 2008, 256). T he government decided to convert the City God Temple into a native goods exhibition hall which would promote not only nationalism, but also the local economy (Poon 2008, 263). While the government was able to eventua lly convert the space, it was not able to immediately change what the space represented to local residents. Despite its new use, the Chinese people still referred to the l ocation as the Cit y God Temple. Furthermore, the City G od cult did not disappear with the destruction of the temple (Poon 2008, 266). Despite the fact that this new exhibition hall would tie nicely into a new local economy set up by a modernizing city, th e temple had actually been more economically viable in its original condition; the importance of control over physical space and the effect the government wished to have on the citizens took precedence over the temple s past and economic vitality (Poon 200 8, 264). The cult of the past Dynastic era was forced to end, not just with a change of government, but also with a change of physical space in the city. The hope, as in Nanjing, was that by changing and modernizing the city, the government could change an d modernize the citizen. Mao Era Cities The wars that led up to the Communist revolution had left Chinese cities ravaged, not only physically but socially and politically as well (Lewis 1971, 2). As cities were rebuilt under the Communist regime, the planned economy had an interesting effect on
! ($ the economic life of city residents. The party state hierarchy had an inevitable hand in the lives of city residents as private property was completely proh ibited, and therefore citizen s ability to work in the city was determined by their social and political status (Deng 2008, 351). Mao's outlook on the city was much differe nt from that of the Qing and Nationalist governments. Mao was adamant that policies should in no way favor the city at the expense of the c ountryside (Lewis 1971, 3). The urban superiority of the Qing and Nation alist eras ended In 1951, the hukou system w as set up by the Communist go vernment in urban areas, and it spread to the rural areas in 1955. In its early years, the hukou system was used as a means of monitoring rath er than controlling citizen mobility Even up until 1954, the constitution gave citizens the right to "free residential choice and migration" (Chan and Zhang 1999, 819 820). Hukou status was defined in two ways, the reside ntial location of the citizen, and the socio economic eligibility that the citizen held. The residential location is based on a person s regular residence, and determines what rights that person has in different locations in the country (Chan and Zhang 199 9, 821). The second classification is either "agricultural" or "non agricultural" and determines whether or not an individual has a right to subsidized food grain and other agricultural needs. As the hukou system developed, this second classification event ually bore no relation to someone's profession, but rather had to do with that person's soci o economic eligibility and relationship with the state (Chan and Zhang 1999, 822). The late1950s saw massive influxes of rural residents into the city. In response to this migration the way that the hukou system worked was changed in 1958 from a mechanism of monitoring to one of control (Chan and Zhang 1999, 820). The rights of
! (% free mobi lity were no longer assured in the hukou system, and the place of residence whe re a citizen was born became a permanent residence status. However, soon after this policy was enacted, the "Great Leap Forward" campaign began, and rural labor was needed in the city for the massive industrialization called for in the campaign Therefore, 1958 1959 saw unusually high rates of rural to urban migration, despite the creation of the new law. After the disastrous results of the Great Leap Forward, the hukou system was reestablished and began to be enforced (820). Many of the physical changes in Chinese cities during this time period took the form of the promotion of industry. Along with industrialization, the Communist government set up the danwei ( ) system which was a dense compar tmentalized network of work and residential compounds. These compounds held an urban resident's job, house, and daily needs. As the system progressed, there was little or no re ason to ever leave the dan wei compound, since the community created there provided all the necessities of life, including shelter, food, and community. A resident s family, friends and co workers all lived in the same area as them. This system led to an emptying out of public spaces and boulevards wh ich had been so vital to the Nationalist and revolutionary eras (Campanella 2008, 99). What is interesting about these compounds is their similarity to the compartmentalized walls of the Imperial era. Although in most cases, the walls had been torn down du ring the Nationalist era, the danwei units served to be as strictly definitive as the physical wall s. This development exemplifies the way in which the Mao era government was able to control and restrict mobility and life in Chinese cities. Unlike the la te 1950s, which saw mass migration into the city, the 1960s saw the "Back to the Country" movement. Chinese ci ties lost massive numbers of their residents
! (' as millions of urbanites were shipped out to the countryside to cultivate t he country's agriculture. D uring the 1960s alone more than 20 million urban residents were sent to the country (Friedman 2005, 12). The 1960s were also the time period that the one child policy was introduced to cities, and later to the countryside (Friedman 2005, 13). This policy along with the hukou system, were the two main government tools in controlling population. The Cultural Revolution, due to the chaos it produced, was a time of relatively no growth in cities (Campanella 2008, 191). In addition, planning as a practice wa s frowned upon by the Mao government, and therefore planning as a profession and a pu rsuit of government was mostly abolished (Friedman 2005, 102). This move left Chinese cities in a very different shape than when the Communist revolution occurred. Years o f violence and destruction undid much of the modernization that took place during the early 20 th century, and therefore when Deng Xiaoping came into office and began implementing economic reforms and modernization policies, the cities they were dealing wit h, for all purposes, had reverted to a state reminiscent of their dynastic past. Deng Era Cities Since the Deng economic reforms starting in the late 1970s, Chinese cities have gone through massive urbanization and modernization beyond that found in the e arly 20 th century. This thesis will look at how the cities found at the end of the Qing dynasty have become the cities presented in Figures 2.8 2.12. Th e maps only begin to capture the vibrancy and life found in the modern incarnations of the case study ci ties. The
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! (+ Chapter 3 Ur ban Plan ning and Land Use Policy Reform in Chinese Cities and the Effect on their Social Geography China's cities have undergone massive changes since the Deng economic reforms. However, these changes can be credited not simply to a new economic structure, but also to the land an d housing reform s that took place at the same time (Xu and Yeh 2003, 365). These changes in policy have reformulated the way in which the Chinese government has planned cities. Urban planning has the most direct and obvious effect on the soc ial geography o f Chinese cities; it "is a legitimate force to regulate spaces, mobilize resources and coordinate factors that shape cities" (Wu and Barnes 2008, 365). Urban law also has an important place in the sociospatial dialectic, as it is "both a product of social forces and spatial settings and an agent of sociospatial production and reproduction" (Knox and Pinch 2000, 132). This section mainly concentrates on how urban law acts as a creator and shaper of urban space providing one part of the sociospatial dialecti c. Urban laws emerge from local culture and beliefs and also inform the nature of society, subsequently affecting local culture and beliefs. It can be argued that urban planning's purpose is to pursue a "better" urban space, both physically and socially (L eaf and Hou 2006, 553). While, this is not always the result, and the idea of
! (, "better" is not easily defined, it is important to remember that the relative goal of planning is the pursuit of a better urban space. While the government has regulatory power i n shaping Chinese cities, spaces are also affected by individuals and social groups (Wu and Barnes 2008, 366). With economic reforms, the market is playing an increasingly important role in facilitating and manipulating master plans, sometimes completely r eplacing these plans. By looking at government urban planning policies, the market and the various interests in between, this study will provide insight into urban planning's place in the sociospatial dialectic and its effects on social geography of Chine se cities. Land Use Legislation, Planning, and Governance Urban planning in China has undergone three main stages. The "first spring" began in the 1950s and was heavily influenced by the Soviets, who had a strong relationship with China at the time. W ith the Soviet Union's guidance, the first academic planning programs were established in China, and 156 major projects were developed under "industrial master plans." The Mao era eventually saw a disintegration of the importance of planning, and as a pra ctice, it was frowned upon by the Communist party. The "second spring" refers to the post Mao time period. During the "second spring," planning schools re opened and the importance of planning was recognized once again (Leaf and Hou 2006, 559). Most recent ly, China has entered into the "golden age" of Chinese urban planning, also known as the "third spring." This stage began in the late
! (! 1990s and continues into the present. The "third spring" emerged due to the increase in foreign direct investment after th e Asian financial crisis, which changed the way in which cities were planned in China (555). The changes in legislation most pertinent to this study took place during the second and third springs. Legislative changes on a national level informed planning i n our case study cities, and therefore it is important that legislative changes are und erstood before moving into a discussion of urban planning practices Land Use Policy Major changes in land use policy began in 1986 with the adoption of the Land Mana gement Law. This law attempted to make the allocation of land more efficient by providing ways for land disposition and transaction without depending on cumbersome approval by the central government. In doing so, this law helped to prime Chinese cities for increasing foreign direct investment (FDI) which required that land be easily and stably acquired for development (Lin and Ho 2005, 414). However, the rate of development and increase in FDI was rapid, and the Land Management Law was unabl e to handle the demand for land use changes that were needed. The central problem lay in the fact that the definition of land property rights was too ambiguous (Lin and Ho 2005, 413). Prior to the new Land Management Law, Article 10 of the 1982 Constitution stated that: Land in the cities is owned by the state. Land in the rural and suburban areas is owned by collectives. The state may in the public interest take over land for its use in accordance with the law. No organization or individual may appropriate, buy, sell or lease land, or unlawfully transfer land in other ways. All organizations and individuals who use land must make rational use of land. (Zhang and Pearlman 2009, 400)
! ). Due to further economic development, Article 10 had to be amended again in 1988. The adde d clause stipulated "The right to use land may be assigned in accordance with the provisions of the law." This effectively sep arated land ownership from land use rights, allowing for the commercialization of land while the state still technically owned and controlled all land (Lin and Ho 2005, 420). This change in land use was first experimented with in the city. It began in Shenzhen, a special economic zone (SEZ) set up to be an area for economic development and foreign investment Because of this designat ion, the location was the perfect place to start cultivating and experimenting with a land market. On September 9 th 1987 the first use right for land was sold to a commercial land user (Lin and Ho 2005, 420). With this sale the land use market formally e merged. While this study is looking specifically at Chines e cities, urban land policy can not be understood fully without an understanding of changes to agricultural land use policy Urban expansion requires the conversion of rural land to urban land, and therefore agricultural land policy is intricately tied to urban land policy (Lin and Ho 2005, 414). In the agricultural sector, major changes happened as well. One of the most important results of economic reforms has been reformula tion of the relationshi p among the state, the collectives and the peasants with regards to agricultural land (413). In the 1980s, the central government used a quota allocation system whereby land was transferred from the agricultural stock to non agricultural uses by the cent ral state and then distributed downward to provinces, prefectures, municipalities, counties, and then townships (422). In this way, the central government seemingly had complete control over the agricultural sector and could prevent unregulated amounts of agricultural land from being developed.
! )$ However, as a result of increasing competition between localities and strong motives to raise revenue for their towns, state agencies at local levels found ways by which they could circumvent the central government's allocation so they could develop on rural land (423). Land use reform has led to the "dual track land system," meaning administrative allocation o f rural land coexists with land use right transactions on the market While the emergence of this system has provided a fix to the inefficient allocation system, it has also led to uncontrollable land development, especially on the urban fringe (Lin and Ho 2005, 414). Therefore, Chinese cities have coexisting urban a nd rural land markets that combine into an asy mmetric system leadi ng to unregulated development of rural land (Zhang and Pearlman 2009, 400). As a result of this rapid change, the government declared a moratorium on the conversion of arable land in 1997 and in 1998, the Land Management Law was revise d. In order to protect farmland from development, it stipulated that each province must designate and preserve 80% of its agricultural land as "basic farmland" (Lin and Ho 2005, 423). Furthermore, this law requires th at governments regulate land u se activi ty through master land use plans. These land use plans prepared by local municipalities are subsequently approved by the State Council (Zhang and Pearlman 2009, 401). However, the issue was not solved through these two provisions, and so in 2007 the City a nd Rural Planning Act was passed. This law put even stricter controls on rural to urban conversions. However, the dual track system has still maintained a thriving illegal market for land on the urban fringe (Zha ng and Pearlman 2009, 404). Ultimately, when local government decides to turn a blind eye to development on agricultural land, the above mentioned laws do no good.
! )% Planning Law A long with a reformation of land use policy, planning policy underwent major changes. The way in which plans were formula ted and approved rapidly adapted to changing, urbanizing, and developing Chinese cities. The City Planning Act of 1989 The 1989 City Planning Act was a watershed piece of legislation, which set up for the first time into Chinese law, a comprehensive urb an planning system (Friedman 2005, 111). The act stipulates that the planning department in a municipality is responsible for the preparation of a master plan. The master plan forecasts the development of the city over the next 20 years, and plans the city accordingly (Tian and Shen 2011, 15). A city's master plan should first and foremost coordinate land and infrastructure development In addition, the plan should designate the size, function, and development g oals for the city. T he master plan also includ es separate but inclusive plans for housing, industry, and transportation (Tian and Shen 2011, 15). One of the ways that the master plan serves as a regulatory structure is through its designation of compulsory and non compulsory content. The compulsory as pect of the city master plan includes the designation and regulation of special areas in the city, such as farmland, wetlands, and historic areas. Designations in these areas make post plan deviations illegal. However, non compulsory content, which include s residential and commercial areas, may be deviated from once proper approval has been attained (Tian and Shen 2011, 15). In this way, the plan makes it clearer which areas may be developed, and which can not. However, in reality deviation occurs even in co mpulsory parts of the plan.
! )' The approval structure of master plans is also outlined in this act. Article 21 stipulates the way in which master plans are to be approved. The first step is submission of the master plan to the corresponding level of the Peop le's Congress legislative body or its standing committee. Once it is approved there, the master plan is submitted to the State Council. However, depending on the size of the space, the road to approval by the State Council is different. If a municipality t hat is small enough to be under the direct control of the State Council created the master plan, then the plan is submitted directly to the State Council for examination and approval. If a master plan was created for a provincial capital or city with a pop ulation of over one million people, then the provincial government gets the first opportunity to approve the master plan, followed by the State Council (Yeh and Wu 1998, 190). All of the case study cities fall into the second category as Beijing, Chongqing and Shanghai are all provincial level cities, and Guangzhou and Nanjing are the capitals of their respective provinces. T hese cities then have more relative power in creating their own master plan than do most cities in China Article 22 of the City Pl anning Act stipulates the way an approved master plan can be amended after approval. These amendments are submitted to the standing committee of the People's Congress of the corresponding level of government and also to the previous authority who approved the master plan, usually the S tate Council (191). This is by no means a simple or quick process, and approval of both master plans and amendments can take years. This discrepancy in time leads plans to become obsolete very quickly once they are actually ap proved. In some ways, this lag is what has made Chinese master plans so difficult to implement and adhere to.
! )( Master Plans The evolution of master plans since the reform era has been dramatic. Similar to the Qing and Nationalist eras, master plans in t he early phase of the reform era were often "delivered" to municipalities, rather than being created there. This was a problem, because often these plans were not informed by the local environment, and were simply "technicist" models of Chinese cities not suited for the cities themselves. However, as urbanization continued, localization of planning became more and more common. Eventually, agencies of the municipal government were given the task of creating and amending master plans (Leaf and Hou 2006, 564). Master plans are a vital tool for regul ating both development and land use activity in the urban environment. As noted, China cemented into law the use o f master plans to regulate land use activity (Zhang and Pearlman 2009, 401). But in addition to its use as a regulatory to ol, master plans are vital for cities to achieve the ir short term goals. They are a guide to shaping development, zoning, district planning, and construction management in ways that fit into the short term and long term economic and s ocial goals of both China and the city itself (Wujun and Xiang 2007, 67). City comprehensive plans are usually set up to cover 20 years, but also include five year or ten year short term plans (Ng and Wu 1995, 285). While the inclusion of the long term is a beneficial aspect of China's comprehensive master plans, the very nature of Chin ese urbanization over the past 3 0 years shows that these comprehensive plans might not be very useful. The urban environment has changed so rapidly that even five year or ten year plans quickly become obsol ete. However, as in other countries Chinese cities struggle with how short term economic development fits into the master plan structure. One of the functions of master
! )) plans is to facilitate the investment environment of a city. However, master plans are also meant to regulate economic development (Leaf and Hou 2006, 569). China's rapid development and urbanization has bulldozed the regulatory activity of master plans. This subversion of master plan's regulatory structure c alls into question their validity in planning a city. Furthermore, there has been a lack of evaluation of the success of master plans by the Chinese government. Failing to evaluate has been a missed opportunity for planners and the government to recognize the pitfalls of master plans and to improve their use (Tian and Shen 2011, 11). Strategic Plans Once the city master plan is approved, a framework for the city and changes within the city has been developed. However, construction of new projects depen ds entirely upon the economy of the local government. The plan can designate any area it wants to, but the market chooses what gets developed. It is unsurprising then, that residential, commercial, and office areas undergo a lot of change, and public facil ities depend on the economic vitality of the municipality (Tian and Shen 2011, 15). The inclusion of economic development into city master plans is known as strategic planni ng. Traditional planning is known as spatial planning (Wu and Zh ang 2007, 732). C learly, the inclusion of economic development goals is a necessity for the success of a master plan. Spatial planning has failed to meet the needs of continuously urbanizing and developing Chinese cities, and therefore has caused development outside of the purview of the plan. Yet, China has not successfully moved away from the spatial plan, and therefore the legal status of strategic plans is problematic (Wu and Zhang 2007,
! )* 736). Furthermore, strategic plans as they exist today are completely veiled by th e government with no public participation (Wu and Zhang 2007, 735). T he spatial statutory plan does include a variety of so cial and political interests, but it is not effective enough to facilitate investment and development in Chinese cities (Leaf and Ho u 2006, 569). City Region, Statutory and Local Plans One of the results of economic development and urbanization has been city region competition. While competition has the benefit of providing incentives for economic development of cities, it also pr oduces negative externalities for cities that are purely motivated by competition, or are severely affected by the development of a nearby city. Examples of negative externalities include pollution and sprawl. In light of these problems, city region plans have begun to emerge to stem negative externalities of competition and to promote regional integration (Luo, Shen and Chen 2010, 311). A current planning trend in China is the statutory plan, a local level plan t hat is most similar to a zoning ordinance in the US. Statutory plans provide lot by lot leasing and control of land use rights (Zhang and Pearlman 2009, 406). This kind of monitoring of development makes it more difficult for developers to utilize loopholes in the master plan or lan d use laws to d evelop on land they are not legally allowed to use. However, this regulation is only effective if the local government wants it to be. Research has found that urban planning administration is one of the most corrupt areas in China. Both i nter cit y competit ion and individual interest are motivations for corruption If a government official is responsible for a thriving urban economy, then their place in the government and the party will benefit (Wu and Barnes 2008, 372).
! )+ The district plan has emerged as a strategy to further localize planning and provide for a way to tie local district interests into the comprehensive master plan in the city (Wujun and Xiang 2007, 67). District plans are even more specific than low level statutory plans and deal specificall y with small areas of the city. Because of this, t he district plan can facilitate day to day development in a way that a 20 year comprehensive master plan is simply unable to do (Yeh and Wu 1998, 195). Case Studies This study's case cities prov ide a way to look at the local e ffects of the above mentioned legislative changes of land use and planning policy. D espite national legislative policies, planning is undertaken differently in each city. While the results of plans vary greatly, the influences tha t shape them are quite similar. What is important to recognize are the changes that shape the se cities, and subsequently their evolving social geography. Beijing Beijing has always existed in light of its political importance as a Chinese capital. Becau se of this status Beijing's city center has always been an area of prominence. The inclusion of this idea into city plans came with the 1958 Comprehensive Plan. This plan pursued the creation of a mono center, compact Beijing (Yu 2007, 462). The precedent set b y this first comprehensive plan means that most of Beijing's subsequent urban development has been concentrated toward s the city center and the heart of China's
! ), central government (Yu 2007, 463). However, after the development induced by the Deng ref orms, the pressure on the city center became too much. This pressure led to a push for decentralization of the city center in the 1984 and 1993 Comprehensive Plans. These plans succeeded only in moving some industry to the urban fringe, but most important urban assets stayed in the center (Yu 2007, 463). Decentralization wa s difficult because planners underestimated the pull of the city center. Because major urban functions remained there, both the population and development continued to be drawn there. Ano ther reason decentralization failed is that the greenbelts which were meant to separate the city center from surrounding satellite cities were not adequately protected under the plan, mak ing it easier for Beijing's expansion to bleed into these areas rathe r than shifting into the satellite towns (Che n et al. 2 002, 1070). Due to this growth problem, decentralization has once again been the major emphasis in the latest comprehensive plan, which is in effect from 2004 to 2020. Under this plan, new towns on the urban fringe have bee n proposed that will accommodate 1.1 million people who currently live in the city center (Yu 2007, 466 67). Decentralization had failed in the past due to the fact that the new towns on the fringe did not have the resources of the ci ty center. New towns lacked culture, transportation, and health and education faci lities (Yu 2007, 468). If they are to succeed, plans will need to provide sufficient infrastructure in these new satellite tow ns for residents who previously lived in the cit y center. The necessity for population shifts to the urban fringe increased as conservation efforts in Beijing's city center began. Because of the city's political past, there are rich historic areas in the center During the Mao er a, many historic areas were destroyed; however during post Deng urbanization, the importance of thes e historic sites began to
! )! be recognized anew Along with well known sites like the Forbidden City and the Temple of Heaven, Beijing has districts of hutongs, or courtyard houses dating hundreds of years. In the pursuit of conserving these historic areas, building height controls, and planning restrictions have been enacted inside of the second ring road where the historic sites lie (Yu 2007, 461). Protectionist policies in Beiji ng's master plans have created a dilemma for Beijing's government. There is a high demand for housing in the ci ty center, yet the dilapidated hutongs can not easily be destroyed and new mul ti family housing complexes can not be built In the past, there has been little financial support to update hutongs as they can not meet the demand on the area. Therefore, the quality of hutongs has severely declined over time (Yu, 2007, 461). Despite efforts to protect hutongs many of them have been destroyed during the r eform era. However some hutong districts have persisted and even prospered. In line with Beijing's past as a tourist city, the only thing that has saved the hutongs is their possibility as a major tourist destination. Recently, hutong districts such as Na nluoguxiang near the entertainment district a nd park, Beihai have been renovated and restored as a tourist mecca filled with cafes, restaurants, shops, hotels, and homes. Art districts have emerged for similar reasons. Beijing's Dashanzi art district, al so known as 798 Factory draws tourists and provides a cultural commodity for Beijing residents (Wu and Zhang 2008, 152). Cultural elements such as this not only draw people to a specific area in the city, but also make city officials publicly successful w hen they are responsible for projects like the renovation of hutongs or the creation of art districts (Wu and Zhang 2008, 152).
! *. Chongqing Chongqing's past as a capital did not give it access to the same development as the ot her case study cities. S ince its brief stint as a capital Chongqing has been tre ated like other interior cities as though it did not exist. One major reason for this neglect is the fact that despite its previous relationship with the government, for some time Chongqing has been too far away to be monitored by the central government (H ong 2004, 450). Because of the distance, when economic reforms began, Chongqing lacked the infrastructure and government recognition to reap the benefits other cities did. It was not until 1997 that Cho ngqing's importance was recognized and the central government provided the city with the administrative designation of provincial l evel municipality. Chongqing is the first city in the W est to hold this status making it privileged in the region. This chan ge in status coincided with the "Open Up the West" campaign, which was a central government led campaign to develop cities in the West so they could reap the same benefits as cities in the East (448). With this change, the central government had an increas ed stake in planning Chongqing, more so than in other cities whose municipal governments were in charge. One of the reasons that Chongqing received so much government attention over other interior cities was that the Three Gorges Dam project was partiall y located in Chongqing. Due to the dam, the campaign and the new designation, the central government began to provide resources for Chongqing to plan and develop new infrastructure in the city (Hong 2004, 450). Because Chongqing is not on the coast, lurin g FDI with no infrastructure has proved fruitless, and therefore the ability to utilize central government resources is the first step in Chongqing 's being able to control its own
! *$ development (Hong 2004, 456). Up on gaining provincial level status and recei ving funds from the central government, the municipality 's first plan of action was to divide new Chongqing into three economic development zones. The first was an Advanced Metropolitan Economic Zone, which would develop old Chongqing into the center of fi nance and trade. The second zone was the W est Chongqing Economic Corridor Zone, which would link Chong qing to other cities in the interior such as Chengdu Last was the Three Gorges Ecological Economic Zone, which utilized central investment to build an e nvironmentally friendly economy near the Three Gorges Dam (Hong 2004, 458). These three zones were modest but important plans for a new Chongqing. The importance of central government funding in these plans is clear With these economic zones, the central government benefits by creating a city with a thriving economy, and by keeping a stake in the Three Gorges Dam project, arguably the most important infrastructural project in China. Some of these zones have been quite successful in achieving and influencin g new development. For example, the economic corridor zone has been slowly but surely coming into fruition. As part of Chongqing's regional integration plan, major road infrastructure is being built between Chongqing and Chengdu which will one day connect with the east coast (Ram 2002). This connection is vital for a thrivin g economy in Chongqing and its participation in a globalized world. One of the problems the municipal government and central government have run into in developing Chongqing is its larg e population of impoverished rural residents (Hong 2004, 449). Poverty in Chongqing is due to the fact that the city center has been underdeveloped, and as a consequence, both th e rural and urban population were not exposed to market mechanisms and theref ore lacked market skills and market
! *% information (Wang 2010, 7). Furthermore, Chongqing is one of the centers of the interior, and therefore draws in the surrounding impoverished areas and their people. Just befo re receiving provincial level stat us, Chongqi ng requested assistance on a poverty alleviation project from AusAID, an NGO in Australia. This project, which was completed in 2000, set up infrastructure for rural community participation in planning of rural roads, water supplies and income diversifica tion, not only in the pursuit of alleviating poverty but also to build a better sense of community in Chongqing (Wang 2010, 9). The sixty rural roads built by this project have provided city access to 145 administrative villages and around 127,000 rural re sidents (Wang 2010, 12). Therefore, the urban area of Chongqing is being developed along with the surrounding rural region. This approach recognizes that while the urban area can exist on its own, a connection with the outlying rural areas is an important aspect of the modern Chinese city. Nanjing Just before the reform era, Nanjing's 1980 master plan was created. Because of Nanjing's past as a capital and a city that appreciated the importance of the symbolic visual significance of the built environment it is unsurprising that one of the original visions for a new Nanjing was influenced by Howard's garden city. However, because the reform era was a time of great change little was accomplished under the 1980 master plan by the time a new master plan was created in 1991. One of the most significant aspects of the 1991 master plan was its inclusion of a city region plan (Luo, Shen and Chen 2010, 315). Nanjing has a hi story of creating regional plans; in fact, in the 1960s, Nanjing was the first city to create its own regional
! *' plan (Luo, Shen and Ch en 2010, 314). I ts history as a capital and a treaty port on the Yangtze river made Nanjing the political and economic center of Jiangsu Province. However, with urbanization and economic development Suzhou an d Wuxi had also gained prominence, threatening the status of Nanjing. T he city region plan attempted to tie together these burgeoning cities in a way that benefited Nanjing, as well as the surrounding cities and townships (Luo, Shen and Chen 2010, 316). In addition to Nanjing's pursuit of renewed prominence in Jiangsu, the city region plan was also created to mediate some of the negative externalities that were emerging because of the fierce city competition. Some of these externalities include pollution, s prawl and infrast ructural duplication in nearby cities (Luo, Shen and Chen 2010, 311). Suburban sprawl was and still is a growing problem, especially for the cities surrounding Nanjing. Between 1986 and 2000, there was a 60% increase in the built up are a of the city (Jim and Chen 2003 97). In the hopes of creating a plan that was beneficial for Nanjing as well as the regional cities, both the Nanjing municipal government and the Construction Commission of Jiangsu Province co ordinated the development of t he 2003 city region plan (Luo, Shen and Chen 2010, 316). This plan had three main objectives: 1. Promote regional integration and enhance regional competitiveness 2. To consolidate and raise the status of Nanjing in the Yangtze Valley 3. To coordinate regional de velopment and enhance inter city cooperation (Luo, Shen and Chen 2010, 317) One major aspect that w as left out of the city region plan was the planning of industrial agglomeration. Because industrial development is the most coveted form of development, t here were heated debates as to where the proper location for industry would be. Thus, Jiangsu Construction Commission and Nanjing municipal government left plans for industry out (Luo, Shen and Chen 2010, 317). Another way that the these two
! *( government bo dies pursued a successful region plan was including other cities, who would become a part of the plan. The hope was that if member cities could be a part of the negotiation, then they would feel more like their best interests were being met by the plan. De spite this effort Nanjing's senior role in the negotiation meant that many member cities felt that Nanjing still benefited most from the plan (Luo, Shen and Chen 2010, 317). Once the plan was completed and put into place, the i dea of collaboration among multiple cities continued with the creation of a regional governance mechanism. This type of governance was the first of its kind, and therefore is groundbreaking not just for Jiangsu province, but for China as a whole (Luo, Shen and Chen 2010, 318). Coll aboration is a vital aspect in stemming competition in regional areas and promoting cooperation. If cooperation ca n not be attained in the process of creating and implementing a plan, then cooperation in carrying out the plan can also not be achieved. Des pite the fact that the 1980 master plan was very quickly made obsolete by economic reforms, the influence of the garden city stayed with Nanjing. Nanjing has been extremely successful in maintaining green space. In fact, the increase in land transfers from rural land to green space has led to a settlement decrease in the urban area (Xu et al. 2010, 468). Research done on settlement changes during urbaniz ation in Nanjing show that land use patterns do have major eff ects on both the creation of future plans, and the success of those plans ( 469) The interactions between land use law and urban planning are clearly important in shaping the social geography of Nanjing. Another important impact on Nanjing's urban planning has been the 10 th National Sport Games i n 2005 (Zhang and Wu 2008, 216). Mega events like this have various influences on the city in which they take place Typically, they open up new opportunities
! *) for urban development around the site of the event and they also provide opportunities for new ty pes of development (215). In constructing the sites for this new mega e vent, the government, and a coalition of developers planned on making Hexi the new city center with a thriving central busin ess district, brand new housing, and job opportunities (216). From 2001 to 2004 development of this plan was hap pening rapidly and successfully; however in 2004 the housing market t ook a hard hit. Because of this slump, land prices plummeted and development around this project declined greatly. The central business district and relationship with local developers suffered and neve r recovered (220). A fter the project, the coalition formed between these developers and Nanjing's local government co llapsed demonstrating the short term framework of a mega event. Despite this dissolution the National Sports Games have made a long lasting impact on the city. Shanghai Shanghai was one of the forerunners in r eintroducing planning into its city governance. In 1979 just as the reform era was beginning, Shanghai reinstated its Urban Planning and Construction Administration Bureau as a means to reorganize the city, prepare new master plans and ma nage new development (Wujun and Xiang 2007, 226). Eventually this department consolidated with others, becoming the all encompassin g Shanghai Municipal Planning Commission for Economic, Social, and Urban Development Planning. The hope in combining so many departments was to make plan creation more effective. By recognizing t he many influences planning has including economic interests social int erests, and planning interests a more effective planning department could be created (225). Although Shanghai had a history of being a treaty
! ** port and the most vital of modern an d international cities, the Mao era changed Shanghai drastically. Because China was closed to the outside world, the fact that the city was an international ci ty was no longer something that made Shanghai important to the central government. Subsequently, Shanghai's prominence fell. Master plans in the post Deng era we re created in such a way that Shanghai could regain its former glory as the economic and international city of China. The first master plan approved by the State Council was implemented in the 1980s. This plan included guidelines to rebuild the city cente r, the development of the Pudong district, the creation of satellite towns and the construction of small suburban towns. This first plan was quite successful in achieving the goals that the plan set out. Massive reconstruction of the old city occurred, al ong with a regulation of the industrial layout and the development of new functional areas (61). In 1992, Deng Xiaoping embarked on his famous tour of economic develo pment progress in China Shanghai was an especially important stop. Deng's recognition of the economic progress of Shanghai, as well as the importance of the budding Pudong district had profound effects on the subsequent planning of Shanghai (Yeh and Wu 1998, 180). Since this time, Shanghai has been one of China's experime ntal zones in attempt ing new market influenced spatial strategies (Wu and Barnes 2008, 365). In fact, Shanghai was one of the first cities in China to utilize zoning in its planning system (Yeh and Wu 1998, 204). It is no mistake that Shanghai's history as a treaty port and th e city with the heaviest foreign influence would make it prime territory for such experimentation. FDI has had an important effect on Shang hai's planning and development; the municipal government therefore does not have major control on where FDI is distri buted. FDI distribution is a responsibility of the market. Therefo re, plan adherence in Shanghai
! *+ suffers most greatly in areas where FDI has been the most profound. In the plan for the Lujiazu F inancial and Trade Zones, nearly no plan adherence can be foun d (Wu and Barnes 2008, 372). An important area of development in Shanghai is the Pudong district on the coast of the Huangpu River This district received its own master plan in 1992, which stressed modernity and a unified Shanghai (Wujun and Xiang 2007, 62). The Shanghai municipal government has adopted an "alluring birds to build nests" strategy to bring FDI into the Pudong area; however much like competition between cities, there has been fervent competition between themed areas in Pudong. Because of this compeittion the Pudong master plan has been difficult to implement (W u and Barnes 2008, 371). Additional source s of plan discrepancy have come from rampant population increas es. The 1990 master plan projected a population max imum in the distri ct of 1 3 million people in 2000; however the population reached 14 million well before that year (Yeh and Wu 1998, 205). Another legacy of Shanghai's international past is its distinct and often autonomous district set up. Previously, different countries held so vereignty in different areas of Sh anghai; in the modern era, while imperialism has ended, the lines of these districts have not quite faded. District plans have therefore been very important in Shanghai. Starting in the 1980s, 11 districts prepared urban d istrict plans, contributing to the local development in their areas (Yeh and Wu 1998, 205). One important thing to consider about the urban district plan is the fact that it emphasizes the role of the economy in development plans. Land use management is no t a priority of the urban district plan (Yeh and Wu 1998, 205). The interesting thing about districts in Shanghai is
! *, that FDI is drastically uneven. A combination of already existing industrial infrastructure and transportation network s determine the abili ty of a district to allure FDI (Wu and Barnes 2008, 371). Therefore, district competition is fierce, making the quality of the district plan that much more important. Like Nanjing, Shanghai created a region plan, called the Comprehensive Plan of Shanghai Metro Region. However, unl ike Nanjing's plan, this region based plan was meant to increase competitiveness in the region, for hopes of further economic innovation (Wujun and Xiang 2007, 69 70). Guangzhou Just before the reform era, Guangzhou's city cen ter was in shambles. Non market mechanisms were not strong enough to induce needed renewal projects due to congestion, pollution, high population, and lack of new dev elopment space. The use of non market mechanisms to induce development in Guangzhou is out lined in the 14 th master plan which was created in 1984. This plan intended to create a three nuclei urban structure, with greenbelts and a convenient transportation network to alleviate pressure on the city center and to organize further development. Howe ver, this pla n was difficult to implement and Guangzhou did not see massive renewal until 1987 as land reform and a developing market economy changed the way in which Guangzhou developed. There are many reasons that re development was easier under a marke t economy. One of the bi ggest reasons is the ability of Guangzhou's municipal government to raise development revenue th rough the sale of land. Second living in the city changed dramatically as land value shifts caused a restructuring of housing in the ci ty center. Unlike the pre reform
! *! era, housing infrastructure was being built rather than destroyed as it was now a profitable commodity, effectively changing the social geography of the city (Xu and Yeh 2003, 365). However, the effects of economic reform w ere so massi ve that Guangzhou set up medium level planning called street district planning, that provided a more detailed plan tha n the master plan was able to achieve The hope in creating a medium level plan is to be able to provide guidelines for strict er development control. However, the market influence was too strong in Guangzhou and these district level plans failed miserably and were abandoned (Yeh and Wu 1998, 211). As the market continued to develop in Guangzhou the 15 th master plan incorporate d market mechanisms for Guangzhou's urbanization. The compact three nuclei city outlined in the 14 th master plan was now changed into a sprawled city, tossing out the compact city for a massive enlargement of the built up area, something that was happening naturally with the influence of the market (Xu and Yeh 2003, 366). Upon the creation of the 2001 master plan, it seemed that a trend was forming in Guangzhou to embrace market mechanisms rather than the non market mechanism of urban planning Unsurprising ly, the 2001 Guangzhou master plan was the first strategic plan in China, meaning that market mechanisms rather than spatial planning influenced the plan (Wu and Zhang 2007, 720). Research done on adherence to the 2001 master plan reveals major discrepanci es between the plan and reality. Discrepancies were found to be especially prevalent in commercial and office land plans where only 19 .7% of the plan was adhered to six years later. Because commercial areas are the most heavily influenced by development in terests market mechanisms had a more important role in shaping these areas than did the master plan (Tian and Shen 2011, 19). Public facilities had relatively
! +. high levels of adherence (43.7%). Because of the nature of public facilities, development intere sts have little or no control over these areas, and the g overnment's plans are easier to carry out without the variety of influences. The highest level of adherence was surprisingly found in open land, with 88.4% following the master plan (Tian and Shen 20 11, 20). One of the most important findings in this study is that the lowest levels of adherence were found in the urban fringe and the suburban areas surrounding the city center. One reason for this divergence is the distance from the city government, who are the regulators of the master plan. Another reason is that because Guangzhou's city center has already been built up, there are fewer opportunities for new development, and due to the location, if there is new development there is more pressure on the developer to make it successful (Tian and Shen 2011, 19). Therefore, it seemed tha t adherence was determined by the balance of market and government i nfluences. Even though this plan was a strategic plan, it largely fail ed in its ability to underst and the market and build market mechanisms into the plan. Despite Guangzhou's economic prominence, it is not the only city in Guangdong Province to benefit from economic reform. Both Hong Kong and Shenzhen have recently proved to be stiff competition in attra cting development to Guangdong. The importance of regional planning can be seen when looking at this situation. The transportation network along the Pearl River Delta had always benefited Guangzhou, as it funneled development directly into the city. Howeve r in the late 1990s, th e Humen Bridge was completed funneling development south of Guangzhou. Another bridge, Lindingyang Bridge is being planned in combination with Hong Kong, Shenzhen, Macao, and Zhuhai who will all benefit from its construction. Guangz ho u, however will not benefit from the
! +$ bridges (Wu and Zhang 2007, 723). Guangzhou in the past has not acted kindly to other cities in the area. In 2000, Guangzhou submitted and got approved a plan to annex the cities of Panyu and Huadu so that Guangzhou could expand further. For obvious reasons, these cities, and the surrounding area did not take too kindly to this move (Wu and Zhang 2007, 726). It seems that Guangzhou and other cities along the Pearl River Delta would benefit from coordination rather tha n competition. Implications T he case study cities begin to provide a picture of the influence of urban planning on the social geography of Chinese cities. While a multitude of factors shape planning processes and outcomes a few prominent influences h ave emerged from the above discussion. These include the relationship between local government and the market, city competition and the pressure from unplanned urban sprawl. Local Government and the Market With the opening up of the market in China, local governments have quickly become responsible for harnessing development in their cities. There is a push and pull relationship in which the local government is responsible for both regulating development and promoting it (Xu and Yeh 2003, 366). This s hift in focus is known as entrepreneurial urban governance (Wu and Zhang 2008, 149). A lmost al l of the case studies show examples of plans that failed due to the fact that developers rather than plans shaped the city. Guangzhou's 2001 master plan is a perf ect example. Development
! +% interests made plan implementation almost impossible, especially in areas where government had the least amount of presence. However, even in areas where the government did have a presence, plan implementation still did not move mu ch beyond 50%. Another example is Shanghai's Pudong district, whose population grew widely outside of the planned population cap. The influence of market mechanisms is fairly new to Chinese cities, and t herefore it is partly understandable that plans creat ed in the 1980s completely failed in time for new plans to be created in the 1990s. However, a lack of experience is not the on ly reason that local government at times seems helpless to direct the power of developers and investors. One reason for this inef ficacy may be the fact that while local government is responsible for regulating development it also benefit s greatly from it, even if development strays away from the guidelines of the master plan. Therefore, developers are able to easily make deals with local government officials who are seeking fame money, and honor for economic achievements rather than political honesty (Xu and Yeh 2003, 366). It is unsurprising then that the urban planning administration in cities is seen to be one of the most corr upt areas of government in China (Wu and Barnes 2008, 372). The pursuit of achievements by local governments has drastic effects on urban social geography. Because local government officials are only in office for a certain amount of time their vision is in the short term, rather than long term. Therefore, alterations to the city made by these officials do not keep long term consequences in mind, leading to problems later for the city (Wu and Zhang 2007, 735). Furthermore, these officials are looking to ma ke economic statements rather than improving the social character of Chinese cities and in the pursuit of developing their city, they sacrifice social programs that could benefit their citizens.
! +' Sometimes however, local government seeks out development opportunities not just for recognition, but out of desperation. Chongqing is a city that was neglected through the Qing, Mao and Deng eras. However, the local government sought out development support not from investors, but from the central government an d Australian government. Chong qing is an example of a city that while developing, has until recently, not been the hub of domestic and international developers It is by far the least modernized of the case study cities. And therefore, the social geograph y of Chongqing is the least similar to the other fou r case study cities. The city lack s basic transportation structure and central business districts. However, as the case study shows, Chongqing has been able to s eek out development aid from Aus ID and the central government. In comparison to other cities, the fact that the money for development originates from governments has allowed Chongqing to more easily follow through with its plans. Another ex ample of the ways in which the relationship between devel oeprs and local government manifests itself is in the use of mega events to develop a city. The example of Nanjing showed that local government had to work closely with developers in harnessing market interests and achieving goals for the 10 th National Gam es. But Nanjing is no t the only case study city that has utilized the mega event. The Shanghai World Expo was an even larger development opportunity in China. Construction for this event led to 80 billion yuan of investment in urban and regional infrastruc ture. The Expo was an extremely profitable and successful endeavor for the city as it is estimated that there was nearly 83.7 billion yuan of consumption during the Expo (Zhang and Wu 2008, 215). The Beijing Olympic Games is another example. Because Beijin g is the nation's capital, the Olympics were an opportunity to create an image of China as a world leader. Like
! +( Nanjing and Shanghai, extravagant investment was required for massive urban transformation in time for the games (Broudehoux 2007, 384). This in vestment was mainly collected from the sale of sponsorship and broadcasting rights for th e Olympic games. Summer 2008 was not only Beijing's time to shine, but also local and international companies chance to share the spotlight (Broudehoux 2007, 386). Th e public private partnership that was involved in developing most of the infrastructure for the games was deficit financed, and although the games proved to be the most ambitious and extravagant of their time, there was still a fair amount of risk for both the local government and developers (Broudehoux 2007, 387). All three of the se mega events have had profound effects on the city. While all three events were successful in r eframing the image of their cities increasing economic development and promoting urban expansion in the form of infrastructure, there are less obvious consequences to such events (Zhang and Wu 2008, 214 215). When a local government chooses to concentrate on development interests rather than social interests the impacts on urban resi dents are major While mega events c an provide job opportunities, they also force the government s to cut social welfare programs and city services. The high costs of mega events are often borne by the least advantaged as tax increases, inflation and rent h ikes blanket the city (Broudehoux 2007, 387). While mega events are pursued in the best interest of the city, when lo cal government compromises its role as regu lator and becomes development initiator it fail s to protect the residents whom they supposedly serve. Displacement and housing price increases proliferate and the urban resident s who once called the city home struggle to continue to do so.
! +) City Competition City competition is another phenomenon of the modern Chinese city, and is closely related to the discussion of the relationship between local government and the market. There is constant competition between cities for investment opportunities. In light of this, cities have strived through their master plans to create an urban environment and u rban culture best suited to investment (Wu and Barnes 2008, 365). Along with manipulating urban policies, one way of promoting a city's status is through the attainment of mega events. Another would be the promotion of cultural commodities within the city. For example, in Beijing the Dashanzi art district and the hutongs are both cultural commodities that give the city an image of importance in China. In S hanghai, an emphasis has been placed in city plans on culture through the development of grand building s with distinct architecture (Wu and Zhang 2008, 152). In these situations plans influenced by place promotion do have an effect on the social geo graphy of the city. T he way in which master plans arrange infrast ructure has great effects on which cities at tract FDI (Tian and Shen 2010, 16). But because the market ultimately determines which cit ies get the most FDI, plans can not account for these market mechanisms (Wu and Barnes 2008, 271). Therefore, in situations where plans are replaced by market mechan isms, the social geography of the city is left up to the whim of the market. For example, although Guangzhou has a history of being an economic center in China, and has continued to be through the reform era its economic dominance is threatened by region competition. Guangzhou can continue to attract FDI, but if infrastructural elements such as the Lindingyang bridge continue to draw attention away from Guangzhou, no amount of place promotion planning can save it.
! +* T he city region plan has emerged as a po ssible solution to the negative externalities of this type of competition. In some situations, city region plans are used as a means to promote localities rather than to promote regional integration, making them non operational (Luo, Shen and Chen 2010, 3 14). The difference between the Shanghai city region plan and the Nanjing city region plan is a perfect exampl e The Shanghai city region plan was set up in the pursuit of solidifying Shanghai's dominance in its region. It fails to react to the negative ex ternalities that city competition produces, and further intensifies the situation. Nanjing on the other hand has more consciously pursued regional integration. While Nanjing was a major entity in creating the city region plan, and therefore m ade sure to make decisions that benefited Nanjing, it also explored ways to make the city region plan beneficial to other cities in the region. One way was by including other cities in the negotiation of the plan. T hey also created a regional governan ce network, provi ding a means by which issues between cities in the same region could be solved. Another example of a successful city region pl an is Chongqing. Chongqing, possibly more than any other city in this study is dependent and also threatened by the economic vita lity of surround ing cities. D ue to i t s distance away from other economically viable cities Chongqing struggles with a lack of connection to the Chinese ec onomy. On the other hand Chengdu another interior city, i s an economic rival, and if it become s too developed, it may threaten further development in Chongqing. One way in which Chongqing has combated this danger is by taking an active role i n regional integration. It has helped creat e a transportation network between cities in the interior and to cities on the eastern coast. Whether or not a city region plan is being used as a means to promote competition or stem it, the city region plan affects the social geography of
! ++ Chinese cities. Cities are no longer planned just in light of their own history and pu rpose, but also in the light of other cities. Unplanned Urban Sprawl As the case study cities have shown, urban sprawl is an issue that ea ch city faces. Ironically many of the original master plans called for more compact, mono center cities before eco nomic pressures proved that the compact city may not be the bes t fit. For example, Beijing, which had always been highly centralized promoted the compact city until econo mic reforms began. Once reforms started the pressure on the city center became too m uch. Furthermore, in the pursuit of protecting the historic city center, restrictions on development inside the second ring road made development outward inevitable. While it is easy to look at the issue of sprawl as simply an urban problem tha t needs to b e solved, some argue that sprawl might actually be the most effective form of growth for Chinese cities. In the case of Beijing, the city 's expansion is car driven Research done in 2000 found that 60 percent of car trips in Beijing took place between the second and fourth ring roads (Yu 2007, 464). Even though Beijing has a very intricate public transit system, a sign of the growing middle class is car ownership. Therefore, development outside of the second ring might actually be more sustainable for Beiji ng (Yu 2007, 465). Despite this pattern master plans still seem to attempt to combat sprawl. One reason for this is that often on the urban fringe, land will illegally be transferred from agricultural use to urban use. If master plans recognized sprawl, there might be an easier way to regulate land conversions and development outwards. China is still in the process of pursuing smarter development patterns and thus still suffers from unregulated
! +, sprawl. As is seen in the case of Guangzhou, regulation in th e suburban areas is often much less stringent than in the city center. Therefore, the inevitable development on the urban fringe is often ha ppening outside of master plans and outside of governm ent regulation, leaving it completely up to the influence of t he developer who is able to get agricultural land converted to urban use. Conclusion Master plans and land use policy have profound effects on the social geography of Chinese cities. T he reform era brought not only urban planning reforms and land use reforms, but also an opening up of the economy. Three key points in looking at the effects of urban planning on the social geography of Chinese cities are local government's relationship with development interests, city competition and unplanned urban spr awl. While urban plans definitely have effects on the social geography of Chinese cities, so does the market. As Chinese cities continuously urbanize, local government and the market will continue to restructure Chinese cities. The case study cities show t hat this relationship does not always produce the same results. While Chinese cities have created master plans approved by the same central government, using the same planning law as a guideline, the results have been tremendously different. This divergenc e shows that even under a communist regime, the various interests that change cities do so in the framework of that city.
! +! Chapter 4 Housing Reform and Sociospatial Differentiation in the City Alo ng with major economic and land use reforms in the 197 0s and 19 80s, China underwent major housing reforms that began the slow process of creating a commodity housing market. A changing economy, urbanization and inflows of migrants shaped the way in which Chinese lived in cities B ut housing has also had a pr ofound affect on urban residents lives. While the ultimate goal of reform was creating a housing market, improving the quality of housing, providing affordable housing and redeveloping the city were also goals. An understanding of the process of housing reform makes clearer the way that reform has shaped housing in the city and thus the sociospatial nature of the city. Inevitably, reform has create d new social divisions, changed community structures and r esulted in the drastic change from a residential l ife based on work unit, to one based on residence (Wang and Murie 2000, 413). But while reform is constantly transforming the sociospatial structure of life in Chinese cities, the hist ory of housing in these cities h as not been fully erased by the reforms and the impact that these legacies have on the city i s clear (Li et al. 2010, 448). A discussion of housing reform also lends itself to a discussion of housing choice. T he role of choice and the ways that urban residents have adapted to
! ,. th e changing urba n environment are also important. This agency provides the other side of the sociospatial dialectic, in that it articulates one way that the people shape the places in which they live in. History of Housing Reform The reform era was a time of massive change in all aspects of life. With the marketization of housing, it was the government's prerogative to make sure that housing re form went smoothly. I n the pursuit of s ocial stability, housing reform took almost twenty years to carry out, and in many ways is still incomplete to this day. Due to the fact that housing reform was decentralized to the local level early on, reform looke d different in each city, which makes the five case studies t hat much more important for an understanding of the range of effec ts on cities. Despite these differences in outcomes, a general review of the process of housing reform will pro vide a loose framework for understanding the transformations cities generally followed. The Work Unit and Socialist System of Housing Allocatio n The basic s ocialist ideology of housing asserted that all urban residents have equal a ccess (Wu 1996, 1601). The work unit or danwei was the means by which equality was seemin gly achieved. By requiring work units to provide housing, the state guarante ed that anyone who worked would have a home. This strategy was successful because nearly everyone living in urban a reas was affiliated with a work unit. Work unit compounds were micro cities that provided all that an individual would need to live food, sh elter
! ,$ and community and like the walled imperial cities, left little or no need to leave (Wu 1996, 1602). Despite the success of this system as a means of regulation and control of urban society, work unit allocated housing was not sufficient to meet th e demand for housing in modernizing cities. By the 1970s, Chinese cities began to experience severe housing shortages requiring that major reforms be made to how housing was developed and allocated. Problems arose mainly because housing supply was determin ed not by demand or market signals, but by government decisions (Wu 1996, 1609). Reform Era Housing Policy In recognition of dire housing shortages, the government turned to work units as a t emporary solution in the early reform period Because work uni ts had alw ays been a source of housing the government felt that intensifying their role would not bring radical change and control of housing could s till be maintained. Work units gained the new responsibility of financing housing development through sur plus profits the government allowed them to keep after taxes; this resource was known as self raised funds (Wu 1996, 1609 10). This shift in responsibility can be se en in World Bank statistics show ing that in 1979, over 90 percent of investments of every kind were financed by the state, but by 1988, only 16 percent were fin anced by th e central government. These figures reveal the rapidly decreasing role of the central government in all aspects of urban development, including housing. O n the other hand in 1988, 52 percent of housing investments were financed by work units (Wu 1996, 1610). A s the central government's presence receded, work units and other local entities took its place. This new financing structure did lead to a temporary housing boom, as wel l as improvement in housing conditions, but still lacked
! ,% efficiency and coordination. The compartmentalized nature of this solution resulted in redundant constructions, haphazard urban development and low efficiency in the building industry (Wu 1996, 1608 9). Another aspect of the reform era was the decentralization of public housing responsibility to municipal governments. However, many local governments did not have the budget to ai d work units that were unable to develop public ho using, either leaving s ome work units w ithout housing, or keeping work units from improving the poor conditions of their already existing housing (Wu 1996, 1606). Real reform did not begin until 1988, with the central government's creation of the "Implementation Plan for a Gra dual Housing System Reform in Cities and Towns." Public housing units began to be sold to their sitting tenants, and rents were raised in an effort to promote an emerging housing market. However, despite the government's intent work units still looked at housing provision as a core tene t of their existence. Furthermore, the precedent set in the transition period could not simply be stopped at a moment s notice, and therefore the commodity housing market stayed dormant. Coinciding with increasing eco nomic p rosperity in China, work units began to actually increase investment in housing production leading to a massive expansion of public housing stock (Deng, Shen and Wang 2011, 169). The next step in the reform process occurred in 1994, with "The Decision o n Deepening the Urban Housing Reform ." Affordabl e housing programs emerged as a possible solution for integrating all of urban society into the housing market and providing incentives to purchase commodity housing over public housing. These hou sing program s were a mechanism for privatizing the seemingly growing public housing stock,
! ,' while still pr oviding a way to incorporate all urban residents, no matte r their economic background, in to the market. Families who pay the market price on their unit get full pr operty rights and therefore gain the ability to resell their unit on the market. Families who participate in affordable housing programs only have partial ownership and can not so easily resell their unit (Deng, Shen and Wang 2011, 169). Arguably the mo st important event in housing reform took place in 1998 with the end of welfare housing and t he end of the link between work un its and housing provision (Yu, 2006, 278) Work units were now forbidden to build or provide housin g for their employees. The wor k unit housing fund which former ly was used to provide housing was now to be used as a subsidy for their employees to buy housing on the market (Deng, Shen and Wang 2011, 170). The implicit goal of ending welfare housing was to further increase housing co nsumption and build a Chinese urban middle class leading to a stabilization of urban society (Yu 2006, 278). The Emergence of the Commodity Housing Market As China entered the 1990s, the commodity housing market had emerged. The bulk of new housing i n urban China was commodity housing and was being built on land outside of the former work unit compounds. Unsurprisingly, as work unit structures disintegrated and workers moved, longer commutes and the beginnings of real urban differentiation in housing began (Wang and Li 2006, 306). As rapid changes began to occur, housing prices in certain cities went through the roof. In addition to the usual instability that coincides with the introduction of a market system, one of the reasons a real estate bubble oc curred in Chinese cities was because of the dual track land market
! ,( mentioned in the previous c hapter. The differences in the costs of administratively allocated land and land market prices led to the creation of a thriving black land market. This gap disto rted the official land market and thus the housing market (He, Li and Wu 2006, 432). In fact, it seems that the urban commodity housing bubble had less to do with market instability and more to do with the administrative allocation of land (Chen, Guo and Wu 2011, 7). Affordable Housing Programs With the emergence of a commodity housing market came the need for a more formalized affordable housing program in an increasingly expensive urban environment. While different cities have created particular affo rdable housing programs fo r their context s three main a ffordable housing programs are offered in most Chinese cities. These are the Economical and Comfortable Housing (ECH) program, the Housing Provident Fund (HPF) and the Cheap Rental Housing (CRH) prog ram (Deng, Shen and Wang 2011, 168). The ECH was a part of the 1994 reforms, known as "The Decision on Deepening the Urban Housing Reform ," which established a framework for housing reform. This framework provided supply side and demand side solutions fo r developing China's housing market. On the supply side, a multilayered housing provision system was created of which the ECH was a part The ECH was c reated to help middle and lower income urban residents purchase market housing, while upper income ho useh olds were expected to buy housing at market prices. The ECH was not a rent subsidy, and therefore did not require con sistent central government financial support. C onsequently because the ECH
! ,) units were built by for profit developers and sold through the market, the financial burden was placed on local governments who had to provide free or low cost land to the developers to make ECH possible. In one aspect, the ECH was successful in providing low cost housing. Between 1997 and 2008 the average ECH unit p rice was 50 to 60 percent of the average sales price ( Deng, Shen, and Wang 2011, 171). However, at the beginning, the ECH was found to be benefiting upper income househ olds more than lower and middle income households requiring major revisions in eligibil ity for the program (172). The HPF was started by the municipal government of Shanghai but was expanded throughout China in 1994. The HPF is a compulsory saving program where employees and employers contribute part of their salaries to a housing loan fun d. The HPF was one of the main avenues through which w ork units were able to subsidize their employees housing (Deng, Shen and Wang 2011, 174). One of the biggest flaws of HPF is inherent in th e nature of the program. I t is salary based, and therefore th e larger the salary the more beneficial the program is to an urban resident Despite the fact that this is an affordable housing program, it was wildly unequal (Deng, Shen and Wang 2011, 175). While it can be argued that the HPF was not successful in prov iding affordable housing to those who needed it most, the program was successful as a loaning system. By 2008, 9.6 million HPF loans had been issued, and thus the program had been successful at the very least in facilitating the transition of the housing m arket (Deng, Shen and Wang 2011, 174; Chen, Guo and Wu 2011, 2). The program that has been best geared towards aiding the urban lower class is the CRH. While the previous two programs have been based on promoting homeownership,
! ,* the CRH recognizes the r estrictions of those struggling by providing massively subsidized rental units. Despite the need for a program like this, the central government passed the financial burden of the program onto the already strapped local governments. Because many local gove rnments failed to find proper funding sources for their respective CRH programs, only 550,000 low income households between 1998 and 2006 have participated in the CRH program (Deng, Shen and Wang 2011, 176). As the prevelance of urban poverty has been rec ognized by the central g overnment, new attempts to make the CRH work have been pursued. In 2009 China issued its "Cheap Rental Housing Guarantee Plan for 2009 to 2011 ." This ambitious plan sets out to solve the housing problem for 7.5 million low income ho useholds. Three quarters of them will be provided with opportunities to live in new developments, and one quarter will be accommodated in already existing housing (177). While the results of this p rogram are still being studied the need for more affordabl e housing is apparent. Sociospatial Differentiation in Housing in Chinese Cities H ousing reform is certainly an interesting area of study for anyone looking at the reform era in China, but its effects on the sociospatial differentiation of Chinese cit ies make it a particularly important topic in assessing the changing social geography of these cities. The places people live affect their lives in various ways. Residence is based on and is affected by occupation, community, culture, transportation, laws and many other things. It is important to understand that sociospatial differentiation is a product of both individual housing choice and restrictions on that choice. Each urban resident has a
! ,+ different set of choices for housing, and these choices are de pendent upon numerous factors. The places where individuals live have significant effects on their lives, yet the determinate of this effect is not the same for each individual. A great example of this is a community i n Nanjing called Wusuochun. The commun ity is located far from the city center. Two groups b ought property in Wusuochun Nanjing Architectural College and Nanjing Heat and Power Plant. The college was forced to this location due to budget limitations, while the power plant saw an economic oppor tunity. The power plant was able to buy commercial housing for its workers in this community so that their commute would be convenient to their workplace. The college did not have the money to do the same which required its employees to commute much longe r distances than they had previously (Wu 1996, 1624). While th is is an example from when work units were still responsible for housing provision, t he point is not related to work u nits, but rather the different effects a new location has on various groups. A suburban move may be beneficial to one person and detrimental to another. In addition, a move might leave little housing choice for one, and a multitude of choic es for another. W here one lives in turn shape s the community and individuals in different w ays. Historical Legacy Despite the fact that economic reform has drastically changed cities, the legacy of China's past is still present. W ork units that were mor e successful or favored by the c entral government had better funds to build housing for th eir employees during the Mao era and early reform period. T hese employees then made more money on their property when given the opportu nity to sell with the emergence of the commodity housing market
! ,, than did those from disadvantaged work units (Wang and Mu rie 2000, 407 ). In some circumstances, work units were so small that they depended on the municipality for housing. Because municipalities had a limited budget, often they we re unable to develop housing for employees of financially disadvantaged work unit s and instead transformed old private housing into municipal housing. Therefore, those who were placed in municipal housing and those placed in newly developed work unit housing had very different legacies (Wu 1996, 1621 22). Municipal housing and work un it housing were not only known for differing housing qualities, but also differing locations based on the very nature of the work unit. Work unit housing was often developed on the urban fringe because it required large parcels of land not found in the cit y center. Municipal housing was usually built nearer to the city center because these complexes lacked the infrastructure of work unit housing, and were dependent on transportation (Wu 1996, 1623). As economic reform began to change the landsca pe of Chines e cities, some work units began to purchase commercial housing rather than developing their own. This change is important for two reasons, the first of which is that it marks the beginning of the disconnection of workplace a nd home. Second as some work un its began to purchase commercia l housing differentia tion between more affluent work units and more disadvantaged ones emerged These early trends started the residential differentiation that continues more sharply today (Wu 1996, 1623). Once housing began to be commodified and individuals were able to purch ase their own housing at subsized prices, those with the highest quality housing were able to sell at the highest profit allowing them to step up into higher quality housing later on. Those with lower qu ality housing were typically stuck in their ho using situation, or given few or no options to explore housing with a
! ,! higher quality on their own. While it cannot be said that previous housing situation determin ed urban resident s housing choice after housin g reform, those who benefited under the socialist system were best set up to benefit under the newly formed market system (Wang and Murie 2000, 407). Housing Redevelopment and Urban Poverty In the history of Chinese cities, housing had always been found in the inner city. However, with modernization and economic reform, the suburbanization phenomenon, known in China as ( tan da bing) or the "big pancake ," and the commerc ialization of the inner city have pushed all but the most affluent residences out from the city center (He, Li and Wu 2006, 433). The city whose socialist legacy had maintained a relatively diverse socioeconomic distribution began to be differentiated by wealth because of commercialization and urban redevelopment. While an increase in urba n housing cost is most pronounced in the inner city, the urban area in general has seen a massive increase in pr ice. One reason for this is urban redevelopment. Urban redevelopment began as a means for the local government to undertake urban renewal and beautification of Chinese cities. However, local budget constraints prevented urban renewal programs from successf ully improving the quality of housing in the city beyond a few changed neighborhoods. By the end of the 20 th century, local governments began to turn to the free market for urban renewal opportunities which initiated a process of urban redevelopment whose aim was not just an increase in housing quality, but more importantly attainment of a profit (Tian a nd Wong 2007, 227). L ess affluent neighborhoods were targeted for redevelopment because they presented the largest gap in
! -. existing and potential rent (Tian and Wong 2007, 211). Often, those in the most dilapidated neighborhoods are in the margins of society and the government is not as concerned with keeping them satisfied as they are the developers (Shin 2007, 163). Developers had been responsible for compe nsating the dis placed residents so they could buy homes in the redeveloped area, or a comparable area. However, t he financial burden was heavy on developers, making the profit possibilities for redevelopment proj ects less appetizing. T he government wanted to co ntinue to provide incentives for urban redevelopment and developers interest in Chinese cities, and so the 2001 "Compensation Measure" lightened the compensation burden on developers by no longer requiring tha t they provide cash compensation at marke t value (Shin 2007, 174). This new compensation measure meant that the compensation often was not adequate for residents to purchase new housing in the city center. Subsequently they had to move to t he peripheral urban fringe that had cheaper housing, but lacked the culture, transportation and urban institutions that the city center had to offer (He and Wu 2007, 186). Using the Consumer Price Index deflator, researchers have found that the adjusted price of residential houses in 2005 is more than six time s higher than in 1995 (Guo, Chen, and Wu 2006, 3). Housing price inflation has led to a drastic change in who can live in the city center, and how they can live. The e ffect of commercialization and marketization of the housing market can be seen more clear ly by research done in 1995 before major reforms had been implemented. At the time, among urban residents there was little or no discrepancy in per capita housing floor space. The only exceptions were workers, who tended to have the smallest per capita hou sing floor space, and officials who had the largest per capita housing space. These differences were miniscule in comparison to the
! -$ di screpancy that was found five years later. In most places, housing floor space increased an average of 50% for officials Workers on the other hand so almost no increase across many cities (Yu 2006, 295 ). In recognizing the growing residential differentiation between groups and the need for affordable housing, the central government and municipal governments have pursued a ffordable housing programs like the ones mentioned above. Their success seems ultimately determined b y how the programs were managed and whether there was stable funding. In addition to these programs a more recent program, the Minimum Living Sta ndard Ass istance (MLSA), has emerged The MLSA program, established in 1999, was designed to aid all urban households whose per capita income did not satisfy the local minimum living standard. The local go vernment was to include in its budget a fund for aiding thes e families. This assistance was to include a means for basic life necessities such as food, clothing, shelter, medical care and tuition. Despite being dependent upon the cons traints of the local government s budget s the program has had a wide impact. Sin ce 2003, the number of beneficiaries has hovered around 22 million. Still the quality of the aid is up for debate. In 2003, the average assistance amounted to 14% of average income and 23% of per capita disposable income in the country (Gao, Zhai and Gar finkel 2010, 989 90). Despite the fact that the program is meant to promote a basic means to life, research suggests that this aid program significantly increased families ability to pay for tuition and health related expenses, but not the more basic nece ssities such as food and shelter. These results seem to indicate that human capital, rather than survival needs were more important to fam ilies in the urban environment, or that the aid was not significant enough to improve housing conditions. While no fir m conclusions can
! -% be drawn from this research, it does suggest that the importance o f mobility in the city exceeds the importance of a comfortable life style (Gao, Zhai and Garfinkel 2010, 996). More recently the government has attempted more pra ctical s tandards for promoting the development of affordable housing. Since 2006, the Chinese Ministry of Construction has instructed that at least 70 percent of newly developed housing should be smaller than 90m 2 Keeping housing small suppresses the prices thus making housing generally more affordable (Chen, Hao and Stephens 2010, 899). Along with changing socioeconomic status, the importance of educational background in housing choice has changed with the emerging housi ng market. Since economic reform, more jo bs require a college education separating those who are able and willing to get a college education from those who are not P eople with higher educational degrees generally have more upward mobility in the housing market than they have ever had before Th e reason for this is that education level often determines occupation al status and subsequently income level Both o ccupation and income are large determining factors of housing affordability in modern Chinese cities (Yu 2006, 295). Studies done on the rol e of education in housing choice found that residents who had a college education had the largest improvement in housing space in the reform era while people with lower than primary school education had the smallest improvement (Yu 2006, 295). Officials h ad the highest ownership rates while workers in industry and the service sector had the lowest (Yu 2006, 298).
! -' Urban In Migration and Villages in the City Migration has been another major shaper of the sociospatial structure of Chinese cities. There a re two types of migrants, migrants who have attained official urban hukou status are considered permanent urban migrants. Along with other urban residents they have access to all urban institutions, including health care, education, subsidies and welfare programs Those who do not have official transfer of hukou rights are temporary migrants, otherwise known as the floating population. These migrants do not have access to urban institutions and therefore must struggle to find affordable housing and a mean s for life in the city outside of the government's purview (Chen, Guo and Wu 2011, 3). The ability for rural hukou holders to move and work in cities is a phenomenon of the reform era. While the government does not give them the rights of urban hukou hold ers, migrants a re given access to work in cities whose economies provide more thriving opportunities for jobs, but do not offer the same stability and infrastructural access of their rural homes (Gu and Shen 2003, 116). Despite the downsides of migration w ithout the transfer of hukou rights, the central government's emphasis on developing cities before rural towns has led to mass migration. Research on population growth in cities between 1991 and 2005 shows that natural growth in the city remained stable wh ile 90% of popu lation growth can be attributed to migration (Chen, Guo and Wu 2011, 3). Mass migration and the introduction of people with new dialects, customs and cultures have obviously had effects on the sociospatial structure of life in Chinese citi es. The difference in hukou rights has also shaped the way that migrants live in the city. Fr om this migration phenomenon have emerged villages in the city (ViCs). ViCs sometimes refers to towns that have been infringed on by urban expansion. More often, ViCs refer to groups of
! -( migrants from the same province, city or town who form insular areas within the city with their own urban infrastructure Due to the restrictions on migrant life i n the city, ViCs have become a means of accommodation in an unequal urban environment. These villages are usually comprised of migrants from the same provinces or towns, providing a strong sense of community and brotherhood that eases the otherness migrants often feel in the city. These villages provide jobs, affordable housing and education through an informal community network outside of the local government's purview (Lin, Meulder and Wang 201 1, 3587). M ore wealthy migrants are able to provide affordable housin g in the same way that the work unit was able to do Comm unity members set up informal schools and hospitals to accommodate residents who do not have access to those institut ions. What have emerged are communities based on reciprocity and m utual exchange. ViCs serve as a place based social network with symmetric al links b etween community members that are not found in many other communities in the city (Lin, Meulder and Wang 2011, 3585). Housing Choice Given all the ways that the c ity is shaped, most urban residents' housing choice s are constrained by the soci ospatial lan dscape of the city. Despite restrictions even the lowest income residents have some choice in their housing. Typically, housing choice falls into two basic categories, the economic or sociodemographic perspective. From an economic perspective, a household chooses housing that maximizes utilities and is also inside of their budget constraint. Therefore, a household's income, assets and housing price have the most significant effect s on their decision. A household choosing from a
! -) sociodemographi c perspective looks at the same thing s that the economic perspective does, but also but also considers age, family size and life cycle events, such as getting married or having children. Therefore, a newly married couple with no children will make choices differently than a couple with fully grown children (Huang 2004, 46). Research has shown that there is a strong preference for housing in the inner city core due to the access to amenities, convenience of transportation, and culture (Li 200 3, 528). For those who have fewer constraint s on their hous ing choice, access to the inner city becomes a factor, as does the quality of the housing environment. While China is s ignificantly behind other countries in promoting vegetation in residential areas, research suggests that for those with the opportunity of a more broad range of choices, housing which has a more beautiful environment is preferred over housing that does not (Jim and Chen 2006, 423). Typically the more constrained a person's housing choice is, th e more financial factors will play into the decision but even with a small range of choices families will choose the environment best suited for their lifestyle. Case Studies The case studies presented below give a micro oriented picture to the topi cs discussed a bove. Each city, based on its historical legacy, pursued housing reform in a different context, therefore leading to different results. While some aspects, such as urban poverty, sociospatial differentiation and ViC s are common among all of the case study cities, the way s in which these factors manifest themselves are not the same.
! -* Beijing Beijing's status as the political center of China affected the way in which people lived there. As the political center it was also the socialist center and while economic development was emphasized there, it was not the main goal of the city. Therefore, homeownership took a much longer time to develop in Beijing than in othe r cities (Shin 2007, 165). B y the year 2000 half of households in Beijing owned their homes nowhere near the number of households in other cities in China (Huang 2004, 52). While 50% is a strong statistic for hom eownership, it can be deceiving as 71% of these households lived in public h ousing, not commodity housing. W hile homeowners hip might have been gr owing, the housing market was not experiencing the same gr owth (Huang 2004, 53). There were multiple reasons for Beijing resi dents to choose public housing or to rent housing over buying commodity housing First, at the beginning of e conomic reform in the 19 80s and early 1990s, a large amount of public housing was built to accommodate growing demand in urbanizing Beijing. Second most of the investment for commodity housing we nt to building villas and high e nd apartments, leaving littl e or no affordable housing (Huang 2004, 53). Not surprisingly then, the average price for commodity housing in Beijing in 1998 was much higher than in other Chinese cities (Huang 2004, 56). Third Be ijing had ample funding for its subsidy programs, discour aging commodity homeownership and enc ouraging residents to rent or buy public housing using subsidies (Huang 2004, 58). So, while the housing market existed in Beijing, government intervention had a large role in affecting homeownership. Beijing has unde rgone massive amounts of development and e specially redevelopment in the city center. In 1991, the mu nicipal government issued its plan,
! -+ known as the Old and Dilapidated Housing Redevelopment Plan (ODHRP), to demolish and redevelop old and dilapidated home s in Beijing (Shin 2007, 166). Shin (2007) used Xinzhongjie, a neighborhood in Beijing to look at the effects of ODHRP on urban residents. Redevelopment began there in 1999 in the pursuit of building a commercial housing estate called the Sun City Estate. The redevelopment took three years and displaced 550 households (167 68). Compensation for displaced households was to be provided by the developers. Developers were responsible for finding rehousing or relocation dwellings. Cash compensation was sometimes provided in addition or in correlation with rehousing and relocation. However, this system of compensation hindered the promotion of redevelopment programs as it led to high project costs for developers, taking away the incentive for them to participate i n this program (169). In its ability to compensate previous residents, the program failed miserabl y. Twenty households out o f the original 550 were rehoused in their original communities (170). Of those who were forced to relocate, most of them relocated t o suburban neighborhoods outside the fourth ring road, effectively separating them from the amenities of the city center they once enjoyed (171). Migrant communities are quite prevalent in Beijing. Often, migrants from the same provincial origin will con centrate in the same occupation or ViC (Gu and Shen 2003 117). The main reason for this differentiation is not necessarily divisions between different provincial migrant groups, but rather the informal network that is necessary for migrants to move and li ve in Beijing (Gu and Shen 2003, 117). Due to the pressure on Beijing's inner city, most migrant villages are on the suburban fringe and often were established outside of city plans. One reason the migrant population is usually forced to
! -, the urban fringe h as to do with their hukou status. Because they do not have access to affordable housing programs, they are forced to buy from the private housing market and therefore their housing choice is constrained to the cheapest land on the urban fringe (Gu and Shen 2003, 118). It is unsurprising then that in 2009, 70% of migrants in Beijing owned their homes, which is a much higher rate than for urban residents with hukou status (Chen 2011, 1297). It can be assumed that the other 30% were able to rent on the black market from the communities they lived in. In addition to where migrants live in Beijing, it is important to see how they live. Because ViC s existed outside of the city's institutional offerings, many ViC s suffer from lack of resources. Despite this disad vantage research on the physical and mental health of migrants in Beijing show s interesting results. In looking at physical health, those who held non local urban hukous or rural hukous had significantly better self rated physical health than Beijing urba n hukou holders. Over time, the migrants who showed a deterioration of health were those whose original home was a small city or township. It seemed that if migrants had less experience with city life, the transition of migration into a city was very diffi cult for them (Chen 2011, 1297). T he migration process led to de teriorating mental health in the transition period. But as migrants settled into their homes, jobs, and often a ViC, their mental health greatly improved (Chen 2011, 1298). This research sugge sts the importance of the sense of community found in a ViC or si milar settlement for migrant s lives in Beijing. While ViC s ar e often comprised of cheap land and housing, some ViC s have had the fortune of becoming full fledged developments. For example, w ealthy Zhejiang businessmen in the pursuit of bettering their community have redeveloped the Zhejiang ViC making the quality of housing
! -! significantly better (Gu and Shen 2003, 117). Zhejiang village has been the exemplar ViC. The community has been ab le to provide the services that the local government denies, such as grocery stores, restaurants, clinics and kindergartens, making it a self contained community where people can live and work within the same community (Gu and Shen 2003, 119). The prevalence of isolated communities such as this one harkens back to both the work unit sys tem and the imperial walls that once served the same purpose. W hile China has undergone massive changes over the last century, the sense of community and its relation to place h as not. Chongqing Chongqing's past as an industrial city significantly shaped its place in housing reform. Out of all of the case study cities, Chongqing had the most difficult adjustment to the reformed housing market. Due to the city's past as a cap ital and a location of national defense, Chongqing received massive investment from the central government in heavy industry (Huang 2004, 54). Chongqing's dependence both on public housing and state owned enterprises made economic transition difficult and the 1998 reform that phased out welfare housing put Chongqing's residents in an even more pr ecarious situation. A city that was heavily dependent on the socialist system of housing was forced to make quick adjustments to provide opportunities for Chongqin g residents to become homeowners and participate in the new housing market ( Huang 2004, 51). By 2000, two thirds of ho useholds owned their homes but half of those households lived in public housing. The prevalence of public housing is most certainly due t o Chongqing's industrial past and massive investments in public housing in the 1980s from both local
! $.. and central government s when facing a housing shortage there (Huang 2004, 52;54). In addition, despite the fact that Chongqing's housing market was afforda ble in comparison to other cities in China, low incomes of Chongqing's residents led to low affordability overall in the city (Huang 2004, 57). Taking all of this into consideration, it should be unsurprising that the state has maintained a rel atively stro ng presence in Chongqing's housing market (Han and Wang 2003, 109). O f the case study cities, Chongqing is the most representative of non coastal cities in China. Research done on ho using stock and quality in 2000 shows that Chongqing was on par with the ot her non coastal cities in China and significantly behind the coastal cities (Yu 2006, 288). An example of this lag is the amount of self built housing. The coastal cities, most likely due to their economic development, had only a small amount of self bui lt housing in thei r cities. However, Chongqing, which was struggling with a high unemployment rate and also a high demand for housing, had a significantly higher self built housing stock Often these houses were built out of wood and straw, rather than ste el (Huang 2004, 54; Yu 2006, 289). One interesting finding was that Chongqing had the largest average housing size over Tianjin, Shanghai and Beijing. One reason for this differnce is that at this point, Chongqing was only beginning to develop and was not facing the same density issue the other cities were (Yu 2006, 291). As Chongqing continues to develop, and as the central government continues to invest there, Chongqing will be the growth center for western China (Han and Wang 2003, 110).
! $.$ Nanjing D ue to Nanjing's long history, redevelopm ent of its existing urban areas has been a major focus of the local government. The old areas of Nanjing, termed "traditional urban areas" are those areas that have a long development history, high population density low education and income level and generally blighted housing. Therefore, these areas were especially targeted for redevelopment during the reform era (Wu and He 2004, 78). Wu and He (2004) looked at three different redevelopment projects in varying are as of "traditional" Nanjing to better understand the ways that redevelopment affects existing communities. Wusuocun was a fringe city with a high concentration of manual workers and rural migrants. The area lacked sufficient infrastructure a nd housing qual ity. I n 1987 the local government launched large sca le redevelopment. New apartment style multiplexes replaced the shacks that were once there. The work units purchased this new housing and gave it to their workers. As a result, all of the residents were a ble to stay in Wusuocun; however, the sense of community was changed drastically. While the shacks were of poor quality, they promoted community in a way that apartment buildings do not. Apartments provided privacy the residents had never known, but also c ut down on the amount of int eraction between neighbors. Furthermore, housing was no longer segregated by occupation, and therefore, the sense of commu nity fellow workers once shared became weaker as they were separated across different apartment buildings (Wu and He 2004, 81). Gaogangli is located near Zhongshanmen, an ancient city gate. The area's significance meant that at one time, this area was a cultural center full of wealthy residents. T he existing housing stock at the founding of the PRC was large mansions, fit
! $.% for the wealthy residents who once lived there. However, through the establis hment of the PRC the wealth y families left. Gaogangli therefore became an area of barren mansions and no te nants who could afford them. Not s urprisingly, due to h ousing demand, these homes became communal homes for groups of 10 or more families, and so while the hou sing quality was regal, albeit dilapidated, the housing spa ce was insufficient. I n 1992 a redevelopment project was begun to improve living conditions i n Gaogangli. The local government and developers paid special attention to the preservation of the cultural history of Gaogangli and so historical roads and structures were maintained rather than destroyed. How ever, because of a small budget and hopes of p ursuing this redevelopment at a low cost, the area did not s ee massive improvements in living space or quality. The success in historical preservation was met with the disappointment of failed redevelopment (W u and He 2004, 81). Still, the disruption seen in Wusuocun, was not seen in Gaogangli. The third area was Pingshijie, once a commercial center in imperial Nanjing. Dereliction since the establishment of the PRC drove all of the wealthy families out leaving intolerable housing conditions for those who remained. Due to the poor housing condition, remaining residents consisted of the elderly, laid off workers, unemployed and low income families (Wu and He 2004, 81). Pingshijie also saw an influx of rural migrants, as the black market rental syste m took over. Despite these factors Pingshijie showed the strongest sense of community of all of the areas researched. Because most of its residents were forced into this area due to socioeconomic status, the community was relatively stable. Despite poor living c onditions, strong ties between residents provided support where the infrastructure in the area lacked. No redevelopment scheme has been
! $.' pursued in this area, and therefore Pingshijie has maintained its strong sense of community, historical buildings and p oor housing and infrastructure (Wu and He 2004, 83). Wu and He's research begins to tie together the consequences of redevelopment for Chinese communities. While Wusuocun experienced the greatest benefits from redevelopment, it was found to have the weak est sense of community of all three areas, despite having a history of strong work unit based ties. Gaogangli never had the work unit ties that Wusuocun had, yet still had higher social cohesion and community ties than Wusuocun after redevelopment. This fi nding is logical because Gaogangli underwent very little redevelopment and the redevelopment it did have did not disrupt community life. Pingshijie presented the highest rates of community ties and social cohesion most likely due to the fact that this area was not touched by local go vernment or developers (W u and He 2004, 91). From this study, it seems that re development schemes do have an effect on the communities they touch, especially in cities like Nanjing that have historically established communities. As in most Chinese cities, the issue of urban poverty is growing in N anjing. In 2006 Chen, Gu, an d Wu looked at the sources and e ffects of urban poverty in Nanjing. They found that those considered p art of the urban poor were in this situation mostly bec ause they had been laid off; this group comprised 65% of their sample (Chen, Gu and Wu 2006, 11) One major contribution to unemployment was economic transition which was not easy for any city. In 2000 Nanjing ranked second among all pr ovincial capital c ities in industrial output, and as cities moved towards the tertiary sector and away from industry, there were massive job losses in industry (Chen, Gu and Wu 2006, 17). One
! $.( way researchers are able to assess the presence of urban poverty is to look at wh ich areas have a high percentage of residents receiving MLSA. Those receiving MLSA typically live near each other due to the way that housing tends to be segregated based on socioeconomic status (Chen, Gu and Wu 2006, 22). While current housing policy has certainly had an effect on segregating the u rban poor in Nanjing, the city's historical legacy has also played a role. Dating back to the Nanjing's reign as the nationalist capital, it was divided into several functional areas and built accordingly. North ern Nanjing was the economic, political and intellectual area of the city. Commercial pursuits, government offices and universities were built there leaving this area both affluent and the center of much of Nanjing's economic activity (Liu and Wu 2006, 615). The southern pa rt of the city was deemed old Nanjing. This area was reminiscent of Nanjing's urban past, and was a center for handicraft workers and other urban residents along with a small number of rural migrants and refugees as a product of the w ar (Liu and Wu 2006, 615). While the establishment of Communist China and eventually the reform era drastically changed the face of Nanjing, the remnants of the lines drawn by the state led urban development during the Nationalist era can still be faintly seen to this day. New urban poverty groups in Nanjing can be found in the certain areas once deemed the old urban area in the south (Liu and Wu 2006, 617). Shanghai Shanghai is one of China's most developed cities. This development has had obvious and p rofound effects on both the families who have c alled Shanghai home for decades and those who have just moved there. Shanghai has a relatively high
! $.) homeownership rate. From the beginning of the reform era to 1990, the sa le of commercial housing rose ten tim es, indicating that Shanghai's commercial housing market was fairly successful early on (Wu 1996, 1612). In 2008, homeownership was at 77 percent with half of those households purchasing commodity housing (Chen, Hao and Stephens 2010, 879). Shanghai's i nner city has been neglected in its history. But as economic development and urbanization occu rred, the inner city became the focal point of Shanghai's' development. Since then, many projects have been created to aid in the development of Shanghai's cente r. For example, the 365 plan proposed in the 19 90s planned for the redevelopment of 365 hectares of old and dilapidated housing by 2000 (He and Wu 2007, 191). Through this process Shanghai's inner city has seen a decreasing population density, and a major increase in socioeconomic status for those who continue to live there ( 187). Those who were able to afford continued residence in the city center found that redeveloped sites had better conditions and a better bu ilt environment than before redevelopment ( 200). However, 25 to 50 percent said they did not benefit from this redeve lopment at all ( 197 ). M any could not afford to stay in redeveloped sites and therefore had to leave their former homes in the inner city. W ith the 365 plan and other redevelopment sc hemes in Shanghai, a mass exodus from the inner city occurred. Census data from 1990 and 2000 indicates the extent of this exodus. The population in the inner city declined by 36.4% during those years. In addition, using the city square as the city center, the further from this point t he more the population increased during the sa me time period ( 190). Redevelopment has thus been one of the biggest factors in emerging residential differentiation in Shanghai. Those who can afford
! $.* the commodity housing that r esults from redevelopment move to those redeveloped sites. While others, such as low income, aged, retired, or unemployed are forced to stay in old dilapidated areas of Shanghai and wait for redevelopment, or move to the suburban fringe Middle class house holds sometimes choose to move to the suburban fringe for cheaper and nicer housing if they have access to a car ( 206). This redevelopment can go two ways as indicated in the statistics above. One way to demonstrate the range of results in redevelopment p rojects is through a neighborhood case study. Tian and Wong (2007) looked at redevelopment projects in two separate areas of Shanghai, Fukangli and International Ladoll City. Both had the same existing scale of development and the same developer undertakin g their redevelopment project The only difference was a two year gap in development time period (Tian and Wong 2007, 212). Fukangli was redeveloped under the Housing Amenity Fulfillment Initiative (HAFI), meaning that the rede velopment should be done is a way that provides, "local residents with basic living space and amenities through renovation of dilapidated housi ng stock" ( 214). In this way, the redevelopment of Fukangli could avoid the gentrification that often mars many redevelopment projects. How ever, the late 1990s was a bump in the road for China's economic development and China's property market. There was massive uncertainty in whether or not Fukangli and other redevelopment schemes like it would see the returns necessary to finish out the pro jects ( 215). Despite the doubts, the project moved forward with the help of the local planning bureau who advocated for the preservation of the existing community which would require that at least 80% of the original residents return to the area p ost red evelopment ( 217). During redevelopment, the planning bureau and developers were
! $.+ conscious of preserving the cultural architecture of the areas as well as the communal spaces that made the community what it is ( 220). Even with their cons cious efforts, they still were not able to achieve the 80% retention rate; however, 52% of residents chose to move back to the area after redevelopment, which is commendable in comparison to other redevelopment schemes a t the time ( 218). International Ladoll City's redevelopm ent began two years lat er in 2000 ( 220). This redevelopment scheme fell under the New Round Redevelopment Initiative, which was the successor of HAFI. Like Fukangli, this redevelopment project endorsed the re turn of its original residents; this time the th resh old was 40% ( 221). However, unlike Fukangli, the Ladoll redevelopment project was done in a time of economic prosperity, and the developer realized that if 40% of residents returned, profits would not b e achieved ( 222). The bounce back of the property market led to massive property price increases in 2003 upon the completion. The prospect of inflated profits was too enticing t o developers, fewer than 5% of previous residents returned, and only 40% of property was sold to Shangha i residents. The differen ces between these two redevelopment case studies show that despite both projects being in the same are a and directed by the same developer, a difference of two years led to drastically different results. Therefore, it is important to keep in mind that Chi nese cities are in a constant state of flux and the lack of stability has led to differe nt results ( 225). Between 1995 and 2008, the average disposable income per capita in Shanghai grew by 270 percent (Chen, Hao and Stephens 2010, 879). This statistic s eems to indicate that Shanghai's urban resi dents are particularly affluent; however what it is really indicating is the cost and inequality of urban life which has increased during the time
! $., period. With such a high cost of living, Shanghai demands afforda ble housing for its lower income residents who are most likely not making the income that would allow them to afford housing in the urban center. T he HPF was started in Shanghai for this very reason. The current state of the HPF in Shanghai allows a family to borrow up to 100,000 RMB for housing in Shanghai (Mostafa, Wong and Hui 2006, 1612). Despite t he local government's efforts to provide affordable housing for its residents, increasing prices in the property market have led to access problems for nearl y all socioeconomic groups except for the top tier (Chen, Hao and Stephens 2010, 899). Shanghai will have to find a way to continue to develop into an international city and sti ll maintain the population who calls it home. Guangzhou Guangzhou has one o f the fastest growing and most successful private housing markets of all metropolitan cities in China. In fact, in the early 2000s, Guangzh ou faced an interesting problem: unaffordable housing and increasing demand. Despite the fact that commodity housing was seemingly unaffordable, demand for housing was so high that Guangzhou's commodity housing market soared (Chan, Yao and Zhao 2003, 25). While some of the reason for this demand is the influx of overseas buye rs, Guangzhou's successful work units have ha d the largest hand in this phenomenon (Chan, Yao and Zhao 2003, 25). Like other cities, Guangzhou's sociospatial composition can be traced to its planned history. The concentric circles obliterated by new development can still be found with mo re abstrac t lines (Li et al. 2010, 449). For example, occupational characteristics
! $.! have a large part in defining the social structure of urban space in Guangzhou. Despite the dissolution of work units, occupations still tend to concentrate in the same residential ar ea. Party profess ionals and cadres cluster around the eastern part of the old urban core where the majority of party and government offices still reside. Industry workers tend to cluster in the western part of the old city where the pollution is already ba d and the i ndustrial infrastructure is located For obvious reasons, transport an d communications workers live around the various airports and har bors in Guangzhou (Li et al. 2010, 449). It seems intuitive that occupations would cluster in certain areas, b ut the transportation networks, housing markets and historical legacies a re important to keep in mind as factors shap ing this differentiation of occupational locations. As the economy continues to develop in Guangzhou, and the transi tion period is furthe r and further in the past Aspects such as lifestyle and market considerations are playing an increasingly important role in housing choice for Guangzhou residents. For example, family status is beginning to play into family's housing behavior; however un like the West, larger older families concentrate towards the urban core where they have more tangible ties. Young families without children are moving towards the suburban areas since infrastructure such as school systems and daycares are a less import ant consideration (Li et al. 2010, 449 450). F or those who are looking for infrastructural qualities in the areas surrounding their homes, neighborhood attributes are playing a considerably more important role in housing choice. Public transport, shopping con venience and neighborhood security are increasingly significant to home buyers (Wang and Li 2006, 320). Other more aesthetic qualities of neighborhoods play a part as well. Locations near water are highly sought after, but neighborhood noise and prox imity
! $$. to wooded areas do not play significant role s in housing choice (Jim and Chen 2006, 429). Surprisingly, low income groups in comparison to middle and high income groups are less likely to want to live in the newly developed areas in the urban fringe bec ause of transportation constraints. More affluent groups can afford daily metro trips or their own car, but lower income groups rely on walking or the b icycle and so they must be wise about choosing housing in relation to their work place (Wang and Li 2006 321). Keeping all of these factors affecting housing choice in mind, price still plays a si gnificant role in household decisions Research done on the increase of utility in comparison to budget constraint found an increase from 4000 RMB per m 2 or less to 4000 5000 RMB per m 2 brings about a 22% reduction in the probability of purchase (Li and Wang 2006, 320). Guangzhou's ViC s are quite different from those in other areas. As in Beijing, more affluent ViC s can be found due to the investment of public an d private interests in these villages (Chan, Yao and Zhao 2003, 26). Therefore, while migrants still do not get the benefits that urban hukou status would grant them, the investment landscape in Guangzhou has increased the land value of many ViC s a nd le d to many positive externalities for the migrants who live there (Lin, Meulder and Wang 2011, 3589). For example, in 2008, 70% of migrant children were studying in 150 private migrant schools (Lin, Meulder and Wang 2011, 3591). Despite this accomplishment some of the schools are not in great condition. The local government has been known to shut down these schools for violating health, fire and other regulations (Lin, Meulder and Wang 2011, 3591). The relationship of the local government with ViC s is a complicated one. While the government clearly wants to maintain control over the ViC s there has also been a
! $$$ promotion of un derstanding as well. Guangzhou's local government granted exemptions for those migrants who live in ViC s Migrants do not have to app ly for a temporary living certificate, employment certificate or proof of family planning. While it seems that these considerations are important in promoting harmony in the city, there have been severe consequences. Illegal employment is a particularly p revalent problem in Guangzhou. Research done in 1999 found that out of 1644 migrants interviewed, only 4 had an authorized certificate of employment (Chan, Yao and Zhao 2003, 26). With increasing migration, this will continue to be a problem for Guangzhou as millions of migrants are effectively hidden from the government's records. Conclusion Housing policy reform and the introduction of a housing market to Chinese cities drastically changed what it meant to live in a Chinese city. The gradual disinte gration of wel fare housing and role of work units in housing provision effectively separated communities once based on employment. In their place housing price, redevelopment schemes and hukou status began to determine who lived where and how. Those who stayed in the center began to enjoy a burgeoning city center full of all the amenities provided by economic development and globalizing cities. Those on the suburban fringe were forced to find new jobs or commute long hours to the city center. The ne ighbor hood and neighbor ties that once served as support systems were often severed and new communities had to be formed, if not for a sense of comradeship then to compensate for
! $$% the lack of infrastructure in the suburban areas. With massive migration came the i ntroduction of new people, culture and villages in to the city. While often they formed insular communities that operated on horizontal social support system, t he communities surrounding these communities are surely affected. The case studies begi n to pai nt a picture of the changing sociospatial structure of Chinese cities. Historical legacy of the city plays a major part in the social geography of the city to this day. For example, a capital city, Beijing struggled to find its footing in the housing mark et when its socialist legacy sti ll dominated the city, and a port tow n, Shanghai, had a past as an economic center that especially primed it for the establishment of a housing market. Guangzhou, another port town like Shanghai, wa s primed for the emergence of a housing market and like Shanghai, Guangzhou has proved to be an e xpensive city to live in. It is clear that economic legacy made the transition period much easier to withstand than in a city like Beijing or Chongqing. Chongqing is an outlier in our case studies, because it is neither a coastal city, nor does it have a his tory of being a center of China's economy. Chongqing's industrial past, like Beijing's capital past, led to a glut of public housing and little or no room for a successful housing ma rket. Chongqing's population could not afford the prices nor the instability, and therefore the introduction of the market was much more tepid. Migrant communities can be found in all Chinese cities, but the relationship s between ViC s and the city are di fferent in each case. Beij ing and Guangzhou seem to be toe ing the line between acknowledging ViC s and encouraging further migration, and also preventing migrants from living full y in the city. U rban poverty is a problem in all of the case study cities. Urb an residents who are on the lower rungs of the socioeconomic
! $$' ladder have been forced out of the city center in all of our cases. The city center has been the focal point of redevelopment, development and beautification. In t he process, the population, who once made the city center what it was, is being scattered on the fringe, leading to a center with little imprint of the past. Nanjing and Beijing have both seen efforts for historical preservation, and are thus the exceptions to this pattern The reason w hy these two cities are most concerned with preservation has to do with their history of being capitals of China. Yet, even these cities have had parts of the urban populations pushed to the fringe by cost. Affordable housing programs to accommodate these residents have failed on many accounts. The only future hope for more affordable housing in these cities seems to be a more conscious effort in the way they are built. Building smaller homes in the urban areas will give all socioeconomic groups choice in t heir housing. However, at this point, housing choice is so restricted by hist orical legacy, price, developer s pursuit of profit, government policies and infrastructural deficiencies that choice will remain small for most groups until these things change. Through these restrictions, choices, regulations, and economic pursuits, the social geography of Chinese cities has been laid. It is by no means a rigid map, but rather a fluid one that changes day by day with urbanization and economic development.
! $$( Chapter 5 Conclusion : Chinese Urban Social Geography The social geography of modern Chinese cities cannot be easily encapsulated in one research endeavor. The pace at which China ha s urbanized and modernized render that pursuit even more difficult How ever, despite a seemingly varied urban landscape, China has seen similar influences on its cities throughout the urbanization process. Urban plans, land use patterns and housing policy have all been influenced by local and central government and market me chanisms. The physical structure of Chinese cities is thus a product of the struggle between government and eco nomic influences and is one side o f the sociospatial dialectic. From the other side people influence the city in a multitude of ways. One way is through choice: where to work, where to live and where to in teract with others. N o matter what spaces are planned by government or constructed by developers, the people and their use of places in the city determine their ultimate purpose U rbanization a n d various development projects inevitabl y disrupt the existing communities that dwell in the city. However, urban residents have the ability to create their own communities and infrastructure in the city, and these patterns, in turn, have an influence on p hysical evolution of cities This study attempts to provide a picture of the
! $$) product of this dialectic, the social geography of Chinese cities, during and after the reform era to better understand what life is like for residents in Chinese cities. Post Mao Chinese Cities Five case study cities serve as a window to understand the social geography of modern Chinese cities. While these cities seemingly have very different social geographies, they also all have similar influences that shape the cities' soc ial geographies Sometimes the resulting patterns are similar, showing the way that certa in influences have a predictable result. In other situations, the context of the city produces a different pattern, showing the way in which the city's history and fun ctions shape its evolution Beijing Beijing's past as a political center of China has greatly affected the social geography of the city. In addition to being the capital of China, Beijing is also one of China's four provincial level cities, giving it pri vileged political status. Therefore, Beijing's political power not only resides in its proximity to the cen tral government, but also in the privileged status of its municipal government. Because of the importance of the city's center as a political center plans have been responsible for alleviating the inevitable development pressure on t he center. One way is through pre servation of historically important areas as outlined in Beijing's
! $$* master plan. In the areas not preserved under the master plan, or are as where developers have been able to deviate from the master plan, massive redevelopment is taking place, expanding and cultivating the central bus iness district As a result of these two influences increasing population density and pressure has led to d iminishing affordable neighborhoods a nd more condominium buildings for the most affluent. Policies to alleviate pressure on the city center have led to decentralization and ultimately suburbanization Decentralization in W estern cities usually results in the creation of a megalopolis or a multi cent ered city. However, Beijing has as of yet not made the same attempt to build up multiple centers on the outskirts. Th e most important consequence of decentralization for urban residents is a restriction of c hoic e. Urban residents who cannot afford quality housing in the city center are forced t o move to the outer fringes of the city or even into the suburbs. These residents are severely separated from the main economic, cultural and political infrastructure of t he city. Beijing's role as a socialist center of the country has had a major effect on housing in the city. Because of the socialist influence, welfare housing prevailed in Beijing long afte r the government wanted it to. When other cities were quickly bui lding a commodity housing market, Beijing gradually pursued commodification of housing while still providing means for pu blic housing. The result was a glut of public housing that needed to be sold or rented. Furthermore, as Beijing redeveloped and got rid of public housing units, it did so in such a way that pushed out the current residents who needed affordable housing. They were forced to the fringe where there are fewer infastructural resources, and thus their choice was restricted further.
! $$+ Migrant co mmunities have sprung up all around Beijing. The ability of these migrants to move to Beijing, find homes, and form communities or ViC s has been astounding. However this phenomenon does not change the fact that these communities lack livable infrastructur e. Due to the hukou system, these communities are forced to fend for themselves in many situations, and despite their ability to survive, they are not always able to do so in acceptable conditions. In addition, these communities exist due to toleration by Beijing's government and therefore, can be destroyed on a political whim. While Beijing is as much an economic center as a political center, it seems clear that the social geography of the city has been most affected by its importance as a political cent er. Chongqing Chongqing's position in the interior of China sets it apart from our oth er case study cities. L ike Nanjing and Beijing, Chongqing was once a capital. Chongqing's main legacy however was not its status as a Nationalist capital but its rol e as an industrial center far removed from Beijing. Chongqing's change in status in 1997 from a city u nder a province to a provincial level city did have profound e ffects on the way that the city urbanized after that point, but Chongqing could not and did not change overnight. Like Nanjing, Chongqing suffered during the r eform era as its economy began to shift away from industry and towards the tertiary sector. The transition period led not only to a restructuring of jobs in the city, but also led to furthe r poverty of Chongqing's urban area. Therefore, the way of life in Chongqing changed as the municipal government began to
! $$, funnel development resources toward building the service sector over the industrial sector. Chongqing i s slowly becoming a consumption based city just like its coastal counterparts. Poverty is a main issue because the areas surrounding Chongqing are so underdeveloped. While economic development has been promoted by Chongqin g' s government and by the central government it is not the same type of development that the other case study cities are experiencing. For example, Chongqing does not have the same amount of FDI as the coastal cities because of its place in the interior. Recently, Chongqing has been developing massive infrastructure, such as roads, that the city has not had in the past. Thus, urban residents generally have a lower socioe conomic background than coastal cities in China. Unsu rprisingly, self built and poor quality housing are rampant in the city. Despite a lower quality o f life, Chongqing's lack of economic development has allowed many urban residents to maintain their comm unities and social ties. While it seems inevitable that economic development will eventually lead to the disruption of existing social ties, Chongqing, because of its slower development has promoted stability of the existing communities better than any other case study city Chongqing 's late r start in economic development and gradual modernization has provided a different social geography for the city t han can be found in the other case study cities. Chongqing does have a concentration of urban life around its business district where the J ialing and Yangtze rivers meet. However, Chongqing has also been successful in developing various development zones o utside of the city center. Universities and industrial areas are located outside of the city, which has led to sprawl. In the long run, this pattern could possibly lead to the creation of a successful polycentric metropolitan area in Chongqing. Furthermore Chongqing's relation ship with other
! $$! interior cities and the surrounding rural areas will mean that Chongqing's influence as a city spreads far beyond its borders. Chongqing's social geography especially can hardly be contained within administratively del ineated lines. Nanjing Nanjing has been the capital of China numerous times. M ore recently the city has also been a major industri al center In 2000, Nanjing ranked se cond among all cities in China i n industrial output. Therefore, while the physical s ymbolism of a capital city was important to Nanjing, so was the beautification of a city with dirty industrial infrastructure. Nanjing' s goal to become an international city made the promotio n of aesthetic quality of the urban area a cornerstone of its mas ter plans. While Howard's Garden City never reached full manifestation in Nanjing, the importance of green spaces in the city has stood the test of time. I n attempting to shift the city's focus away from industry to the service sector, Nanjing was the si te of the 2005 10 th National Sports Games. Mega events help to give political and cultural prominence to cities. The games provided an opportunity for national recognition of Nanjing and further economic opportunities that can be attained from mega events. Unfortunately, in 2004, China's housing market hit a small slump and development surrounding the event greatly suffered. While the National Sports Games did not give Nanji ng a prominent standing in the i nternational field, the event did help to promote th e city in the context of China. Because Nanjing i s a city under a province, its mun icipal government must answer not only to the cen ter, but also to the provincial level government. This means
! $%. that Nanjing must compete for provincial resources with all of the other cities in Ji angsu Province. For this reason, regional plans have been very important to Nanjing since 1990. R egional co llaboration improves the e conomy and culture of all participating cities in Jiangsu rather than allowing competi tion to destr oy the weakest While Nanjing's regional plan still lacks the inclusiveness required for complete success, it was successful in inte grating many smaller cities into Nanjing 's economy and also in creating a reg ional governance structure that provided a mea ns for maintaining this collaboration. This regionalization not only affects the city but the residents as well. The integration of Nanjing's e conomy and culture with surrounding cities has the possibility of opening up the job market b eyond the boundaries of Nanjing and providing a means for regional interaction. Nanjing's long history as a capital and an industrial center not only affected land use patterns but also life in the city. Because of the established framework of the city by the time of the re form era, redevelopment rather than new development was require d to modernize the city. Wu and He 's (2004) case study revealed the ways that redevelopment has affected Nanjing residents. While there are obvious benefits to the beautification and improved q uality of r edeveloped infrastructure, the e ffects on community were profound. Because of Nanjing's industrial past, the movement away from industry to the service sector has also affected way of life in the city, as it has led to major job losses. Recently Nanjing has struggled with urban poverty for this very reason. Therefore, affordable housing programs have been a major focus of Nanjing's municipal government. However, like redevelopment, affordable housing programs also affect communities. Typically a ffordable housing programs lead to segregation in the city by funneling people
! $%$ of different socioeconomic backgrounds into particular areas based on whether or not they need to participate in these programs. Furthermore, the location of affordable housing affects what type of community Nanjing residents can live in, how long their commute s will be to work and whether they will experience the same culture of their previous homes. Nanjing's transition from an industrial past to a globalized city concentrat ed on service sector industry has had profound effec ts on the modern social geography of the city. Because Nanjing's municipal government has less political control and fewer economic resources than a provincial level city does, its social geography also h as the added influence of the surrounding cities, cultures and economies. Shanghai Shanghai's history as a prominent international port town was overlooked during the Mao era, a time when China shut its walls to the outside world. D uring the Deng era, then, Shanghai's first task was to reestablish its economic and international prominence. Shanghai is desi gnated a provincial level city and its municipal government has a good amount of power. That being said, Shanghai's history as an economic center of C hina seems to have influenced the local government to pursue a continuation of that lone purpose. One way that Shanghai did this was to plan the city around the Pudong District. Pudong, adjacent to the water, has been a center of FDI and development by the Shanghai municipal government. However, despite lofty plans, Shanghai suffers majorly from la ck of adherence to its master plans. One reason for this deviation seems to be its very focus on economic development. Plans are dependent on local government and developers,
! $%% both of whom are seeking a profit more than pursuing adherence to the plan. This dynamic means that land use and physical structure of Shanghai is less influenced by the government and more influenced by market mechanisms. Therefore, the local government that should be attempting to improve the li ves of the individuals in its jurisdiction has little or no power to do so, and people's lives are consequently determined by the market. Plans were not the only thing influenced by Shanghai's emphas is on economic de velopment; so was housing policy. While homeownership was pursued in every part of China, it was most successful in Shanghai, an area that was already affluent and also familiar with the market. Redevelopment in the city has mostly been su ccessful in moderniz ing the city center, at the cost of pushing its previous residents outwa rds further and further away fro m the city center. The gentri fication phenomenon seems to only be getting worse as Tian and Wong's (2007) case study shows. In a mat ter of years, attempts to retain residents during redevelopment projects became increasingly fruitless as developers found opportunities for profits more important than retention of the community they were redeveloping. If Shanghai is to maintain its authe nt icity as a Chinese city, i t will continue to struggle as it pushes out Shanghai residents to make room for the international business world infiltrating the city center. One way to combat this trend is the promotion of affordable housing programs, includ ing the HPF that originated there. However, the market s influence will have to be mitigated if this strategy is to work.
! $%' In sum the social geography of Shanghai is heavily influenced by the globalized nature of the city and the power o f the market. Sha nghai resident s range of choices is determined first and foremost by the market. Guangzhou Guangzhou's hist ory as a major port city has led to strong market infiltration into the city's planning and housing policy structure. While early attempts were m ade by Guangzh ou's government to control land us e plans in such a way as to benefit the city as a whole, these plans were difficult to carry through and rarely successful. As a result the local governmen t willfully handed over the rei ns of much of Guangzh ou's development to market mechanisms. P lan adherence in Guangzhou is thus extremely low, especially regarding plans for commercial land use. This means that residents way of life is not in the hands of the local government, but rather the whim of the mar ket. Furthermore, because Guangzhou is a city in a province and not a provincial level city, it struggles with regional competition. Shenzhen and Hong Kong both act as direct competitors to Guangzhou' s development and economy. Regional competition will for ce Guangzhou to find ways to coopera te with other cities in Guangdong province so that it does not lose out on economic opportunities for development. Guangzhou has seen an interesting adherence t o the past with respect to its infrastructure and land use Regions of Guangzhou that once held historical importance have often main tained remnants of their roles through modernization. Because of this legacy life in the city seems to be centered on occupation, despite the disintegration of the work unit. Guang zhou has different regions of commerce throughout the city, and
! $%( therefore depending on where urban resident s work and also what they can afford, they will live as close as possible to their workplace Two factors that affect these choices are educational background which is becoming increasingly important in the job market, and income level which determines an urban resident's budget constraint when purchasing a home or condo. Thus, housing choice in Guangzhou takes into account price, but also location al distance to work place. Guangzhou has dealt with ViC s in a much different way from the other cities studied here While Guang zhou has not fully embraced its migrant populatio n, it has made strides to provide incentives to migrants to move, work and h elp urban ize Guangzhou. One way the municipal government has done this is to waive the requirement that migrants need to apply for temporary residence in the city. While this change has made migration into the city easier, it also leaves the government wit h no idea of who is living within its jurisdiction. The com munities built by ViCs have provided vibrant support networks for migrants in Guangzhou. However, the hukou system denies them basic services that often leave these communities in physical squalor Therefore, these communities exist within their own soc ial dialectic whereby the state and the existing community oppose one another to create the living environment of the ViC. While there are some exceptions, ViC s are dependent upon their residents to provide the infrastructure for life in the city. Most often, t his improvised infrastructure is not adequate, leading the municipal government to evacuate ViC s for health and safety violations. Guangzhou, like Shanghai has a social geography heavily influ enced by the pursuit of economic development. While Guangzhou has been able to maintain its
! $%) Chinese community better than Shanghai, residential choice is still restricted by the market. Conclusions While the se case study cities can be compared or cate goriz ed in a number of ways, his torical legacy serves as a base for comparing the case study cities His torical legacy is the origin from which every city grew and thus by comparing along these lines, its easier to see how the cities have diverged from the ir origins. Capital Cities Beijing, Chongqing and Nanjing were all capital citie s at one time, but their modern day manifestations seem quite different from one another. It is fair to point out that Beijing has held capital city status the longest of a ll the cities, and therefore the influence of the political center is most prevalent there. Plans and housing policy have been majorly affected by its capital infrastructure and position as a socialist political center. This effect can be seen through its concentration on historical preservation and its strugg le with homeownership. In sum the social geography of Beijing has been most heavily influenced by its political importance. While Chongqing briefly held capital sta tus, it was for such a short and t umultuous time that this influence on Chongqing's urban plans and housing policy seems negligible Chongqing's distance and Beijing's closeness to th e political center seems to have had opposite effects on those cities. Chongqing's political distance and
! $%* B eijing's political closeness are both vital in shaping the social geography of the respective cities. Chongqing's distance from Beijing made it relatively autonomous throughout the Mao and Deng eras. However, as reform took over the country, the importance of developing the west became a focal point for Beijing. Because of this priority Chongqing was give n the designation of provincial level city, which made Chongqing extremely important not only in China's interior, but also for China as a whole. This cha nge in designation tied Chongqing closely to the central government for the first time, thus allowing Beijing's political influence to seep into the plans and policy of Chongqing. However, Chongqing still maintains distance allowing it retain a good amount of control over its own jurisd iction and therefore able to develop in its own way. Nanjing, while it is closer to Beijing and held capital status much lon ger than Chongqing, also does not fit the mold of the capital city. Unlike Chongqing and Beijing, Na njing is a city under a province and does not hold the power that the other two cities do. However, like Chongqing, Nanjing's main focus was industry, most ly a product of the Mao era. The transition away from a socialist industrial economy was difficult, a nd urban poverty plagued the city in much the same way that Chongqing experienced. However, unlike Chongqing, Nanjing's geographical location makes it especially apt at enticing FDI, and therefore Nanjing has been able to develop without much aid from the center. R edevelopment projects have affected communities throughout the city, just as in Beijing, and forced urban residents to move and create new communities in the process. It seems that historical legacy as a capital is not a binding factor among Beij ing, Chongqing and Nanjing. The main reason for this is most likely that neither Nanjing nor Chongqing held the status very long. However, interestingly enough, Chongqing and
! $%+ Na njing's histories as industrial center s do seem to have led to similar ities in the social geography of their cities. The transition from the industrial sector to a service sector economy affected both the physical infrastructure of the se cities and the way that people made choices in the cities As Chongqing's economy grows and it g ains more autonomy, it will be interesting to see whether or not it does reflect Shanghai 's or Beijing's social geography. At this time however, Chongqing's power and influence in the interior means that its geography is quite sprawled and it does not have the dense, developed center that the other case study cities have. Ultimately, historical legacy as a political center is important in shaping the social geography of Chinese cities. These legacies serve as both starting points and filters through which n ew influences are absorbed and therefore, the effects of even similar historical legacies may be quite individual. Treaty Port Towns Guangzhou, Shanghai and Nanjing were all treaty port towns and therefore had a history as both international and econo mic centers. That history reemerged as the cities, especially Shanghai and Guangzhou took the lead in opening up China during the Deng economic reforms. It is unsurprising then that all three of these cities struggle with the infringing role of the market in regulating urban society It seems safe to say that in all these cities economic development and economic interests have had the larg est hand in shaping the social geography One difference is that Shangha i's designation as a provincial level city give s it a dominance in the region. Shanghai does not have to worry about competition with adjacent cities not only because of its established economy, but also because it does not need to share resources allocated from a provincial government.
! $%, Guangzhou and Nanjing both face major competition in their provinces and therefore face a choice between building cities to compete in the region, or building cities to integrate into the region. Guangzhou and its surrounding regional cities in Guangdong province so far have taken the path of competition, and therefore Guangzhou faces possible disruption of development and resources to the city. Nanjing on the other hand has pursued integration, and while it has not been wholly successful, the inclusion of a regio nal go vernance structure in its regional plan does give Jiangsu province a possibility for successful regionalization in the future. Unlike the legacy as a capital city, legacy as a port town has led to similar social geographies of cities. All three cities ha ve dominant markets, and have political systems that allow for market mechanisms to shape the city. Nanjing may be the exception to this, as its dual status as political center has also strongly influenced its social geography Nanjing's political importan ce meant that economic forces were not the dominant shapers of Nanjing's social geography, which is why historical preservation is still very important there. In Guangzhou and Shanghai, s ocioeconomic differen tiation prevails and local government's efforts to stem this are often fruitless. Redevelopme nt has disrupted communities that have existed i n the city for decades disrupting the social stability of life in the city. Interior vs. Coastal Cities The juxtaposition of coastal versus interior cit ies is one of the most striking While Chongqing is often representative of other interior cities in China, it still holds a privileged sta tus as a provincial l evel city that no other interior city holds. However,
! $%! Chongqing's economic struggle during the reform era seems indicative of the general struggle that interior cities undergo. The lack of FDI and support by the central government leave s cities completely dep endent upon themselves to find the means of developing their economy. This vacuum of intervention s eems to give the other side of the sociospatial dialectic more sway. For exa mple, the proliferation of self built housing le d to a lower quality of life in Chongqing, but also put the creation of the built environment in the hands of urban residents. Coast al cities on the other hand have such a multitude of influences that urban residents have a much smaller window of choice over their built environment. The exception to this finding is the migrant communities that exist in all of China's cities. Because th e government chooses to barely recognize these individuals, they are able to exist in a space removed from government and economic influence. Governments every once in a while will intervene in a ViC, but mostly these communities are created and maintained solely by those who are a part of it. While coastal cities do present varied social geographies, when compared to Chongqi ng, they show major similarities. Economic devel opment's continuous influence on the social g eography of these cities has le d to a r esult much different than Chongqing, who has only seen the influence of market mechanisms over the last ten years or so. Therefore, Chongqing's growing infrastructure is fairly new in comparison to the established infrastructure in the other four case stud y cities. While Chongqing is concentrating on development, the other cities are concentrating on redeveloping what they already have. New development and redevelopment have differing effects on the social geography of cities. While both types of developmen t offer opportunities for
! $'. population mobility and growth, redevelopment ultimately displaces existing residents effectively moving them to new areas of the city. Conclusion This study on the social geography of Chinese cities begins to create a clearer picture of what it means to liv e in a Chinese city. The modern day physical manifestations of the five case study cities change daily, and surely new social geographies can be found in a matter of months or years. However, this study encapsulates both the sociospatial dialectic and social geography of these cities from the late 1970s to the present. In doing so, the enigmatic Chinese cities are made slightly clearer. By looking at land use policy, planning policy, and housing policy, the development of th e physical cities can be und erstood. These three policies are hea vily influenced by the market and the municipal, provincial and central governments. Sometimes these forces oppose one another, and other times they aid one another in a similar pursuit. Th erefore, the manifestations of these policies i n each city depend on the role of the government and market in the particular urban space. T he five cities have different physical environments, but they are all developing towards the ideal modern c ity, inhab ited by a consumption oriented class and filled with tertiary sector industries. On the other hand, society also has a hand in shaping the social geography of cities. One way of doing this is through urban resident s choice. These choices on their most ba sic level include: where to work, where to live, and where to spend leisure time. While an urban resident's economic and social background serve to restrict choices,
! $'$ choices exist for every urban resident. These choices designate the consumable parts of th e city, and thus have their own part in shaping the social geography. The government or market may develop in an urban space in light of what they think is best, but ultimately its use by society determines its place and use in the urban space. In a more e xtreme example, ViCs are almost completely constructed by the society of migrants that calls them home. They create their own urban societies filled with housing, educational facilities, health facilities, entertainment districts, and job opportunities. Th e government shapes these communities by denying them rights through the hukou system, and by every once in a while enforcing governmental regulations on them. F or the most part ViCs exist in a space outside of the government's purview. While society shape s cities in a multitude of ways, the effects of institutions and separately, people on cities is the clearest way to understand the forces that are responsible for creating and maintaining the living, changing urban areas around the world.
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