"Ich Kenne Jeden Stein Mit Vornamen" History, Heritage, and Discourses of Power in Schwabisch Hall, Baden-Wurttemberg

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Title: "Ich Kenne Jeden Stein Mit Vornamen" History, Heritage, and Discourses of Power in Schwabisch Hall, Baden-Wurttemberg
Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: Howard, Dylan Bailey
Publisher: New College of Florida
Place of Publication: Sarasota, Fla.
Creation Date: 2011
Publication Date: 2011


Subjects / Keywords: Anthropology
Schwabisch Hall
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theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: Ideology, or mind-set, is the set of mental constructs that are embedded in the context in which people operate as a part of their daily lives: it is the things which are taken for granted and assumed to be true. All aspects of life, from food to medicine to religious practice to social interaction, are mediated in one way or another by ideology, which restricts actions and perspectives to a certain number of possibilities. Dominant ideologies necessarily silence non-dominant ones, and anthropology is particularly suited to uncover, deconstruct, and critique these cultural constructions. This project identifies features of the dominant ideology in Schwabisch Hall, Baden-Wurttemberg, Germany as it operated between AD 1500-1750, deconstructs its message of explicit and severe class-based discrimination, and linkages between the socioeconomic elite and local religious institutions, and examines the ways in which this ideology is embedded in those portions of the built landscape which date from that period, and which functioned as symbols of this ideology. Furthermore, this project compares those Reformation-period messages with the symbolic meanings of those same structures and spaces in modern times, and analyzes what this difference means for the place of heritage and the past in the modern dialogue in Schwabisch Hall.
Statement of Responsibility: by Dylan Bailey Howard
Thesis: Thesis (B.A.) -- New College of Florida, 2011
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The New College of Florida, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Local: Faculty Sponsor: Andrews, Anthony

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Source Institution: New College of Florida
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Material Information

Title: "Ich Kenne Jeden Stein Mit Vornamen" History, Heritage, and Discourses of Power in Schwabisch Hall, Baden-Wurttemberg
Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: Howard, Dylan Bailey
Publisher: New College of Florida
Place of Publication: Sarasota, Fla.
Creation Date: 2011
Publication Date: 2011


Subjects / Keywords: Anthropology
Schwabisch Hall
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: Ideology, or mind-set, is the set of mental constructs that are embedded in the context in which people operate as a part of their daily lives: it is the things which are taken for granted and assumed to be true. All aspects of life, from food to medicine to religious practice to social interaction, are mediated in one way or another by ideology, which restricts actions and perspectives to a certain number of possibilities. Dominant ideologies necessarily silence non-dominant ones, and anthropology is particularly suited to uncover, deconstruct, and critique these cultural constructions. This project identifies features of the dominant ideology in Schwabisch Hall, Baden-Wurttemberg, Germany as it operated between AD 1500-1750, deconstructs its message of explicit and severe class-based discrimination, and linkages between the socioeconomic elite and local religious institutions, and examines the ways in which this ideology is embedded in those portions of the built landscape which date from that period, and which functioned as symbols of this ideology. Furthermore, this project compares those Reformation-period messages with the symbolic meanings of those same structures and spaces in modern times, and analyzes what this difference means for the place of heritage and the past in the modern dialogue in Schwabisch Hall.
Statement of Responsibility: by Dylan Bailey Howard
Thesis: Thesis (B.A.) -- New College of Florida, 2011
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The New College of Florida, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Local: Faculty Sponsor: Andrews, Anthony

Record Information

Source Institution: New College of Florida
Holding Location: New College of Florida
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: local - S.T. 2011 H8
System ID: NCFE004378:00001

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ICH KENNE JEDEN STEIN M IT VORNAME N HISTORY, HERITAGE, AND DISCOURSES O F POWER IN SCHWBISCH HALL, BADEN WRTTEMBERG B Y DYLAN BAILEY HOWARD A Thesis s ubmitted to the Division of Social Sciences New College of Florida in partial fulfillment of t he requirements for a Bachelor of Arts in Anthropology u nder the Sponsorship of Prof. Anthony P. Andrews Sarasota, Florida April 2011


ii For Grandmama, who told me always to study hard, and amount to something.


iii Preface I first came to Schwbisch Hall in January 2008, as a means of using my January interterm period productively, to improve my German. I spent the whole of the month in Schwbisch Hall, studying advanced German at the Goethe Institute, located on the site of My reasons for going there were partially practical I thought I would have more incentive to improve if I were in a small town, as opposed to a large city, and Sch wbisch Hall is the only Goethe Institute not located in a major urban center and partly personal my maternal grandfather and his family are originally from Hechingen and Schwbisch Gmnd, and Schwbisch Hall is the nearest Goethe Institute to those places It was partially a pragmatic decision, and partially a trip back to what I thought of as being my familial roots. I had done my research before selecting a destination, and so I had prepared myself to live for one month in the quaint, medieval style G erman town that Schwbisch Hall bills itself as. What I was not prepared for w ere the large local food movement, the radical leftists, the three Bruce Springsteen tribute concerts, and the intense local interest in history. As might be imagined, this all stewed in the back of my mind, until it came time to choose a topic for this project. There was no doubt in my mind that I wanted to do some sort of fieldwork, which I would subsequently analyze, and eventually, this led me back to Schwbisch Hall. I fi nd the interplay of these various factors fascinating, and I hope that others shall, as well.


iv Acknowledgements This project would never have been possible without the help and kind patience of a great many people, particularly Professors Anthony P. Andr ews, Uzi I. Baram, and Thomas J. H. McCarthy, who guided me through the various stages of the research, from conception to editing and beyond. It is largely due to their wisdom and experience that my course has been so delightfully smooth. Professors Car also given me much kind assistance as I worked through a vast lagoon of considerations, both theoretical and practical. Professor Glenn Cuomo provided the invaluable aid of proof reading all of my paperwork, an d transforming my somewhat colloquial German into proper, official German. Thanks are also due to my grandfather, Hans Lehmann, for making sure that German was a part of my life from the get go, and to Mrs. Joyce Warner, Fr. Renate Kohl Khn, and Fr. Ire ne Lukasch for helping me recover what I lost. I also wish to thank my parents, Blevins and Jennifer Howard, and my sister Marleigh Howard, and indeed to all my family for putting up with me (so far), for encouraging me to be eclectic and persistent in my studies, and for enabling my intellectual addictions. I owe particular thanks to my great uncle, George Einstein, for all his assistance and for being my biggest cheerleader; and to my grandfather, Fred Howard, for teaching me to always be curious about t he world, and giving me the tools to pursue that curiosity. I must also acknowledge my dear friends, who have very patiently put up with my constant yammering about this fascinating town which is the subject of my study: particularly Nassim Badaoui, Jame s Birmingham, Mike Niemiec, Sam Porter, Alexis Santos, and James Sheridan; Ariel Ben Chitrit and Mark Wilco, my comrades in arms (or at least in ninja masks); Mallory Fenn, for being the kindest, most supportive person in existence; and Jessica Anne Wheele r, who wrote the thesis by which all others ought to be judged, without which I would have been almost completely lost. Finally, I wish to thank the kind and welcoming people of Schwbisch Hall, whose kind curiosity was always an inspiration, and whose vas t knowledge about the history of their town was an incomparable assistance. In particular, I wish to thank Dr. Gerd Schfer for all his assistance; Mr. Cesare Rebellato for his friendly assistance and many recommendations; and the supremely helpful staff of the Hllisch Frnkisches Museum for the use of their archives, and for their infinite patience with a young academic.


v Table of Contents Preface ____________ iii Acknowledgments ____________ iv List of I llustrations ____________ vi Abs tract ____________ vii Invitation to the Reader ____________ p. 1 Chapter I: Theo ry, Method, and Presentation ____________ p. 3 Chapte r II: The Historical Record ____________ p. 14 Chapter III: The Heritage Landscape ____________ p. 41 Chapter IV: Conclusions ____________ p. 83 Works Cited ____________ p. 86 Appen dix A : Maps and Photos ____________ p. 89 Appendix B : Timeline ____________ p. 95 Appendix C : Glossary of German Words ____________ p. 100


vi List of Illustrations p. 96 Schwbisch Hall and the Kocher valley, looking North from Limpurg (Author photo, 2010). p. 96 ( Author photo, 2010) p. 97 Marktplatz facing Southeast (Author photo, 2008) p. 9 8 p. 98 The Eastern side of Schwbisch Hall (Author photo, 2010). p. 99 Comburg, looking Southwest from Limpurg (Author photo, 2010). p. 99 Birds eye view of Schwbisch Hall, circa 1530 (Krg er 1990: 45). p. 100 Detail of Old Town (Krger 1990: 44). p. 100 Detail of Old Town, 1983 (Krger 1990: 7). p. 101 Marktplatz circa 1156 (Krger 1990: 87) p. 101 Profile of the Kocher Valley, before and after the landslide (Kr ger 1990: 22). p. 101 Celtic fort at Limpurg (Krger 1990: 23).


vii Abstract Ideology, or mind set, is the set of mental constructs that are embedded in the context in which people operate as a part of their daily lives: it is the things which ar e taken for granted and assumed to be true. All aspects of life, from food to medicine to religious practice to so cial interaction, are mediated in one way or another by ideology which restricts actions and perspectives to a cer tain number of possibiliti es. Dominant ideologies necessarily silence non dominant ones and anthropology is particularly suited to uncover, deconstruct, and critique these cultural constructions. This project identifies features of the dominant ideology in Schwbisch Hall, Baden Wrttemberg, Germany as it operated between AD 1500 1750, deconstructs i ts message of explicit and severe class based discrimination and linkages between the socioeconomic elite and local religious institutions, and examines the ways in which this ideolog y is embedded in those portions of the built landscape which date from that period, and which functioned as symbols of this ideology. Furthermore, this project compares those Reformation period messages with the symbolic meanings of those same structures and spaces in modern times, and analyzes what this difference means for the place of heritage and the past in the modern dialogue in Schwbisch Hall. ______________________________ Anthony P. Andrews Professor of Anthropology Division of Social Science s


An Invitation to the Reader This paper is not about the past: if the reader wishes to know more about the role Schwbisch Hall has played in history, or the impressions this town and its inhabitants have made on the passage of time, I r ecommend that they read something else there are a great many excellent books on this subject, and they treat the subject much more completely than Schwbisch Hall: Ein Gang durch Geschichte und Kunst is particularly Probleme der Haller Geschichte about the history of particular people, especially the Sieder, then I entreat the m to immediately put this document aside, and seek another which will discuss that subject in depth. If the reader wishes to read extensive lists of the years in which various buildings were erected and modified, or if the reader wishes in general to esta blish a precise material chronology of events and landscape for Schwbisch Hall, then they ought to stop reading this paper, and seek out the many helpful and quite exhaustively detailed works on this subject. There is no shortage of material: many author s have written almost exclusively in German upon t he history of Schwbisch Hall, with such completeness of detail that one wonders if there is anything left to discover or discuss life studying this kind of thing, and making the history of Schwbisch Hall available in ever more precise detail and indeed, several people have done precisely that, and it is very important work, deserving respect and praise I n short, i f the reader wishes to know about the past per se tha t inf ormation is available elsewhere. T his paper is not primarily about the past. It is mostly about the present. And, in a way, it is about the future. This paper is intended to compliment those many, many details about the past which have been laid ou t by other scholars, by doing somet hing that none of those esteemed individuals seem to have important to modern people? What is the significance of all of the rese arch into each and every building, present and forgotten, in this small, out of the way town? How does this sense of being surrounded by or even embedded in the past affect daily life here in Schwbisch Hall, or the way people think about themselves and w here they live? How do people live so comfortably with a landscape which is so focused on violent discrimination against the poor? What, in short, is the point of it all? I found these questions to be particularly interesting, and I have ridden the wave of my scientific curiosity to what I think are some interesting conclusions. I have attempted to preserve as best I can the authenticity them in German, with my translations of their statements provided in footnotes. In those rare instances where informants preferred to speak to me in English, I have included their statements in English only. In concl usion, I would like to invite you the reader, to think about the se questions yourself (even if you are not from Schwbisch Hall the se questions are still important, and me? Why are old buildings important? How are they used, and by whom? How have the messages they represent changed over time, and what could this mean? What aspects of


2 these issues d o I take for granted, but could examine more closely? What happens when I do examine them more closely? These were the questio ns which sprung to life in my mind and demanded to be answered, and I have done my best to address them: I invite the reader to participate in this dialogue, and examine these questions for themselves. This paper is but one interpretation out of many whic h are possible, meaning that it cannot in any way be definitive, but instead should open the door for the conversation, which hopefully will open still other doors to other conversations. By such simple means are the lives of many improved, and good work done in the world.


3 CHAPTER I THEORY, METHOD, AND PRESENTATION s actually a complicated construction, a confluence of event and perception which alter fact and memory Some would even go so fa r as to say that the past is actually a fictive world all its own, which replaced the objective form, but is also quite widely divorced from it. This is because the past, as we think of it, is actually a discursive realm, created by a discourse between events and our perceptions and interpretations of them; in other words, between events as they actually occur, and culturally regulated ideology which observes the m, shapes those perceptions, and then communicates them to others. History in general, then, is actually a sequence of these architectonic unities of systems (Foucault 1972: 4 5), in which each subsequent one overlays or destroys (West 2007: 48, 81, 83 4) West, definitive workings and seeing that vision, in time, replaced by another for such is the stuff of life: one must inevitably formulate, a rticulate, and act present threat of countervisions that the world is actually made, unmade, and remade (2007: 83). West is here referring to Mozambican beliefs surrounding sorcery, a complex interpretation of the function of perception and metaphor in a context of social mediation, but the commonalities between Mozambican views of the creation and destruction of worlds which s architectonic unities, are so great in number and significance that they are impossible to


4 ignore. Both describe how ideology is constructed, both deliberately and existenti ally, by human beings, as a tool to serve various needs. In particular, ideology affects the formulation and transmission of ideas about the past, and what the past means to the present. I contend that ideology forms heritage by means of a discursive en gagement with the past, through a complex series of lived interactions. Some of these interactions take place with the intent to mould and modify the past to fit a particular need, and some take place by sheer existential chance, but their significance is consistent throughout all examples, as they form a culturally determined knowledge of a shared past which plays a critical role in the manufacture of identity that is to say, they create heritage. Drawing upon a sizeable body of anthropological and histo rical research, this thesis uses the example of heritage as constructed in Schwbisch Hall, Baden Wrttemberg, Germany to illustrate how this ideology of heritage is rooted firmly in the material landscape, which is the physical impression of local mind se t. It focuses specifically on the built landscape as it was during the period stretching from just before the Reformation until just after the War of Austrian Succession, or from approximately AD 1500 to AD 1750. Heritage Magic Mark Leone defines ide for In other words, ideology is the structure of beliefs, preferences, and knowledge which underlies and st ructures thoughts and actions on an individual level and, since a group is no more than an aggregate of individuals, on a group level, as well. Wide variations in


5 ideology are common, even amongst small groups which are relatively homogenous in sociologic unities of systems (Foucault 1972: 4 5). economic classes, in which some members of the population control the ideology of the culture, and use it to oppress the working classes (Leone 1982: 748), which point is also taken up by Friedrich Engels (1926) with respect to hile I do not in any way contest the meaning of this relationships and ideological systems which overlay and overthrow one another. Placed into the context of the Mozambican dialogue of sorcery and colonial legacies (West 2007: 66 70), this statement and the mistrust which control over ideology engenders amongst those who are culturally sensitive to such activities becomes much clearer: Muedans watched [the democratic elections in Mozambique in 1994] with undoubtedly in leagu e with local agents of sorcery many Muedans doubted that their votes proclaiming their intentions to remake 1 Mozambique were all capable sorcerers and, thus, all able to see invisible bal lots and hold those who cast them accountable (West 2007: 67). And who could blame them, considering the context of their present existence? That is to say, considering their heritage of colonial oppression and exploitation by the Portuguese? One could not ask for a clearer illustration of the ideological nature of heritage. 1 Italics mine. DBH 2 The name Schwbisch Hall frequently abbreviated as Hall is divisible into two parts : the word Hall is of


6 I shall discuss in a moment how this understanding of ideology implies a duty incumbent upon anthropologists while simultaneously providing both a context and a goal for anthropolog y, but first I shall consider how ideology a grand concept which is nonetheless quotidian can be studied in the context of the material record. With respect to the function of ideology and the ontology of heritage, what is true of the present is also true of the past. As noted above, there are vast gulfs of difference between the ideology of the present and the various ideologies of the past and these of course vary across space as well as time but the existence of ideology in some form or another is a con ideology varies culturally across time and space, it is an ideal subject of study for when all members of that group for the time period in question have long since departed this life. In other words, this is a problem for archaeologists. For many ye ars, this topic was hotly debated, with various schools of archaeological method and theory taking ferocious stands on one side or another of the issue (though Egyptology and Mesoamerican Archaeology had been engaging in cognitive archaeology almost since the very beginning of both fields). Then, beginning with James Deetz, Kathleen Deagan, and Mark Leone amongst others, archaeology began to explore the realm of cognition and ideologies of past peoples ( Deetz 1996 ; Deagan 1982; Leone 1982). The implicatio ns of this debate are still being worked out, but the conclusions which it reached are still powerful and what is more, useful.


7 In short, it is now generally accepted that the material modifications which humans make to the world around them are the physic al imprints of their ideology (Deagan 1982; Annapolis, Maryland remains one of the foremost examples of the application of this theory (1996), and it is paralleled by Doug (2000). The simplest starting point for the ontology supporting these studies is the dictum that material objects reveal the mind set, or ideology, of the person or people who construct them (Armstrong & Kelly 2000: 370; Deagan 1982: 158, 167 70; Leone 1982: 742 50). I that w sense of the phrase: that is to say, humans create and/or shape their world in order that it will line up as closely as possible with how they think it ought to be, within th e limits of what the people in question are situationally capable of. Sometimes, this takes place through an application of intention, but not always: it is more common for unconscious actions which are structured by ideology to form the complex spaces in which people live their lives from guided by ideology turns objective places into lived spaces, where life happens. the geographical landscape. They are, after all, shaped and conceived entirely by humans,


8 generally for explicit purposes which are the p rimary functional determinants of their design. Decorative features are also made by the hand of man, and the significance of these features is determined by culture. The same is true, however, of phenomenological landscapes: in addition to shaping the physical world in which they live, humans also create conceptual worlds which exist in accompaniment to their physical worlds, and help define them as lived spaces. People make s can scarcely result, we create conceptual worlds which are the product of interactions between our perceptions and material realities. This is substantiated by the fact that, [f]rom the phenomenological perspective, reality exists only through its meaning they also make the worlds they imbue with it (2007: 46). It is, in fact, this very point which leads West (and the Muedans amongst whom he worked) to conclude that perception of the world and especially any elucidation of that perception, i.e. anthrop ology is sorcery (2007: 71 85). And this is, within a certain cultural schematic, 2000: 7) to encapsulate the whole logic of this fascinating concept in her study of how a single place (in this case, Tahiti) can simultaneously be a tourist destination an ancestral homeland, and a test site for nuclear weapons. I shall use this term in the same sense:


9 specifically, to describe the interactions of place, perception, and past which create heritage in Schwbisch Hall. However, an anthropologist must alwa ys be careful not to get ahead of him or herself. In this case, it is Leone who provides us with a sobering manifesto of reflexivity: and since we know that one way ideology op erates is to make the present look inevitable by making the past look like precedent for modern conditions, then to what degree does our modern archaeology create the past in its own image? (1982: 750). historical descriptions are necessarily successive creation and destruction of thought worlds (West 2007: 83). Leone has hit the mark here, and there is no dodging t he truth of his assertion: after all, we in the present are just as much the creatures of our ideology as our ancestors were before us. But, the overall message is a positive one. Rather than warn us, Leone has issued a mandate for anthropology, and la id out rather clearly a mission for the field: in order to not misrepresent the other (or the past), we must be hyper aware of our own ideology, so that it overshadows the subject of our study as little as possible. This is, of course, impossible, unless culturally determined ideology, b ut by the knowledge that this same ideology is determined by a complex interaction of power relations and perceptions, and is therefore both arbitrary and potentially harmful of a certainty, it is always restrictive. By illuminating this, and


10 simultaneous ly facilitating better understanding both between cultures and within them, anthropology can make the world a better place. This, then, is both the context in which anthropology is performed and the duty which is incumbent upon its performers. Field Met hods and Dealing with Change This project employs a combination of archaeological, historical, and ethnographic methods, spread over two time periods the first from 1500 1750, and the second being the present day and focuses on cultural processes which ar e observable in the built landscape within those discrete periods of time. As a result of this hybridization, this research is overall a critical analysis of my own subjective relationships to the built landscape in Schwbisch Hall (through history and et hnographic experience) which are informed, focused and structured by subjective relationships of natives of the town, as well as an analysis of this landscape as it would have appeared in the past. The aforementioned issues of the incongruencies between a ntique and modern perspectives continue, of course, to apply. This is common practice in modern historical archaeology: because of its unique position as a material bridge between the past and the present, a fusion between the material and documentary reco perspectives that contribute to a more accurate history in which biases and the politics of k text that


11 by which alternate versions of the past can be told. This is especially the case when historical archaeologists use the theoretical engagements and methods available to them to uncover areas of history which have been lost or deliberately silenced in somewhat paradoxical phrasing, to save the lives of the dead. My work in Schwbisch Hall is an attempt to do precisely that: most historical scholarship on the fragments of the past involved in this case are very broad strokes, and do little to describe the daily lives of the average person, or what they might have thought about the world around them. This is not done out of a lack of willingness on the part of historians, but because such data is rarely put into the historical record, material culture becomes our only source for it. By causing the historical record and the material record to work together, historical archaeology illuminates new aspects of life in the past which otherwise would have remained closed to us. In the following pages, the analysis of space and place in terms of the built landscape defines the quotidian uses of those abstract concepts. Moreover, a major objective was to achieve as much as possible a diachronic view of Schwbisch Hall, which is a small step with large implications for the project as a whole. Archaeological and historical methods are employed to examine the past, and to determine what the landscape was like in th ose times. just the time at which it was shaped into its built form, the preservation of buildings and spaces echoes the preservation of ideology. Therefore, I c ontend that it is possible to understand something of the ideology of the present by undertaking a careful examination of which parts of the past are materially preserved in the present, as well as those which are not,


12 and what is said about it by those wh o live their lives amongst it. How such features are preserved and altered is also quite interesting: after all, ideology also changes with time, which means that old things are put to new uses: this too is revealing. A diachronic approach is not just int eresting: it is also important. A synchronic approach colloquially can be very useful in terms of understanding a particular time and place, but it does not illustrate processes, or change over time. Because synchronic approach es do not account for the passage of time, they can unless the scholar is careful to include such information divorce cultural information from its historical context (which, as noted above, is an integral part of the ideological process). While synchron ic descriptions are useful for structural analyses, they are less effective a t analyzing change. Carried to an extreme, and/or done without proper consideration and an essentializing force which robs its subjects of agency Additionally, the fact that a culture appears to be frozen in time by authoritative, generalized statements can quickly render an ethnography irrelevant or invalid, which is harmful to both subje ct and student. By studying s ideology in two time periods, the scholastic robustness of the research on cultural process can be improved Representing the Past and the Present This paper is organized largely along methodological lines : it begins with an overview of the history of Schwbisch Hall, with the aim of contextualizing both the study itself, and the results thereof. This includes a limited review of the historical sources employed here. Next, the focus shifts to the analysis of the material record, and what it has to say about the


13 mind sets which were active roughly between AD 1500 and AD 1750. The conclusion contains a discussion of issues of preservation and modern ideology. In summary, ideology forms heritage by means of a discursive engagement with the past, through a complex series of lived interactions which occur both as people go about their daily lives, and by deliberate means; that the mind set of some of the citizens of Schwbisch Hall during the time period stretc hing from approximately AD 1500 to 1750 is embodied to an extent in the built landscape; and that the deliberate preservation and repurposing of specific parts of this landscape into modern times is a meaningful insight into the modern mind set, as well.


14 CHAPTER II THE HISTORICAL RECORD The Stamp of the Land The old city of Schwbisch Hall sits astride the River Kocher in northern Baden Wrttemberg. This state, which forms the southwestern corner of Germany, and borders France and Switzerland, is famous for the Stuttgart Ballet, and the universities of Ulm (whence came Albert Einstein) and Tbingen. Mercedes Benz is based in Stuttgart, the state capital, and the renowned toymaker Schleich is based in Schwbisch Gmnd. Tourists come from all pa rts of the world to see the incredible piedmont scenery of the Schwbisch Alb, or the dark, ancient beauty of the Schwarzwald (Black Forest), which has some of the best driving roads in the world. None of these landmarks, however, are anywhere near Schw bisch Hall: most of them are, in fact, in the southern portion of the state, with Stuttgart which is seventy kilometers distant being the nearest to Schwbisch Hall. The northeastern portion of Baden Wrttemberg, where Schwbisch Hall is located, is char acterized by the presence of two ranges of hills, the Limpurger and Waldenburger ranges, which run roughly East West and North South, respectively. These hill ranges intersect at more or less a right angle, and between them, on the northeastern side, sits a wide, fertile plain, known as the Haller Ebene. The River Kocher and its tributaries numerous small streams which run down from the hills cut deep into this plain, forming narrow gorges of varying steepness and depth.


15 In the largest of these, just af ter a snakelike bend in the Kocher, sits Schwbisch Hall. The Kocher slices North through the Haller Ebene until it eventually flows into the Rhine, but it is not navigable by boats for any great distance either up or downstream, and at no point in its h istory has it been a major conduit for travel or trade. A few small islands mark the river just south of the old town center all that remains of the rapids which formerly marked the area. The town is literally tucked away inside the gorge of the river, a nd defending it would have presented an interesting challenge, as an attacker would have been able to see over every part of the town walls from almost any point around it except from the surface of the river itself. In spite of its location and relativ e indefensibility, this site has a long history of occupation. Unfortunately, almost one third of this story is currently lost to us, though it has been glimpsed briefly through the lens of archaeology. A Short Prehistory of Schwbisch Hall The identi ty of the first settlement at what came to be known as Schwbisch Hall 2 identify the discovery of the salt spring as the catalyst for settlement, and merely disagree on t he timing of the discovery, and the identity of the discoverer. Most common are stories of 2 The name Schwbisch Hall frequently abbreviated as Hall is divisible into two parts : the word Hall is of Celtic origin (Wund er 1974: 11) and refers to a process of boiling liquid in large vats, in order to obtain some substance which is held in solution within that liquid in this case, salt ; Schwbisch is an adjective, meaning Swabian, which indicates that Schwbisch Hall lies within the boundaries or influence of Swabia, a cultural region within Germany. The inclusion of the word Schwbisch came about in the written record as a means of distinguishing Schwbisch Hall from other places called Hall, where salt was produced in similar ways.


16 hunters following their prey and stumbling upon the spring, or herdsmen looking for an animal which was attracted by the smell of salt (Wunder 1974: 9 10). These a re similar in almost all respects to stories of the discovery of many other springs in Europe (Krger 1990: 23). The most definite story was written down by the chronicler Georg Widmann around 1550, and states that the spring in Schwbisch Hall was discov ered around AD 850 950. This was thought to be true until 1939, when foundations were being dug for a new bank near the site of the old spring. During the course of this project, a large number of Celtic potsherds were recovered, which proved conclusive ly that the spring had been exploited much earlier than had previously been thought (1990: 21). Thus, while we have as yet no direct evidence of a pre Celtic settlement in Schwbisch Hall, this does not necessarily exclude such a settlement from the realm of possibility. The original Celtic settlement seems to have been destroyed by a landslide around AD 150, which also caused the location of the spring to shift to the West, and the River Kocher to change course, as well. (1990: 22). The hill which today holds the Limpurg castle, overlooking the Unterlimpurg section of Schwbisch Hall, also once held a Celtic fort, complete with a wall, which has since become covered with earth (1990: 23). The inhabitants of this Celtic town would most likely have been i nvolved in regional trade on what would be considered a small scale, similar to that described by Peter Wells (1984). Since Schwbisch Hall had only one salt spring from which to produce salt, and the population of the Celtic hamlet appears to have been q uite small, it is probable that the output of salt was quite low: most of it was probably exchanged for food and other goods with the farmers of the Haller Ebene.


17 This extremely interesting discovery is, however, ultimately disappointing, as further arch aeological investigation of the period at this location is largely impossible: there is, after all, a town built atop it, and further discoveries have been limited to accidental finds in the course of digging basements or other such activities. Krger men tions speculation surrounding the existence of a Celtic temple or even a wooden church from the Fourth or Fifth Century atop which the Church of St. Michael may have been built, concluding 3 (1990: 2 5). Ultimately, then, it is impossible to establish a firm range for the occupation of Schwbisch Hall with the data currently available. We can, however, extrapolate cautiously based on data from other sites which bear comparison to Schwbisch Hall: othe r sources of salt where similar methods of extraction were used, such as Bad Friedrichshall in Germany and the somewhat more distant Briquetage de la Seille in Lorraine began in the early Iron Age, between the eighth and sixth centuries BC (Olivier & Kovac ik 2006: 559 61). Briquetage de la Seille is particularly similar to Schwbisch Hall in that this site is also located in a river valley (the Moselle). Here, earthen furnaces were used to boil saline water and produce salt. When these broke or were no l onger needed, they were discarded in large mounds, which varied in height from 1 to 12 meters and could be up to 500 meters in diameter (2006: 559). As in the case of Schwbisch Hall, production of salt at this site was profitable until the 1600s and beyo nd, but the origins of salt production at the site was ascribed variously to the Franks, the Celts, and other groups until archaeological evidence proved conclusively that it began in the Iron Age (2006: 560). 3 My translation.


18 Excavations showed that the furnace agglome rations are indeed made of individual, approximately two by three metre, U would be placed in already fired large flat bottomed ceramic containers with individual capacities estimated to be somewhere between 20 and 50 litres, with these containers placed on top of the furnace for boiling (2006: 561). While this description cannot be conclusively said to apply to Iron Age salt production in Schwbisch Hall, the simil arities between the methods described above and the methods used in Schwbisch Hall during the Middle Ages is striking, and it may reasonably be suggested that the early settlers of Schwbisch Hall employed similar technology in their extraction of salt fr om the spring. Regardless of the specific technology employed, vast amounts of documentary data as well as the name Schwbisch Hall itself show that salt was produced in Schwbisch Hall by boiling brine in large vats, after which the salt was pressed int o sheets and sold in stores (Kaiser & Wietschorke 2006: 203). Salt was a very important commodity, and those with the power to control its production would in all likelihood have been at a material advantage over those who did not. This was probably more true in larger centers of salt production, such as Hallstatt and Briquetage de la Seille, and less so in smaller, less 65), which would mean that a salt producing community would inherently be socially complex, as differences in wealth would create social stratification within the community. At Briquetage de la Seille, individuals involved in salt production seem to have been relatively wealthy in the Late Hallstatt period, but, as time wore on, and communities began to specialize in a single type of industrial activity, no individual in the settlement seems to be much wealthier than any other (2006: 565). This probably v aried from place to place with respect to local economic factors, and it would be interesting to know what sort of socioeconomic shifts


19 Schwbisch Hall saw during this period. Briquetage de la Seille was, however, much larger than Schwbisch Hall, meritin 565). Schwbisch Hall was much smaller, having only one spring to exploit instead of many, and so it is possible that a smaller community would not have supported much in the way of vast distin ctions between socioeconomic classes. Following the Celtic occupation of the site, there is a vast break in the archaeological and historical record. The unfortunate fact is that few records exist from this chaotic period in European history, particula rly for this area (which would then have been part of Alemmania). Krger is highly critical of blind acceptance of this gap, saying: Wir knnen keinesfalls die ungenaue Angabe des Chronisten mit der Entdeckung der keltischen Saline kombinieren und vermut en, da eine vllig vergessene Salzquelle um 900 wieder entdeckt worden sei. Auch da bisher keine rmischen Funde im berbauten Boden von Hall zutage getreten sind, beweist nicht, da hier nach der Keltenzeit nichts mehr war. 4 (1990: 23) Krger goes on t o argue that the preponderance of the evidence is for a continuous occupation of Schwbisch Hall, or an occupation which suffered only a small break of continuity: he cites the high value of salt as a trading commodity in earlier times, which would not hav e been left unexploited without good reason. Since no such reason seems to exist, it is probable that exploitation of the salt spring continued unabated. Secondly, the technological similarities between Celtic period salt production at Schwbisch Hall, a nd medieval salt production, suggest continuity over great periods of time. Finally, Krger cites the example of the Haalgeist a truly interesting figure, a ghost or demon who haunts the 4 Celtic period spring, and conclud e that a completely forgotten salt spring would have been rediscovered after 900 years. Nor does the fact that, until now, no Roman find has been encountered in the earth over which Schwbisch Hall is built, mean that nothing was here after the tim e of th Translation mine


20 spring as a sort of remembered Celtic godhead, whose existence is st ill to some extent recognized although usually in a satirical context In spite of the fact that no records of Schwbisch Hall specifically survive from this time, it is possible to piece together something of the events of those years from c. AD 150 1 037: in around AD 250, the Suevi likely the group to which the inhabitants of Schwbisch Hall belonged broke through the Roman border, and a century later began to fight with the Burgundians for control of salt sources in the region (1990: 24). Sometime around 500 it is impossible to say precisely when control of the area fell to the Franks, and it eventually came to be considered part of the Frankish heartland. The inhabitants were converted to Christianity, and a new system of land organization was imp osed (1990: 24). As time moved on, the settlement at Schwbisch Hall began to grow in size and importance, and became the property of local lords. It is because of this ownership that Schwbisch Hall is first mentioned in the historical record: in 1037 the hringer Stiftungsbrief mentions Schwbisch Hall as part of the possessions of the counts of Lauffen Komburg (1990: 25). At this time, a class divide is already evident in the layout of the town, with the houses of wealthier citizens clustering toge ther on higher ground on the East bank of the Kocher (1990: 25). This first mention of the town in the documentary record begins an age about which we know much more with great specificity.


21 The Middle Ages ( c. AD 1000 1500) During the Middle Ages, the population of Schwbisch Hall grew dramatically, and the town gradually expanded to compensate. In the late 11 th Century the Komburg castle was converted into a Benedictine monastery which became a major partner in the Hirsau reform movement 5 In 1115, the ruling house of Komburg became extinct in the male line, and so the lordship devolved to the Staufer family, who would later produce Holy Roman Emperor Konrad III (1990: 26). In 1156, shortly after the town was expanded to the South and East, the Chur ch of St. Michael was consecrated: this impressive building dominates one end of the Marktplatz, and is easily accessed from the streets known as the Herrengassen, along which were the houses of wealthier citizens and civic leaders. During the early Middl e Ages, houses in the Herrengassen would have been relatively grand buildings, built during the Roman period and carefully maintained by their wealthy owners (1990: 26). The creation of this new church and the granting of its right to hold a market caus referred to as a monasterium which in this time was used primarily to denote a monastery, and was not used for parish churches unless they were very important (1990: 28). The different classifications of religious institutions had implications for the type of rights each had, as well as the type of activities in which they could engage and their local prestige as well, and to have another church in town which was very rich but not under their authority was counter to the desires and interests of the administration at Komburg, who wanted to profit 5 A monastic reform movement in the 11 th Century which was similar to the Cluniac reforms, it advocated a stricter interpretation of the rules which governed the Benedictine order.


22 this, and in 1168, the Church of St. Mich ael was put under the authority of the Bishop of Wrzburg (1990: 28). Not long after, the protests of the Komburg monks forced the town After Schwbisch Hall fell under the ownership of the so n of German Emperor Frederick Barbarossa in 1167, another small expansion was made to the uphill portion of the over by the Franciscan order, and a community belon ging to the order of the Knights of St. John settled in an enclave on the West bank of the Kocher, with their own church (the Johanniterhalle) and an hospital (1990: 28 9). Later in the 13 th Century, the Hospitallers 6 took over another hospital, newly fou nded by the town nobles, in the main town: this is the modern Number 8 Am Spitalbach, currently housing the Goethe Institut e (1990: 28). In 90: 28). Additionally, Schwbisch Hall had a relatively large Jewish population, who were restricted to living in a specific area down by the banks of the Kocher, near the salt works, near the modern site of the Altes Schlachthaus 7 (1990: 32 3). nun 8 (1990: 28). This would seem to be the case: the building programs mentioned above, as well as the ability of the town to justify holding a yearly market, testify to the economic well being of the town or, at least, of its upper crust. That a royal mint was allowed to operate in 6 A more colloquial name for the Knights of St. John. 7 Today, it is a very modern caf and bar. 8 boilers became somet hing which may rightfully be c Translation mine


23 Schwbisch Hall is further evidence of the extent to which money and its exchange was im portant to the decision making portion of the population. All the evidence seems to suggest an oligarchic group of nobles and aristocrats, living mostly in the Herrengassen ower to the riverbank: the men and women who worked the salt furnaces, bake d bread, and performed all the other manual and low level tasks necessary to the running of the town. The historical record is largely silent about this final group, and it is both the task and unique strength of archaeology to shed light upon the lives o Curiously, Schwbisch Hall has not always gone by this name. Indeed, it is something of a misnomer, a name of convenience to denote which of the many salt springs in Germany a document or speaker was referring to on a particu lar occasion calling them adopted. As the ownership of the town changed, so did the name. Before 1115, Schwbisch Hall was part of Franconia, in both the political and cultural sense. Indeed, Schwbisch Hall has not until very recently been considered to have a Swabian character: rather, the dialect spoken was Frankish German, more akin to Frankfurt than to Stuttgart. Schwbisch Hall was protected from abuse by its sta tus as an Imperial City (German: Reichstadt), meaning the town was not subject to any local lord but rather was responsible directly to the German handled by a Town Council (German: Rat ) comp osed of the civic aristocracy, a number of more influential citizens, and a small number of tradesmen. Thus, a small Reichstadt which


24 was surrounded by plenty of good farmland but which possessed none of it was able to survive the tumultuous Middle Ages in relative security and prosperity. Wunder is careful to point out, though, that an Imperial City is not the same as a Free City: Diese Stdte, die keinen Stadtherrn im engeren Sinne mehr hatten, waren nichts als Stdte des Kaisers oder Konigs. Sie erkann ten keinen anderen Herren als den deutschen Knig ber sich an. Freie Stdte waren sie deshalb nicht. Freie Stdte nennt man solche Stdte, die sich von der Herrschaft ihres Bischofs freigemacht haben, wie Kln oder Basel. Sie wurden dann den Reichsstd ten gleichgestellt, aber in Basel z.B. blieb es strittig, ob die Stadt dem Knig Steuer zahlen msse...Hall hat nie einem Bischof gehrt Knigs, d.h. des Reichs ( 1974: 18). 9 But, in 1115, t he Staufer family took over the lordship which formerly belonged to the Counts of Komburg, and because the Staufer family were Swabians, Schwbisch Hall became Schwbischen Hall as opposed to Frankischen Hall mit Recht gesagt worden, da Hall in Schwaben im Jahre 1190 soviel bedeutet wie Staufisch 10 (Krger 1990: 30). Ownership would again change hands, this time to the Bailiwick of Lower Swabia ( Landvogtei Niederschwaben ), and so the name Schwbisch Hall would sti ck. It may be seen in the registers of some universities, where students are listed as Suevo Hallenses (1990: 31). In 1435, Schwbisch Hall was captured by Frankish lords, and made part of Franconia, but when the German Empire was reorganized by Emperor Maximillian, it was placed once more under Swabian dominion (1990: 32). 9 Emperor or King. They recognized no other lords over them other than the German k ing. They were therefore not Free Cities. Free Cities are cities which, like Cologne or Basel, have been made free from the authority of their bishops. They were, then, held in equal status with Imperial Cities, but in Basel for instance it remained con tentious whether or not the city had to pay taxes to the King...Schwbisch Hall never belonged to a bishop, and also never became a Free City. It was...a city of the King, meaning an Imperial City. 10 the S Translation mine


25 Whichever name it went by, Schwbisch Hall was technically independent of these lords by virtue of its status as a Reichstadt 11 although it remained physically within their territory, and continued to meet with economic success: a tax document from 1241 shows a higher tax was collected from Schwbisch Hall than was collected from Ulm, Rothenburg, Esslingen, or Schwbisch Gmnd (1990: 32). Even more interestingly, the salt for which th e town is known was never the main source of its income: instead, the market allowed some merchant businesses to grow, especially wine merchants, and this activity brought in the most capital (1990: 56). More of the population was involved in the producti on of salt, but the wine business 12 was more lucrative on the whole. In 1251, the lordship of the Staufer family came to an end, and a new regime led by the Schenken family took over their lordship, much as the Staufer family had taken over from the Counts of Komburg. A time of great unrest followed, during which Schwbisch along the Kocher a resource vital to salt production, which was transported to town by floatin g the logs down the river and caused deep social rifts. Schwbisch Hall depended upon unrestricted access to this wood in order to maintain a profitable level of salt production, but the Schenken counts of Limpurg held that the woods between Schwbisch Ha ll and Schwbisch Gmnd belonged to their estates, not to the Reichstadt This was a major bone of contention, and, with the Limpurg itself on a high promontory barely outside the town walls, the inhabitants of Schwbisch Hall had good cause for nervousne ss. 11 minor lords, and was instead subject only to the Empe ror himself (or later, herself). 12 When wine began to be stored in glass bottles sealed with corks, ageing became possible, and wines could be transported over greater distances than had previously been possible. Local wine could not stand up to competi tion from the Rhein and Moselle regions, and the industry crumbled.


26 The entrenched aristocracy in Schwbisch Hall were loyal to the Staufer family, who had appointed them, and resisted the efforts of the Schenken line. Others in the town perhaps seeing an opportunity to benefit from the change in ownership believed th at the best course was to go along with the new Counts. This Staufer Schenken feud resulted in the wastage of many fields, theft of livestock, frequent kidnappings, and the burning of houses in Schwbisch Hall itself (1990: 35). In 1276, King Rudolf von Habsburg released Schwbisch Hall from any vestige of responsibility to the counts of Limpurg, and on 26 January 1280, he arbitrated the end of the conflict between the Counts and the town (1990: 35). As part of this agreement, Schwbisch Hall took over o wnership of the Komburg monastery, and all of its associated possessions, securing for the town unrestricted access to the various resources necessary for the economic well being of the town (1990: 36). From this point, Schwbisch Hall was ruled by a Lor d Mayor, appointed by the Emperor (this office is still referred to by this title in Schwbisch Hall), and supported by the aristocrats of the town, who had gained their power under the Staufer rule. This latter group became known as the Stttmeister or Masters of the City, and, through the passage of time, their positions came to hold more power in combination than that of the Lord Mayor, the representative of the Emperor, who was the nominal ruler of the town (1990: 36). Close ties to the monarchy mean t that Schwbisch Hall was well protected from local rivals, but it also made the town vulnerable to large political upheavals, such as the rebellion of Ludwig of Bavaria in 1316, during the course of which Schwbisch Hall burned to the ground although it is not clear whether the fire began as an act of war, or as an accident, Ludwig was encamped outside the walls at the time (1990: 36 7). Such conflicts were also reflected in


27 the relationships between leading families in Schwbisch Hall, who would engage in political or physical violence with one another from time to time in the course of these upheavals. King Ludwig emerged victorious in the end, and amongst other decrees he specified that the Town Council ( Rat ) of Schwbisch Hall should be expanded fro m twelve members to consist of twelve upper class citizens, six merchants, and eight craftsmen (1990: 37). In 1349, during one of the frequent conflicts between the Pope and the Emperor over ecclesiastical and political authority, and simultaneously durin g a plague, the Jewish 8). Emperor Karl IV fined the town heavily as punishment. Jews were allowed back into Schwbisch Hall, but only under a series of restrictions on where t hey could live and how they could do business: it was not until the 17 th Century that Jews were allowed to live in the Unterlimpurg neighborhood, and not until the 19 th Century were Jews allowed to live in the town itself (1990: 38). Schwbisch Hall wiel ded significant economic influence, but since the town was subject directly to the Emperor it was politically weak, and dependant on outside protection. This was true of many Imperial Cities, and so, in the fourteenth century, they began to band together for mutual support. Schwbisch Hall was part of this movement, recognizing that, while their neighbors were not particularly powerful, it would be prudent to garner a little for themselves (1990: 38). In 1384, a group of seven Imperial Cities including S chwbisch Hall lent 15,000 Gulden 13 to Count Ulrich von Hohenlohe, to be paid back over 13 Gulden were the standard unit of hard currency in Baden Wrttemberg, which stood in fixed relation to three other currencies which were used throughout the Empire. 16 Groschen was the s ame as 60 Kreuzer, which was equal to one Gulden. 90 Kreuzen (or one and one half Gulden) equaled one Reichsthaler. 120 Kreuzer (two Gulden) made one Speziesthaler. (Bruford 1965: 329).


28 ten years at a rate of 12% yearly interest (1990: 39). When he was unable to pay, the lending cities annexed parts of his territory, and forced Count Ulrich to pay 18,0 00 Gulden in damages after he lost the ensuing war. Schwbisch Hall took over the communities of Kirchberg, Ilshofen, and Honhardt as part of this arrangement (1990: 39). In 1562, Duke Ludwig Casimir von Hohenlohe would buy Kirchberg alone back for 93,00 0 Gulden (1990: 40). 14 (1990: 40). In 1488, Schwbisch Hall joined the Swabian League, which was unusual for its time in that it was a union between b oth regional princes and free cities. This was to be a fateful choice for Schwbisch Hall, both in the present context sell his lands at a significant profit (Collinson 2006: 1 54) but also in the later context of the 6), when it would ensure the survival of the town. Troops from Schwbisch Hall fought in the succession wars of the Rhineland Palatinate, as well as in Bavari interests (Krger 1990: 41). The threat from Limpurg was ended forever in 1541 by the simple expedient of buying it from its owners, and destroying it (1990: 41): the ruins still crown the hilltop, and wil l be discussed later. A Tumultuous Epoch (AD 1500 1750) In the year 1500, Schwbisch Hall was in the midst of a lengthy process of socioeconomic change which had begun several centuries before. The town was focused on 14 Translation mine.


29 primary industry in the form of sa lt production, with coining operations and wine merchants forming the other major features of economic life. Salt extracted from saline water which came through a spring near the bank of the River Kocher, around which the town is built. This salt was the n sold or traded outside of Schwbisch Hall, which contributed to the discussed above, Schwbisch Hall received legal protection from abuses through its status as a Reichstadt As might be expected, the primary axis of socioeconomic status in Schwbisch Hall was involvement with the salt works. The Rat controlled approximately 20% of the output in the Fourteenth Century, with the German Emperor being awarded 5% of the product, the local clergy getting 25% to divide amongst themselves, and the town nobles being entitled to a combined 50% of the product (Maisch 2001: 1 2). However, since 1300, the clergy of the Comburg Monastery had only received half of their all otted portion, and by 1500 the 15 (2001: 2). This meant that the Rat actually controlled around one third of the total production, while the town oligarchs had control of around half of the total production. The individual in charge of the administration of the salt works was the Sieder or Boiler, who was appointed to the Rat by the town nobles, although in the Fifteenth or Sixteenth Century this position seems to have become hereditary (2001: 1). Thus, says Mai 16 (2001: 2). 15 Maisch says verschwunden 16 Translation mine.


30 This stratification seems to have been the cause of some popular unrest in 1512, particularly among the workers who produc ed the salt (Krger 1990: 49). This is not into the hands of aristocrats who did not share that danger must have been quite irksome, and would have made it di and sack cloth for allowance to employ stricter punishments in order to quell this disobedience of the t saying: Man hat versucht, den sozialen Umschwung von 1512 mit der Wendung der Stadt zur Refor mation in Zusammenhang zu bringen. Aber diese persnliche berzeugung und nicht durch soziale Motive entscheiden worden 17 (1990: 50 1). While Krger is correct to point out that these are two separate events, and may even be correct in saying that the administrative decision to align with Luther was not taken for political reasons, but was the result of the popularity of Protestantism in Schwbisch Hall, his analysis shows a surprising lack of subtlety. While it is true that the religious climate in Schwbisch Hall was tolerant simultaneously of Protestantism and Catholicism as it remains today and that the unrest in question took place a full five years before the beginning of the Reformat ion, this should not be taken to mean that those feelings of discontent were no longer present five years later, nor that the inhabitants of Schwbisch 17 Some have sought to connect the social upheaval of 1512 with the alignment of the town to the openly through personal conviction, and not through soci Translati on mine


31 Hall enjoyed a right to freedom of religion without consequence or persecution. Jews were still discrim that is to say, workers in the salt industry and other non aristocratic citizens convert ed to Protestantism: they, like many German peasants, saw Lutheran ideology as an emancipatory ideology, which set them against their exploitative overlords and put God on their side, in contradiction of the medieval concept of ordo, which placed God on th e side of the righteous time seen to have been one which, while tied up with and expressed through religious choice, was primarily based on socioeconomic class. It was precisely this viewpoint which led to the outbreak of the point which Luther, Zwingli, and Cauvin condemned as being contrary to the spirit of their theology they did not support populist rebellions against the established social order. So, while the aristocrats of Schwbisch Hall converted to Protestantism for some reasons of personal conviction, the lower class inhabitants of the town saw the situation rather differently, and converted for their own reasons. To suggest that the salt workers and other underprivileged citizens of Schwbisch Hall were more intere sted in the intellectual and theological issues of the Reformation than in their own material condition neglects to respect the intelligence and self awar eness of those people. It also perpetuates the orthodoxy of the historical narrative which is mediate d solely by the concerns of the upper class residents of Schwbisch Hall, and it ignores the ideology of the economic underclass as illustrated in the cataclysmic events of the unrest in


32 5. It seems c lear that the immense popularity of the Reformation in Schwbisch Hall was due to the popular understanding of Protestantism as a theology of political and economic enfranchisement and liberation, rather than being a theological decision in every case. Be cause of this, that same popularity can be correctly linked to the unrest in 1512, only five years before the Reformation is considered to have begun in earnest. Personal choice was indeed the catalyst, but it was a choice made in a socioeconomic context, and those who made it would have been acutely aware of that context, not divorced from it in order to contemplate theology as Krger suggests. 18 All this at the time would have loomed quite large in the consciousness of the residents of Schwbisch Hall, bu t it was far from the most drastic set of changes which the Sixteenth Century would bring. On 31 October 1517, an Augustinian monk from a family of minor nobles posted an announcement of a major theological debate at Wittenberg, complete with an attached list of ninety five contentions which he held to be true. Whether or not Martin Luther actually nailed his ninety five theses (actually titled the Disputatio pro Declaratione Virtutis Indulgentiarum ) to the church door is uncertain, but the profound effec ts southern Germany and Switzerland, both before and after his subsequent excommunication, and the conflicts and relationships which arose out of the early years of the Reformation set the tone for the next two and a half centuries. This was brought into even sharper focus by the election two years later of German Emperor Charles V, a powerful man who would prove violently opposed to the Reformation, which undercut h is power and authority. 18 The modern population of Schwbisch Hall is mostly Protestant, with a significant Catholic minority, as well as a significant Muslim population.


33 It has been said that the way to get people to read a book is to ban it. It is therefore not surprising that the Reformation began to gain steam when Luther was threatened with excommunication in 1520, and his works were publicly responded by burning books of canon law, and the Papal Bull which had threatened him. Wartburg. Summoned by Charles V to the Diet of Wor ms, Luther famously refused to recant his theology. All of this made Luther an extremely visible person, with a certain aspect of celebrity to his character: he began to write prolifically, composing many letters to important people, advising them or admon ishing them, and he attracted many important followers as well. One of these was a Swabian called Johannes Brenz, who escaped a criminal trial for heresy close follo wer of Luther, and was very politically active an attribute which later forced him to fle e Schwbisch Hall when Charles V surrounded the town in an effort to catch him personally He remodeled the Church of St. Michael extensively and reformed its practic es (a process which lasted until 1543), and though he is buried in Stuttgart, an ornate plaque on the threat from the Limpurg fortress was ended forever by the simpl e expedient of buying it along with most of its holdings from its owners, and destroying it (Krger 1990: 41): the ruins still crown the hilltop, and will be discussed later. One practice which came to an end during the Brenz era was the practice of duel ing on the Marktplatz. The Church had long spoken against this practice, but the integration of


34 19 (1990: 47). It had been forbidden for women or child ren under twelve years of age to attend, and only in the final bout between two brothers of the Senft family did both combatants survive the experience (1990: 48). This signaled a major shift in the way disputes were settled, with combat and dueling being ousted in favor of other means of legal redress, which would see more cases bound up in law courts and more work for the growing civic bureaucracy. Meanwhile, the new theological movements and internal political discord led to many important changes in t he structure of the German Empire during the Reformation. The level of provincial autonomy which later allowed Frederick the Great to wage multiple campaigns against Empress Maria Therese (who was his monarch) began to germinate, and it did not go unnotic ed. The Reformation also created an atmosphere in which the established order could be challenged, which filtered down to the masses. The peasant population of southern Germany and Switzerland, long held firm under the boot of an exploitative nobility an d urban classes, rose up suddenly and violently in 1524. This rebellion was fuelled by a literal Lutheran approach to late medieval socioeconomics: in the eyes of the peasants, the nobles who exploited them were in the same position as the Roman Catholic Church was when it exploited the concepts of sin and forgiveness in return for material benefit through the selling of indulgences. Since it was legitimate to rebel against the Church, how could it not be legitimate to rebel against the nobility? The Pe 19 Translation mine.


35 extreme violence, compared by Engels (1921) to the revolutions of 1848. It was bloodily repressed, ironically, with the support of Luther, Hyuldrich Zwingli, and Jean Cauvin (often calle d John Calvin), all of whom condemned the revolt and praised the respect of temporal authority. Schwbisch Hall got through this trying time with little trouble: there were angry meetings of local peasants with members of the town aristocracy and with mem bers of the Rat but nothing aside from words of anger and frustration flew through the air. The scale and suddenness of this catastrophe convinced the German nobility that the reform process demanded the attention of more than just the ecclesiastical es tablishment. However, their condemnation of the revolt did not earn the reformers any favor with the Emperor. While they were quick to disavow the rebellion (Zwingli was in fact killed in battle trying to repress it), the leaders of the Reformation were portrayed as rabble rousers who tried to subvert the sociopolitical status quo and so many resisted their influence. In the face of this animosity, many Protestant cities banded together to form the Schmalkaldic League, which Schwbisch Hall joined in 15 38. One year later, the Hospitallers were expelled from Schwbisch Hall. In 1546, Emperor Charles V defeated the combined armies of the Schmalkaldic League, and, deciding enough was enough, came directly from his victory to Schwbisch Hall in an attempt to catch Johannes Brenz, who managed to escape (Krger 1990: 54). Schwbisch Hall and Schwbisch Gmnd were forced to pay combined reparations of 81,200 Gulden. Thus began the Imperial Interim, sometimes known as the Augsburg interim, during which all E vangelicals were commanded to readopt their Catholic practices with some modifications on the subject of clerical marriage, and submit once more to Catholic


36 authority. The Evangelicals refused, for the most part, protesting that not enough concessions had been made to their views, and so they became known as Protestants (Collinson 2001: 153). One important result of this time period for Schwbisch Hall was the new regulation in 1526 that all citizens and farmers should be able to read the Bible, the Chat echism, and hymnals, and that girls also should attend school (Krger 1990: 54). By 1785, there were 600 pupils in school in Schwbisch Hall (1990: 54). Later on, families began to sponsor relatives who showed interest or promise to go on to higher studi es, and the town began to follow suit and give scholarships for students who showed exceptional potential: in all, twenty four scholarships were given out, more than in any comparable town (1990: 55). Eventually, a good education became an essential quali fication for membership on the town council, and many posts came to be held by lawyers and writers (1990: 55). In 1602, the citizens of the town rose up against the town council, in protest of the hunting rights enjoyed by the aristocrats, the mishandlin g of hospital funds, and the prices of food and wares, as well as some issues of theological debate (1990: 57). The Duchy of Wrttemberg appointed a special commission to resolve the crisis, but other than a small yielding on the theological issues, nothi ng of substance was accomplished. This pattern was repeated many times until the beginning of the Thirty Years War 20 in 1618, which saw some 20 Lasting from 1618 to 1648, this war was a viciou s slugging out of differences between Protestants and Catholics. Fought mostly in modern Germany, Austria, and Switzerland, there was also a significant involvement of French, Swedish, Spanish, and Bavarian troops. For Germany, the Thirty Years War meant plague, depopulation, occupation by foreign powers, widespread misery, and economic ruin.


37 In 1636, Thomas, Lord Howard, Earl of Arundel and Surrey was sent by King Charl es I of England to appreciate the situation in Germany, and to ensure the German Crowne, published an account of this journey in 1637. Their journey took them across th e southern portion of Central Germany, well to the North of Schwbisch Hall, and what they found there was a land which had been devastated by almost twenty years of war and which had another twelve years of war to go. Moving through the area between Fran kfurt and Wrzburg, they p assed through many destroyed villages, and encountered battling Swedish and German troops almost at every turn (Crowne 1637: 9 11). Upon their return and much eviden ce of extended famine (1637: 58). Schwbisch Hall fared little better than its northern neighbors: armies were constantly moving through, even though Schwbisch Hall is famously far from the beaten path, and this meant heavy looting of crops and food store s. Relatively secure towns like Schwbisch Hall were rapidly filled far beyond their capacity with refugees from other areas, which made them vulnerable to epidemics like that which swept the land in 1634/5 in the wake of a Bavarian advance through the a rea, and hit the population extremely hard: 779 residents of the city died, and 191 refugees (1990: 57). The French came very near to against the Turks drew away In 1680, a large fire burned most of the Gelbinger Gasse, and another fire in 1723


38 provided an opportunity for the town to be remade a s its inhabitants at least, those of them with the power and financial wherewithal to affect such things saw fit. Thus, the areas which had been destroyed by fire were rebuilt in the Baroque style which was then popular, and other parts of the town were r emodeled accordingly. The Rathaus (formerly St. 21 (1990: 58). This combined with an increase in the number of mid level bureaucr ats in the town government, and being a member of the city council came to be no longer an honorary charge, but a profession in itself (1990: 58). Some families who continued to be involved with the running of the city were those with the surname Seiferhe ld, Haspel, and Bonhffer from this latter family would come the Protestant theologian Dietrich Bonhffer (1990: 58). The authority of the new, professional town council also increased dramatically, sometimes in ways which were startlingly draconian. Kr ger tells us of one Lieutenant 22 (1990: 58). By such means was the population of sixte en thousand, which inhabited Schwbisch Hall and all territories which owed taxes to it, governed (Bruford 1965: 336). necessary for the health, prosperity, and moral welfare of th e subject. Under this head were included the first sanitary regulations, concerning water supply, drainage, the removal of rubbish, etc., as well as the provision of the patroll ing of the streets and the prevention and detection of crime. Any 21 Translation mine. 22 authority of Translation mine


39 hours and conditions of labour for apprentices, measures to prevent competition, the prohibition of begging, all came under the same head. (1965: 17). These laws were, in general, made by a small minority of well to do citizens, who could afford to educate themselves (or more frequently, whose families could afford to have them educated), and who also controlled a large amount of the output of the salt production process. The position of Sieder to day running of the operation, had been hereditary since the late Middle Ages, and while 5% of the product was t he share of the king and 20% altogether the share of the ten monasteries entitled to tithes from the town, around 40 noble families controlled the remaining 75% of the output (Krger 1990: 60). It is not hard to understand, then, why those who sweated and not infrequently, died to produce that same salt may have felt uncared for and exploited. The further history of Schwbisch Hall shall only be discussed briefly here: in 1802, g empire, and the salt works became the property of the state. Comburg Abbey was secularized and disbanded the next year, with its library given into public custody. In 1827, a health spa was founded on an island in the Kocher, where it stood until the m iddle of the previous century. Eventually, the traffic of traders and tourists to and from Schwbisch Hall justified the to Heilbronn which was completed in 1862. In 1914, many young men from Schwbisch Hall were mo bilized into the German Army, and fought in the First World War: many did not return, and their sacrifice is memorialized in a plaque on the northern exterior wall of the nave. In 1945, just days before the end of the Second


40 World War, a bomb dropped eith er at random or by mistake from an Allied aircraft fell on the Rathaus and burned it to the ground. It was rebuild almost immediately, exactly as it had been before the unlucky incident. The time period stretching from 1500 to 1750, then, was characteri zed by extreme upheaval and turmoil, to which the citizens of Schwbisch Hall responded in a variety of complex and interesting ways. It was also characterized by a strict socioeconomic divide, as detailed above, which led to frequent popular discontent, and also to a need on the part of the upper classes to assert their ideology of dominance. While many questions about the events themselves remain to be answered, this paper will now focus on particular features of the built landscape, how they reflect th ese changes and ideologies, and what modern perceptions of these objects and spaces are.


41 CHAPTER III THE HERITAGE LANDSCAPE some buildings, but they are the exceptio n: the library, or the Brenzhaus, they are like spots in the middle of old buildings, and it's not the other way around as in other cities that the old buildings are the spots between new buildings. And that makes Schwbisch Hall pretty interesting, and t hat's kind of, yeah, the interesting part about it. So, that's I think why tourists like to come here too, because you can still see how an ancient town looks like. g: it's completely artificial, everything is kept as if it is still middle it's as it is. An anthropologist in Schwbisch Hall encounters such statements often: assertion of a medieval m ateriality, proved by the Reformation and Baroque period appearance of many buildings; the favorable comparison with the profoundly artificial city of Rothenburg ob der Tauber; the essential permanence of the past: I became intrigued by these ideas, and the and I determined to investigate them more closely. This chapter discusses my own fieldwork in Schwbisch Hall, and presents a critical analysis of the data ga thered through that research, situated within the framework elaborated in Chapter I and taken in context of the historical data discussed in Chapter II. It attempts to take apart and examine the constructions of history and heritage as they exist in prese nt day Schwbisch Hall, to deconstruct that tangled confluence of symbol, activity, and memory which anchors people firmly in ideologies of place: that is to say, how people think about historical places, and what factors influence those concepts of materi al heritage.


42 Thus, the vast majority of this chapter deals with particular places, locations upon which the spotlight of popular historical consciousness seemed to focus most frequently, such as the Altes Schlachthaus, and the Church of St. Michael; but it also discusses places which, while not frequently mentioned, hold meaningful lessons for this subject, such as Komburg, Limpurg, and the medieval walls of the town. This chapter also addresses some views of history and archaeology which are widely held i n Schwbisch Hall, and what they reveal about the situation of the past as a concept especially the reactions of residents to my research. Prelude This project faced several challenges, first among which was time: it was necessary for me to be physicall y present in Schwbisch Hall in order to conduct this research, but the time available for this was extremely limited. As a result of this, these data are the product of a much shorter time in the field than is conventional for projects of this type only two months of actual data gathering. This was complicated by the fact that, due to scheduling considerations, it was impossible for me to be in the field in any month other than January, and freezing rain, meaning that most people either vacation in a warmer climate, or remain inside. In The combination of the factors of time and timing meant that I had access to a relatively small number of informants for formal interviews (five people, to be precise), and


43 that incidents of casual conversation which normally fill out the rest of an ethnographic project were rarer than they might have been. This was and is a sever e limit on the amount and type of data I was able to collect. Furthermore, the cold weather means that the number of festivals and other public activities is relatively low during January (there is only one such event in the whole month the Dreiknigslauf 23 as opposed to the more frequent spectacle of the Freilichtspiele 24 in summer). Consequently, my opportunities for participant observation of public spectacles were somewhat limited, as well. I attempted to control for these hindrances in several ways: I focused on participant observation as much as possible, and paid close attention to the way places were presented and used during this time, when the relative lack of tourists meant that they saw use almost exclusively by locals. This meant that I was m ore likely to observe the effects of a constructed ideology of heritage embedded in place than I was to observe touristic wonder at a new sight. I observed the way people moved through, used, and advertized various places, and listened carefully when they spoke about them. I spoke about my project with as many people as possible, and let their comments and questions point me towards a correct understanding of how the dialogue about the past is constructed in Schwbisch Hall. Using the knowledge I gained from this, and from a brief survey I conducted of the built landscape in and around Schwbisch Hall for the purpose of determining my points of interest, I targeted my interviews with the specific goal of zooming in on particular places, and particular asp ects of their uses. In addition to this, I investigated attitudes towards academic 23 style race held each year on 6 January, the feast day of the Holy Three Kings. Participants may choose to run a 5 kilometer route or a 10 kilometer route. Training and competition in the race are taken very seriously. 24 and are a major source of tourism for the town.


44 and non academic study of the past, renovation, preservation, and other topics related to my subject. I also sought to become familiar with academic discussions of Schwbi past, in order that I might compare scholarly attitudes with popular approaches: after all, popular opinion is to a large extent influenced by the work of scholars, if not always directly, and tracing continuities and differences can often be an interesting and eye opening way of illuminating ideology. A significant portion of the fieldwork for this project is therefore about listening carefully to what people say, and watching closely what they do. This approach operates on the assumption tha t people behave in particular ways for reasons which are both specific and discoverable; that is to say, in accordance with their own tastes and preferences as constructed by their culture, upbringing, and experience in life. These reasons are specific ra ther than random, and are therefore significant as opposed to meaningless. They are also held to be discoverable rather than unknowable, even if the individual in question is not cognizant of the nature or existence of these reasons, because they will con sistently behave under the guidance of these principles in appropriate situations. This project holds these statements as given truths, which are useful for explaining the data observed and analyzed herein. Proceeding from this point, this chapter will e mploy critical analyses of material culture, especially architecture, as well as relevant historical and linguistic analyse s, in combination, to deconstruct gemtlich 25 backdrop of modern day Schwbisch Hall and to show that it is to a large extent a constructed landscape of deliberate oligarchic dominance, and brutal repression of the economically and politically disenfranchised majority. What today is a picturesque tourist destination, full of quaint reminders of a 25 Translation mine.


45 simpler past, was once a landsca pe designed to project power and dominance, to inspire fear, a spectacle of another kind today: it has been transformed, its power appropriated by theater companies and graffiti artists alike and used to shout a multitude of messages to all who witness it. The very scenery which is every year photographed by hundreds of students from the Goethe Institute was deliberately designed to teach a moral lesson of submissio natural superiors. This chapter shall also illustrate that the tendency of historical and mentality of history in Schwbisch Hall, perpetuates the sam e, and obscures the brutal classism of the past. A Mighty Fortress Is Our God The Church of St. Michael is the powerful and recognizable landmark, the most significant point in the collective spatial consci ousness of the citizens, after their own homes. Its tower, painted memorials, grand organ, and famous stairway are monuments to the rich wealth and prosperity of Schwbisch Hall, and it is the most popular tourist destination within the town walls. While it is would be held to have missed the point entirely, much as if they had gone to Pisa but neglected to visit the Leaning Tower, and instead just wandered aiml essly around town for a while. The church tower rises above the Marktplatz in all its gray majesty, lit at night by lamps sunk into the ground at its base. At the base of the tower, in front of the main doors,


46 stands a statue of St. Michael triumphing ov er the Devil: the remains of the colorful paint that once adorned it can still be seen, in the right light. Some unknown person named Bertholt has carved their name deeply into the side of the doorway. From the other side, the circular choir section seem Inside, the stone flagged floor and wooden pews stand in spartan contrast to the beautifully painted and carved memorials which line the walls. The high altar and crucifix dating from the 15 th Century are astonishingly beautiful, especially in good weather when sunlight filters through the large windows of the nave and sparkles on the gold leaf in which the altarpiece is clothed. From the bottom of the nave (for there is no proper narthex), t he altar appears impossibly far away, and the interior volume of the building appears much, much greater than it actually is. The impression of having space to oneself is profound, even when the nave is full of people (or, in one memorable case, a seventy piece brass band). Naturally, sound carries extremely well: a speaker with a good voice at the high altar can be clearly heard without shouting from the utmost extent of the nave, and the organ seems to shake the very bones of the Earth. During mass, th e room seems to tangibly fill with the strong, stable sound of Psalms being sung. On ordinary days, member of the parish who has volunteered as a greeter and keep er of the keys: a rare footstep echoes through the vaults, and the whispers of conversation vanish almost before Many visitors come to seek this silence, as a counterpoint to the stresses of their day: es gibt Leute kommen, haben Mittagspause: sie haben Stress in der Arbeit, rgert mit dem


47 Chef, Konflikte mit den Kollegen; und dann kommen sie manchmal herein, setzen sie hin, und znden eine Kerze an, oder beten, dann gehen sie wieder... also es ist wir bieten, dass es die eine Mgl 26 I, too, have frequently used St. possible to calm down for a moment and think quietly, to gather my thoughts after a particu larly trying day. One need not be particularly religious to find comfortable silence of Sunday services. Within the enforced otherworldliness or perhaps unworl dliness of St. sacristy is designated as the Raum der Stille 27 and is open to the public whenever the church is open. It contains a small altar to St. Michael t he Archangel, a Bible, a Psalter, a hymnal, and a single candle, as well as several extremely comfortable chairs. Small windows of white glass let in the light but keep out the world, and when the heavy wooden door is closed the silence is almost total. It is a functioning sacristy, and the priestly vestments are kept in the ancient wooden cabinets which form the northern wall of the room: the ironwork on these cabinets reads Ave Maria Gratia Plena 28 Outside the sacristy, there is a small booklet explain ing who Dietrich Bonhffer 29 is, as well as a notice informing the reader that walk in pastoral care for those experiencing grief, sadness, or other stresses is available in the sacristy 26 people who come in during their lunch they have conflicts with their colleagues; and sometimes they come in here, sit down, and light a candle, or Translation mine. 27 Translation mine. 28 29 A famous Protestant theologian, who was executed by the Na zis. His family came from Schwbisch Hall (see Chapter II).


48 on Fridays from 2 3pm. The volunteers from the congregation also hold themselves available to perform this servic e, which sometimes places them in delicate situations : Wenn Gste von auen kommen, die sagen "Ah, das ist so fast ein halbe Priester: dem kann ich mal rhig meinen Problem erzhlen, der ist nicht von meiner Heim atstadt, der wei davon nichts, ich muss es jetzt mal einfach los haben." Die sehen, dass wir haben mal an Freitags Seelsorge haben, und pckt, oder beten wir. Das ist also diese Berech. 30 ation was originally the highest point in the town artificial fill, put there to raise the whole construction even higher above the valley (although nowadays modern housing on the side of the hill rises higher t han the church) This arrangement is traditional for churches dedicated to St. Michael, who must, due to his status as an archangel, hold the highest place in any settlement where a church is dedicated to him. It is likely that even a church dedicated to St. Lawrence 31 would have been built as high up as possible, though, because this location gives a startling, overbearing quality to a building which otherwise would have been merely imposing. No one can be quite sure when the first holy place was erecte d on the site: while a stone Church of St. Michael was built in the present location on the hill around AD 1150 (Wunder 1974: 11), Wunder asserts that only churches from the Carolingian period were an die Stelle von Wodans Kultsttten trat, da Michael meist auf Bergeshhen geerht wurde und da er, wie vorher 30 know anything about Translation mine: Berech literally means but a literal translation of the final sentence would not make sense in English. 31 The patron saint of miners.


49 32 This is not to lace of worship dedicated to Wotan: the location for the church is not the highest point of the hill, but rather the highest point of the settlement as it was when the church was built. Additionally, much evidence exists to mments regarding Wotan are somewhat more conjectural rather than based in historical analysis, particularly the descriptions of the monasteries of Bamberg in the chronicle of Frutolf of Michelsberg (McCarthy 201 1 : 48 50). Thus, if the earlier settlement d id not extend quite so far, it is reasonable to suggest that the highest point of it would have been a different place. However, it would have been extremely convenient when the region was Christianized to take over a place of pagan worship and replace it with a Christian one, a symbolic takeover of the old by the new. In summary, while it is not 33 religious site, neither would it be surprising if it did. While a church was built around AD 1150, it is very prob able that a smaller church, most likely subject to the Church of St. John the Baptist in Steinbach (1974: 12), probably made of wood (Krger 1990: 25), existed on the site prior to this. Alas, any evidence of this now lies buried under the church itself, and under the large pile of fill atop which it sits. As Schwbisch Hall became richer through trade and acquisitions, improvements 1427, a major remodeling effo rt began which was to take a century to complete until 1526. When the magnitude of the changes is considered, this is not so surprising: the tower was 32 honored on the heights of hills, and tha t he, like Wotan before him, took salt springs under his especial Translation mine. 33 The Celtic tribe which inhabited a large portion of southwest Germany, including Schwbisch Hall.


50 enlarged, the interior heavily modified, and the roof raised. Last and most importantly, the famous sta ircase was added to the western face of the structure. This arrangement of 27 centimeter wide steps is the most be another church. With it, it is a unique monument, a focus of performance and activity. In the words of one individual: symbol of Schwbisch Hall, and it's very important. There are Freilichtspiele on the stairs, which is like, widely known; and these stai rs are unique: you won't find anything anywhere else, because they're very broad, very wide, and that's something unique. Oddly enough, it is this impressive stairway which is the greatest danger to St. ers closer to the top of the stairs in short, if the stairs were one step higher the footing would not be stable enough to hold the weight, and tower and stair would both collapse into the Marktplat z As things are, the foundations of the tower 11 meters below the ground must be checked periodically, to ensure their continued integrity. While the roof and tower have been modified since then, and many other changes have taken place inside, an attempt to expand the tower to roughly twice its present footpri nt was abandoned due to worries over the stability of the structure: the stones which were to form the joints between the wall of the nave and the new tower can still be seen, jutting from the wall like rows of gray brown teeth.


51 The overall effect of St. M emerges from the Obere Herrengasse to the south and into the sweeping expanse of the Marktplatz and the eye is immediately drawn below, it seems impossibly high, the Everest of buildings. Nowhere in the Marktplatz is hidden from it. And it is here that a very large amount of public life in Schwbisch Hall takes place: the twice weekly market is held at the foot of the stairs as it has been since the town has had the right to hold a market in the watchful presence of the towering church, as one person told me, to make sure that merchants would not cheat their customers, and vice versa, and would know that God was always watching fro m on high. Cyclists with robust mountain bikes and steady nerves ride down the steps at full tilt. In winter, when the stairs are buried in snow and ice, it is common for young people to sled down them (and it is much safer to just slide down as though s kiing than to try and walk carefully). themselves, or display their thoughts for the community. When the German Emperor would visit Schwbisch Hall, a throne would be place d at the top of the stairs under the tower and he would there hold court. At the beginning of the First World War, many young men from the town were mobilized into the Army: a mass was held for them on the steps and below in the Marktplatz and their phot looming in the background. A Neo Nazi group once took over the stairs to stage a rally, but speeches were drowned out. The Freilichtspiele of course, are performed on the steps in good


52 weather, and it is not unknown for more creative minds to stamp messages or large, smiling faces into the snow on the steps in winter. This seems rather incongruous, when one considers the mes sage which the church as a building was intended to communicate to the observer, especially in light of the historical events which surrounded its remodeling and reformation into a Protestant church: to begin bisch Hall identifies it explicitly with upper Adelshof 34 where many of the town nobles lived. To the South are the Obere Herrengasse and the Untere Herrengasse, w hose names literally mean the Upper and Lower Street of the Lords, respectively. These streets were inhabited mostly by the wealthier citizens, in Fachwerkhuser 35 which had large cellars for the storage of salt and wine, the two primary sources of wealth class. These cellars generally were accessible from the street by means of large doors which were low to the ground, to facilitate easier loading and unloading of wares into and out of them and most of these doors are still pre served today. These houses rose many floors above the level of the street, and many had gardens or courtyards. Almost all were richly painted, and some of these features can still be observed today, as in the case of a decorative stone archway inscribed to commemorate a victory by the German Empire over the Turks in 1565. During the time period which this project sought to examine, most of the material wealth of Schwbisch Hall was concentrated in the hands of the merchants who lived in these two streets In short, the Church of St. 34 Translation mine. 35 Fachwerk is the style of building for which Germany is rather famous: wooden frames are sealed with a mixture of plaster and straw, which is ordinarily whitewashed. Sometimes, the wooden supports are also painted red, green, or another strong and vibrant color. In Schw bisch Hall, many Fachwerkhuser are stone walled for the first two floors, and Fachwerk above.


53 Michael is a critical feature not only of the town itself, but of the upper class part of town, to which one must climb from the lower class areas nearer the Kocher. If one considers the settlement pattern of Schwbisch Hall firmly anchored in the realm of the well to do. Additionally, this identification with the upper class in society would have meant an explicit link to social and political power: the area around the chu rch contained the Rathaus 36 and with the evolution of a civic bureaucracy many offices of local government, as well. This is still true today: the Rathaus the office of the Lord Mayor, the town archives, and almost all of the major civic departments are o n the Marktplatz with their primary entrances government, one must almost without exception pass through the M arktplatz, under the looming presence of the church, which piece of the landscape of political domination, as well. Marktplatz : T he Rathaus tion to one another, as though they were either forming a gauntlet or staring one another down (in which contest, St. prefer to approach either building from an ob lique, rather than head on, even if going from one to the other, and it is rare even for groups of tourists to stand directly between the church and the Rathaus while taking their pictures. There is no good reason for this the slope is in fact steeper on the oblique approaches to the church except for the intimidating 36


54 stairs to the church itself, they rarely take the middle of the stairs, but prefer to use one of the sides. It could be argued that this is because there are no handrails in the middle, only far to the side, but most people do not use the handrails even when the stairs are covered with several inches of snow. I myself experimented with walking directly from the Rathaus the might of the structure to look up at it for very long without a determined effort of will, but that other people in the Marktplatz openly sta red at me as I did so, something which is most unusual in Germany. When asked about this phenomenon, most people responded that it only people who were very confident or sure of themselves walked the straight line from the Rathaus to the church, or direct ly up the middle of the stairs: it communicates a certain attitude, a willingness to scoff at well established power and effective authority, to traverse that axis at all, much less in any appearance of comfort or habituation, and I assert that this is due landscape of the town, the significance of which would not have been lost on a resident of Schwbisch Hall in the period leading up to and immediately following the Reformation. Secondly, the historical context in which the remodeling of the church was situated points to it having a noteworthy ideological significance, especially with respect to class conflict within Schwbisch Hall. The renovation in question was begun in 1427 and finished in 1526, shortly after Johannes Brenz took over the leadership of the congregation of St. why it was considered so important for this energetic reform to b e so broad and deep was 5, discussed in Chapter II. When Brenz came to Schwbisch Hall in 1522, he would have found a city with deep socioeconomic divides: fully


55 50% of the salt produced was the private property of the town nobles, with another 20% being controlled by the Rat 37 which was composed largely of those same nobles, plus the wealthy wine and salt merchants who were their class equals and partners in discrimination based on socioeconomic status (Maisch 200 1: 1 2). On top of this, around half the population of the town was so destitute as to be literally without possessions of any significance whatsoever (Sea 1979: 7). In 1512, there had been an uprising by the workers who produced the salt, inspired by th eir extreme disenfranchisement and their lack of share in the profits of their extremely dangerous labor (Krger 1990: 49). Many lower class people had become Protestant, seeing in this new theological movement a liberation from traditional power dynamics which held them in effective thralldom to the local oligarchs. In flowering within its borders, but for Schwbisch Hall in particular the message was quite start ling: the uprising showed that the rural and urban poor were not happy with the status quo and were both willing and capable of doing something about it (the rebels had been dispersed from before the city walls by loyalist artillery). Brenz was a close f ollower of Evangelical Christianity as Protestantism then called itself was in no way intended to challenge existing structures of temporal authority, nor indeed to recast any power relationships other than that between God and Man. Rebels were still in conflict with the natural order of profane authority, and ought to be put down. A strong trend of anticlericalism also became evident during the period leading up to the P church leaders were often seen as being complicit in the abuse of power by the upper 37 Translation mine.


56 classes, since they benefited materially from the continued wealth of those groups. As a member of the privileged class in Schwbisch Hall, then, Brenz was a strong ally of the upper powerful symbol in order to communicate this message to the masses. Naturally, Brenz saw reinforcing the ideology of submission to the oligarchic power of the upper classes in Schwbisch Hall. It was preached in the mass es, it was no doubt spoken in private consultations, and it was certainly reflected in the architectural and artistic changes which Brenz put into place imposing form we know today. Th us did the Church of St. Michael become a deliberate, explicit part of the message of domination which became embedded in the landscape, as a the activities with whi ch it was connected were used to reinforce an orthodoxy, an ideology of dominance by and submission to wealthy merchants and nobles, passive acceptance of si market beneath its foot (where it still resides today) so that everybody knew God was watching to see if anyone put so much as a single toe out of line. The ed ifice of the church is designed specifically to overawe the observer and make one feel low, insignificant, and transient: the church, in all its strength and dark permanence, stands amidst the heavens, and glares down at the plebian who dares to meet its g aze.


57 And yet, this monument to bloody mindedness and greed is considered to be the foremost symbol of the modern town. Residents of Schwbisch Hall are extremely proud of e and will for its power, for the impression it makes upon the mind. Its chief characteristic is a weighty dignity, a gravitas of great magnitude, and anything w hich disturbs that is either amusing or bands using the interior of the church as a practice space) or a spontaneous action by some rapscallion who did not show the monument sufficient respect (such as the stamping out of a smiling face in the snow on the steps in January 2009). 38 s is also the center of the local Lutheran community: it is not the only Lutheran church, but it is the largest and the best known, and due to its convenient location in the heart of the old town and to its fame it also receives the most visitors. This ac seems to be the only nod still given to its status as a vehicle for expression of ideology. Preservation of the building and reasonable restoration are major concerns, and g reat expense and effort were necessary to effect the Sanierung 39 past. A support committee was founded to help ameliorate the cost of the repairs, and chtest du haben, dass das zerstrt wird? Dass das einfllt?" Ja? Es war manchmal so ein Dinge, dass da Stein heruntergefallen sind, die Fenster die 38 Translation mine. 39 Translation mine.


58 auch bei den Glocken die war' z um Teil, die wren fast auf dem Marktplatz gefallen 40 was raised for this purpose in the early 1990s The attitude was largely of preserving the past as it is seen in this monumental building, so that the future can appreciate unsere Kinder mal sagen werden, wissen wir nicht. Aber wir wollen unsere Dinge unseren Kindern, Enkelkindern ordentlich bergeben...auch wenn man nicht in die Kirche geht, 41 A sense of contin uity with past tradition Glaubenskette 42 and this tradition is very consciously passed on to succeeding generations through the appearance and use of the building. This attitude is also e vident in the way the memorials inside are preserved, es pecially the medieval crypt gewut, dass das so da ist: erst als man vor 40, 50 Jahren hier die Heizung, die Fubodenheizung gemacht hat, hat man das wieder entdeckt, ja? ... fr die Sanktismus sieht 43 The bones of unknown ancestors, stacked carefully in their pit under the floor of the chorus, are deserving of resp ect not just in their capacity as human remains, but also as historical relics, a material connection with the past. 40 ngs like this, that a stone would fall down the windows were only pieces of paper, yes, and it would almost be...hoo! Fallen in, yes. And also the bells were a part of it, they would almost have been fallen into the Marktplatz. Translation mine. 41 [W] grandchildren in an orderly fashion conserved Translation mine. 42 Translation mine. 43 for a long time nobody knew it was there anymore: 40 or 50 years ago when the heating, the heating in the floor was first put in, it was rediscovered, yes? ... one sees what time brings for [ideas of] sanctity, but naturally we tr eat these bones with respect Translation mine.


59 the material culture of the past is thought of in Schwbisch Hall. In modern archaeological that the object in question was made by someone for a particular purpose, and that it would have a particular signi ficance to its user and its maker, respectively. It allows for the object in question to be a commodity, a craft, or merely a private keepsake, or a hundred other d which forces the archaeologist to recognize the human element of all material culture, and to terms, which imply that someth ing has been left behind as a me mento of an event, and that it has a certain permanent quality to evoke that time and activity without any kind of dynamicism. It is this permanence and indexicality r ather than a quality of human significance which causes the object to be worthy of preservation or protection, but this meaning how it is remembered to have been This very important and very subtle semantic difference is the key to understanding the role played by the Church of St. Michael in the modern ideology of the past in Schwbisch Hall: it i s the ultimate relic, the ultimate symbol of the evocation of the past, because it is such a powerful symbol of the ideology of that past Certainly the original meaning is no longer quite so explicitly effective as it once was but times have changed, an d symbols are only fully effective within a particular context. All that remains


60 state of things as closely as possible, and to pass it down for future use. In the words of one or as closely as possible. 44 Of Pogroms, Slaughterhouses and Cafs Schwbisch Hall is not just a small town, it is a close town: the footprint is relatively directed outward from the town onto the surrounding landscape only across the river to another part of town. Whereas today the old town is primarily a place to go when one has shopping to do, it was formerly the place where everyone lived. The intensity and omnipresence of social interaction would have been inten se to a level which is not easily grasped by those used to a modern Western social environment. To be a legislated outsider in this environment would have been quite stressful, as any type of exclusion from any part of the community would have been consta ntly staring one in the face, perhaps bringing danger with it. This is the situation in which the Jews of Schwbisch Hall found themselves. In either 1349 or 1350, Christian residents of the town rounded up a number of Jews, locked them in a tower, and bu rned it to the ground with the Jews inside, apparently blaming the Jews for the onset of a plague (Kaiser &Wietschorke 2006: 16). The Christians of the town were forced to pay 800 Gulden to the Emperor as recompense, but were allowed in writing to loot th e property of all Jews who had fled or been killed. It was not until the 17 th Century 44 Translation mine.


61 that Jews were allowed to live permanently inside the city limits again, and then only in the Unterlimpurg section of the town, which is outside the walls and then only after paying a fine of 1000 Reichsthalers (2006: 17). Jews were required to pay a special tax to the town which was significantly higher than the standard civic taxes, and Jews travelling through town were required to wear a marking of some sort which ide ntified them as Jews: a golden ring on their robe or dress (2006: 17). The area of the city which had formerly been the Jewish district was near to the salt works and the river some of the least desirable housing in terms of its prestige value and this w as taken over after the massacres of the 14 th Century and put to new uses: notably, a large household was demolished and turned into a slaughterhouse, specifically to desecrate the site and make it a place of blood and death. The message is unmistakable, a nd requires no elucidation: anti civic and religious authority (Krger 1990: 37 8). Today, the area has changed rather a lot: the headquarters of the local newspaper, the Haller Tag blatt and a fancy clothing store are two of the modern inhabitants of what was formerly the Jewish district of Schwbisch Hall. What once upon a time was the slaughterhouse, though, has been put to a very interesting use, which illustrates yet another fa cet of how history and the past are thought of in Schwbisch Hall, and how they are rooted in materiality.


62 Very simply, the old slaughterhouse ( das altes Schlachthaus in German) has become a caf, called the Altes Schlachthaus 45 It is a very comfortable p lace, and very modern, with soft lighting, good food, couches, and a couple of televisions on which soccer and handball are shown. The tables and chairs are wooden, for the most part, but the metal doors, large glass windows, and electrical outlets along the wall combine with the ancient wooden pillars holding up the ceiling to create an impression of being in an older building which has been slightly touched up and repurposed. Closer investigation reveals this to be precisely the case: the floor slopes d ownward towards the river, culminating in a staircase which once was a drain for the blood of slaughtered cows to flow into the Kocher; there are niches in the wall, which depending on who one asks are either the places where the cows would stick their hea ds through for water, or where the cows would stick their heads through and be killed. The wide windows at the front and on the side of the building replace large doors, which swung open to admit livestock into and out of the abattoir the other walls only have small windows very high up, to release the foul odors left behind by this unappetizing process. many ways, and quite deliberately as well there is simply no reason to keep the sloping of the building is explained on the first page o f the menu, and both employees and guests described it to me in great detail without being prompted, and with obvious enjoyment of my discomfort. To top it all off, the caf is named Altes Schlachthaus : it is difficult to imagine 45 Translation mine.


63 a more direct identificat ion with the past function of a building than to name it after that function. And yet, nobody loses their appetite: not one single person I spoke to saw anything unusual in going round to the Old Slaughterhouse for a drink after work, or to watch FC Nrnb erg battle St. Pauli. To keep the floor, the walls, the name, was seen to anchor the caf in the history of the town. It was held in contrast to other cafs, which tried to be ultra so were frequented by a different crowd, or for different reasons. Altes Schlachthaus, however, struck a fine balance between preserved history and present use, and so it was both a place to be comfortable in and also proud of, something to show to visit ors. It was no stranger for it to be called the Old Slaughterhouse than it was for other restaurants or cafs to be called the Salzsieder 46 or similar: had it been a cheese shop in the 16 th Century, it might have been named das altes Kseladen ; but since it was a slaughterhouse, it is the Altes Schlachthaus. The key word here is alt 47 : the weight of the past is brought to bear to legitimize the new use of the space, to connect the present with what came before it and make the caf fit into the built lands cape of the town. It does not matter so much that no one alive today can remember when the space was actually a working slaughterhouse: the point is that it once was, and that the current use advertizes this fact indeed, it positively basks in it. This e xplicit connection to the past is laudable in Schwbisch Hall: although to a visitor who has no sense of connection to the place it may seem strange or even distasteful, to a lifelong resident of Schwbisch Hall it makes good sense. The purpose is not to glorify the existence 46 Translation mine. 47


6 4 of the slaughterhouse, nor of the brutality with which Jews were treated in earlier times, but rather to glorify the knowledge of the past and its abiding presence in the modern day, the preservation of a relic for all to see. The fa ct that the wooden columns which support the ceiling are the original columns, that the floor is the original floor rather than one which was remade to imitate the original, counts for much in Schwbisch Hall, and sets the town in explicit opposition to it s main regional counterpart: Rothenburg ob der Tauber. Rothenburg and the Contest of Authenticity Very few tourist publications on Germany mention Schwbisch Hall: it is small and out of the way, an old, comfy town out in the middle of nowhere to which pe ople from Stuttgart or Augsburg can go for the weekend to get away from the stresses of city life. been frozen in time, in order to create an environment which is de gemtlich wirklich alt 48 49 Rothenburg ob der Tauber is an example of what happens when a medieval city is bombed flat during a war, and then rebuilt with the exact opposite mentality as that described in the preceding paragraph. Located about an hour by car to the North and East of Schwbisch Hall, Rothenburg is world famous for being a slice of medieval Germany, 48 49 Translation mine. Gell is a word characteristic of the Swabian dialect, which is roughly equivalent to the nicht wahr u sed in the rest of Germany: it is difficult to translate while preserving accurately the precise taste of the word, since it is not actually a question as to whether or not the speaker is right, but rather a euphemistic assertion that the statement is so o bvious that the listener cannot reasonably disagree.


65 complete with its ci ty walls, narrow streets, and small shops which specialize in Christmas ornaments all the year round. Rothenburg is also famous for the Schneeball pastry, which consists of strips of dough arranged into a ball, fried, and topped with powdered sugar or cho colate or some other sweet confection. On most days, even in the depths of winter, The whole thing is a repulsive caricature, which is s German pavilion and a Hofbru restaurant in combination, an essentialized forgery of the past brought to life. Rothenburg was a frequent target of American and British bombers during the Second World War, and so the vast maj ority of what was then indeed a city with a significant medieval materiality was razed to the ground. Unlike Stuttgart, Mainz, and other cities which suffered heavily from strategic bombing, Rothenburg did not rebuild in a modern style: instead, the citiz ens of Rothenburg elected to rebuild their town as though it had been transported intact from the medieval era and placed in the landscape, an enclave of the past which was sure to attract a vast amount of tourism. Their plan was largely successful: the town was rebuilt as a version of its medieval self, and millions of foreign tourists flock to it every year. Most signs are in English, Spanish, French, Japanese, Chinese, Korean, and then German, and almost every storefront is either a Christmas shop, a bakery which sells only Schneeblle The relationship between Germans and Rothenburg is similar to that between native Floridians and Disneyland: foreign tourists describe it in


66 glowing terms, but many Germans especially residents of Schwbisch Hall have nothing but scorn for Rothenburg. 50 The general consensus is th at while Rothenburg is concerned with tourist dollars, Schwbisch Hall is focused on preserving the built, material expression of a past culture, a way of life which is only rarely to be found in present day Germany: there are regulations on what color one is allowed to paint Fachwerkhuser be kept up the whole old town has a Farbleitplan 51 to regulate these things, and to make unt of Schwbisch Hall was 52 which is generally viewed positively, 53 and residents who live in the old town center also identify being able to go almost everywhere by foot as one of their favorite aspects of life in Schwbisch Hall. In constrast to Rothenburg, most shops in Schwbisch Hall sell products which are necessary for daily life: in Rothenburg, it is quite difficult to find a shop which sells anything other than tourist memorabilia, whereas in often in stores which are locally owned and selling locally made products 50 Translation mine. 51 Roughly, a Color Regulation Plan. 52 Translation mine. 53 Translation mine.


67 54 as one person said, to be able to walk to the shops when one needs something, instead of having to drive to another location, and discussion of this subject occasionally brings up debates on whether or not it makes sense to own a car at all. Residents of Schwbisch Hall frequently assert that the continued walkability of their town, as well as the inwardly focused commercial sc ene, preserves an authenticity, a connection with the lifestyle of the past, and tourists tend to agree. In this regard, as in all others, Schwbisch Hall is far from immune to change: in the past fifty years, a large number of retail chains such as Aldi a nd Kaufland (formerly Handelshof) have moved into the town, and a large mall (called Kerz) has been established nearby in the hills. Additionally, the prison built during the Napoleonic rule of Germany was recently demolished, and the space instead of b eing made into a park, is slated to become an ulta modern shopping mall right in the heart of the old town, called the Th ese are developments of capitalist convenience, but they are at the very least controversial, at the very most openly despised: in November 2010, a vandal or group writing Dagegen 55 on the faade in large black letters. 56 54 It simply Translation mine. 55 56 n ances of the shops in the inner town will be severely injured, and they wo Translation mine. Renovation here refers to keeping the buildings in a high state of repair, not necessarily to making major changes to them. Some aspects of buildings, such as historic roofs and staircases, are legally required to be maintained in their original forms a s much as possible.


68 57 This is a real worry for Sch wbisch Hall, where local goods are valued highly and sold at prices which reflect this in stores which are almost exclusively family owned and operated. Most of these families are longtime residents of Schwbisch Hall, their presence being visible in re cords for many generations into the past. One of two outcomes is usually predicted: either the Kocherquartier will destroy local businesses by attracting a crowd of foreign owned name brands which will be able to out price the locals, or nobody will buy s pace in the new mall and it will be a truly epic waste of money and time. It is also heavily criticized for not fitting tinted glass. Its contrast to the carefully k ept up shops, and the ancient tradition of the twice weekly market, is frequently used as evidence of its bankruptcy in terms of intelligence and moral rectitude. Comparison with Rothenburg is drawn, and the example of the Katherinien Vorstadt, or the Vor stadt Jenseits Kochens the portion of the old town which lies to the West of the Kocher is sometimes invoked as what might happen to Schwbisch Hall as a whole. The Katharinien Vorstadt takes its name from the Church of St. Katherine, which lies within its walls, but the suburb had grown up around the Johanniterhalle, a church owned by the Knights of St. John (eventually of Malta). In the course of time, this suburb became a normal part of the town, just as densely populated as the main portion of the town 58 in comparison with the main portion of the old 57 in Translation mine. 58 Translation mine.


69 59 representing the opinion that the Katharinien Vorstadt is not really a proper part of Schwbisch Hall at all. At one time, it had many shops, bakeries, and other institutions of socioeconomic life in Schwbisch Hall. Today, though, it contains mostly hotels, residence s, a few restaurants, a department store, and the only large chain supermarket in town. It is these last two items which are blamed for the death of most of the small, locally owned shops and bakeries in the Vorstadt Jenseits Kochens: the low prices and h igh convenience of shopping at supermarkets and department stores caused many of the smaller stores in the Katharinien Vorstadt to fail financially, and close their doors. Many critics of the Kocherquartier project anticipate that this pattern would also befall the principal portion of the town, were the project to succeed, but their primary lamentation of this process is the loss of traditional commercial interchange, in small shops located in the heart of the old town, and all of the social interactions which are facilitated thereby. Small shops, like the market, are important for communication and the formation of social relationships, for the transmission of social, political, and other types of knowledge, for the socialization of children and newcomer s, and for the holding together of the social networks of the town: it is almost unthinkable that one should simply go in and out in an almighty hurry, and it is much more normal to stay and talk a while with the proprietors and other customers who are kno wn to one. The importance of these patterns of commercial and social activity is considered a major aspect of lived historical tradition which is still practiced today, and which ought to continue to be practiced into the future; and it is held to be root ed in the material importance of the small, 59 Translation mine.


70 locally owned shop, which caters to a local crowd and is easily reached on foot. Rothenburg and the Kocherquartier are the antitheses of these principles, and are reviled by those who place great emphasis upon t he modern conceptions of traditional life in Schwbisch Hall. Ruins, And Other Blank Spaces Time strikes harder in some places than in others, and letting a structure languish in the elements is also a type of preservation. Three examples from Schwbisch Hall illustrate this, and also the ways in which the materiality of the past is commandeered by the present: the ruins of the Limpurg castle, the well preserved Comburg castle, and the ruins of the city walls of Schwbisch Hall. As discussed in Chapter II Limpurg was originally intended to be a threat to Schwbisch Hall, a knife aimed at the heart of the city which would have been able to launch attacks with very little warning, as well as to interdict all trade and traffic along the road to the South wit hout much effort. As soon as it was practicable, the town council bought Limpurg and its lands, and destroyed it though they stopped short of razing it completely to the ground. The local flora and fauna were allowed to reoccupy the hilltop on which the ruins are perched, and though the trees have been cleared from time to time, no attempt to rebuild or restore the castle has ever been made. Semi permanent paths have been made up the hillside, and along various axes of its face, but unless one knows befo rehand that there are the ruins of a medieval castle atop it, the hill appears to be nothing more than a sort of


71 wilderness park on an abnormally steep hillside. Metal gates have been installed over the entrances to the cellars, but they are seldom locked and one can venture in or out at will. Today, this former fortress, once such a threat to the town, sits peacefully in tree shrouded obscurity, with little thought given for its former nature as an aggressive emplacement. It is relatively secluded, us ually sheltered from the wind, and has a wonderful panoramic view of both Schwbisch Hall and Steinbach, where Comburg is located, as well as everything in between. A brief survey of surface scatter at the overlook, conducted in January 2011, showed a lar ge concentration of alcoholic drink containers, mostly bottles (twenty six caps evident on the surface in an area of one square meter), many of which seem to have been thrown into a corner with the deliberate aim of shattering them. The fresh remains of m any fireworks were also present, showing that the site sees significant activity during celebrations of the New Year. Three firelays most likely used by revelers of various sorts were also found: one in the lower bailey of the castle, under the tree by th e overlook, and the other in the upper bailey, also near to the overlook. The third is on the southwest side of the castle ruins, whence no scenery is visible other than the ruins themselves, which rise nearby in a sheer wall around twenty feet high. The paths up and on the hill have been strengthened with brick fragments, gravel, and small stones, but a close investigation also found some slipped potsherds embedded in the surface of these paths, one of which was of considerable size. Unfortunately, the context of these potsherds is uncertain at best, they being mixed in surface scatter with the aforementioned bricks and also bottle caps, and so further investigation of their presence is unlikely to be of much worth. An area of the hillside well off the beaten path and sheltered by the trees appeared to have once seen use as a temporary campsite. The site has never been excavated, and from the surface


72 scatter it would seem that most of its current function is to play the impromptu host to parties involvi ng fire, cigarettes, and large quantities of beer. Ethnographic research produced more fruitful results: in fine weather, it is quite common to take a walk to Limpurg in the afternoon, and take in the scenery both natural and artificial. When guests from out of town visit for a weekend, one brings them up for the delightful view of the town and the Kocher valley. There is surprisingly little in the way of graffiti on the ruined walls, perhaps because the site is so remote, but also because it is in ruins and therefore retains little sense of permanence which can be used by the artist to ensure the continual exposure of their work to popular view. The idea of restoring Limpurg at all much less to any approximation of its original condition is not something which residents of Schwbisch Hall take seriously: it simply does not occur to them. The ruins have been ruins for so long, what would be the point? Better to keep them as they are, the way they have been for so many generations. This brings up an inter esting point: in this case, the sense of needing to preserve the past condition of a building is not regulated by how the building appeared throughout history, or at a particular point in history when it was especially famous, beautiful, or useful. Instea d, the condition which is desired is that in which the structure has been for the whole of the lives of those commenting upon it. Historicity is less the issue here than conservatism, a straightforward resistance to change; and this conservatism is here d ifferent from the resistance to change with respect to social patterns in commerce, mentioned above: in that example, the argument against change is rooted in issues of binding the community together through shared knowledge and social experience, while th e example of Limpurg


73 evokes conservatism merely for its own sake it has always been this way for me, and I am comfortable with it, so I want it to remain that way forever. The example of Comburg (formerly spelt Komburg ) stands in contrast to this pure cons ervatism: Comburg is a visible monument with deep historical importance, as well as practical use in modern times, and it is considered worth keeping in condition on these grounds, among others. From its beginnings as a castle, Comburg was donated to the under Napoleon, it became a place of convalescence for injured soldiers, guarded by a battalion of invalids as a sort of pension assignment. When this unit was eventuall y disbanded after the First World War, Comburg became an academy used by the state of Baden Wrttemberg to train high performing teachers in advanced subjects and teaching methods. It also remains open as a monument for tourists to visit, and tours are of fered regularly in the warmer months and but by ap pointment only in winter For most of its existence, then, Comburg was an elite place (the monastery once threatened to close, rather than allow commoners in), one of the centers of the Hirsau reform move ment which presided over the landscape from its lofty perch, walled off and inaccessible to the average person. It was designed as are most churches to owned by Comburg and broke away after the latter complained that the impressive visage of permanent stamp on the local landscape, and by far the largest in terms of sheer size, and in terms of monume ntal architecture it has no local competitor for top spot in purely objective


74 fact that it was a locus of elite residence and activity for almo st literally all of its history and the fact that it has always been owned by either the Church or the government make it a symbol of authority which for residents of Schwbisch Hall is not so omnipresent nor so threatening as the Church of St. Michael the Archangel, but rather just picturesque, a sight to see and enjoy and to be seen enjoying Small wonder, then, that almost every reachable surface along the route walked by most people through the interior of this authoritarian picture postcard is covered with graffiti. This is apparently a popular hobby amongst the more youthful portion of minded segment of it. Rarely does graffiti take the form of tagging or conventional artwork: rather, poli tical or social messages are sprayed or scrawled on most vertical surfaces in the old town. Some are amusing, others are challenges to the viewer; and still others escape simple interpretation. A great many are in English (such as the large banner outsid e the supermarket which reads Make Capitalism History ), though of course the majority are in German. Generally, a political or social message is intended. In Comburg, however, things are different: rather than scrawl anarchist symbols or exhortations to 60 the graffiti in Comburg consists of hundreds perhaps thousands of people having visited the walk along the inside of the curtain wall nowhere else and carved or written their names on the walls. It is common for a date, gener ally just the year, to accompany the name. This practice has evidently been popular for 60 Translation mine.


75 quite some time: some of the names are dated to the middle of the 19 th Century, and the quantity of names is such that there is almost literally no more space to add n ew ones, and so many names are scrawled or carved on top of others. Most are written in ink, or scratched with some sharp object: in a very few instances, an individual has carefully carved their name into a window sill or wall. It is also possible to fi and the date into a particular area of wall has become a family tradition: one Paul Kempf carved his name into a window frame with great care in 1939: three more generations of the Kempf family have done likewise, ben eath his name. Theirs is not the only example of this practice becoming tradition, either: it seems to be relatively common practice. Much research remains to be done on this extremely interesting topic: it would be very interesting to document all legi ble inscriptions and study them to determine in what proportions gender is represented, or if the frequency of inscribing names seems to increase or decrease at particular times. While it may be asserted with a reasonable degree of confidence that this pr temporary existence on this Earth while at the same time poking the eye of established authority by defacing its symbol, this project was unable to collect much ethnographic data on this subje ct, despite an intense interest in doing so. One thing, however, is certain: in more than one hundred and fifty years of defacing the interior of the curtain wall, no evident attempt has been made to expunge the inscriptions, cover them in any way, or eve n to put up a sign forbidding their creation and laying out the punishments for all to see. There is no evident reaction, no evident deterrent, and this, too, is extremely interesting. To suggest a tacit approval of the practice would be absurd, but it m ay be that the names, once inscribed,


76 become in some way part of the history of Comburg, and thus become a member in its worthiness of preservation and continued use. Finally, the medieval walls of the town of Schwbisch Hall fall somewhere in the middle o f Comburg and Limpurg as an example of a historic structure which is not held to the same standard as others in Schwbisch Hall. Partially, this is due to the fact that the walls were never all that effective: Schwbisch Hall is located in the bottom of t he Kocher River Valley, more than 400 meters below the level of the surrounding land, and the walls were certainly never 400 meters high, nor even half that. The obvious side effect of this was that, while the walls prevented any enemies from walking stra ight into the town, they did very little to prevent them from seeing all parts of it from just a little way further up the hill; and where one can see downhill, one can hurl heavy objects which may or may not be on fire. Thus, the walls are less defensi ve emplacements than they are strong suggestions that one enter via the gates. Today, this is even more the case, as those portions of the walls which have not been integrated in some way into modern buildings (such as the Hllisch Frnkisches Museum, or t he houses along the river front) have been allowed to weather into disrepair. Unsafe areas are cordoned off, but otherwise one is free to move about what remains of the walls as one pleases. One portion near the Unterlimpurg district has been converted i nto an extremely convenient parking lot. In many areas, though, the wall is simply not there anymore, having been converted into streets like Langer Graben 61 whose names reflect their former incarnations. The remains of the walls have also become canvass es for graffiti of the more 61 Trans lation mine.


77 political type, due to the fact that they are vertical surfaces. It is possible that these older walls may be preferred in some ways to newer buildings as locations for graffiti due to the implicit act of disgracing their histo rical identity as symbols of upper class wealth and military power, but further research would be necessary to make this assertion with any real comfort. For most people it is as though they are not even there. These three examples, then, are spaces which are indeed historically significant, but which are treated very differently both from other inherited structures in Schwbisch Hall, and from one another. The differences in preservation, as well as the reasons for these statuses in the eyes of citizens of Schwbisch Hall, point out some surprising exclusions to the idea of what makes a historically interesting building, structure, or space. It would appear that only those structures which are important both to the appearance of the town as a relic of th e past, and also to the narrative relevant enough to preserve in the conventional sense, and to be categorized together as inherited buildings or relics on the built landscape: others, such as the walls, the ruins of Limpurg, and the place apart of Comburg, lie outside these realms, and so are subject to different rules within the orthodox mind set of heritage as it is constructed in present day Schwbisch Hall. Sanierung, Renovierung, und so weiter In Ge rman, as in English, there is a multiplicity of terms for what one does to old structures when one wants to preserve them, and that while these words are synonyms, there


78 are subtle differences in their meanings which can be vast gulfs of difference in prac tice. In a place like Schwbisch Hall, where inherited buildings are of great social and personal importance to many people, using the wrong word can not only change greatly the meaning ke umbrage, as well. The most commonly used word is Sanierung a feminine noun which literally means sanieren is used when an older building has, so to speak, fallen on hard times, and has not for some reason been kept up as it perhaps should ideally have been. The word Sanierung mishandled, and we must all band together as a r esponsible community to save it from disrepair and disrepute. During my research in January 2011, the Church of St. Urban was undergoing Sanierung and exhortations to donate were found on posters in all Lutheran churches and buildings, as well as on the street. Not long ago, the Church of St. Michael also underwent a Sanierung to repair the damage caused by the ravages of time. Renovierung is also commonly used, along with its verbal counterpart renovieren The respectively, and their connotation is precisely the same as in English: out with the old (or at least, the bits of it which are not so well liked or legally protected) and in with the new and improved. It is common, even important, for shops and cafs t o close periodically for Renovierung during which times the unsuspecting visitor arrives at his or her favorite caf to be greeted by a locked door and a placard reading: 62 It does not do to mix this word up with Sanierung : the latter 62 Translation mine.


79 means to repair and clean up what has assumedly been there since time immemorial, while the former means to remove those things which have become unpopular or impractical and replace them with other, more modern things. Im Stand halten is yet anothe r expression for keeping up inherited structures, but the status quo uphold is the or iginal condition, or the condition one finds things in at the present. In Schwbisch Hall, these are often but not always synonymous. Most frequently, this phrase is used with respect to historic buildings which are deliberately preserved in an archaic c The implication is that everything is kept in the correct order, the way it ought to be and was always intended to be. Erneuerung by contrast, is a dangerous misstep for the ethnographer, a trap waiting German is very different from the English word: as opposed to putting on a fresh coat of paint and so forth, the German word implies that the whole building is bulldozed, and rebuilt entirely from the ground up. This word is anathema in present day Schwbisch Hall, bisch Hall is saniert, or im Stand gehaltet ; occasionally, Schwbisch Hall is almost surgically renoviert : only Rothenburg ob der Tauber is erneuert


80 What is Archaeology? In summary, then, the built landscape in Schwbisch Hall has many inherited structu res of historical significance, but some play a much bigger role than others. Some examples of significant places include the Church of St. Michael and the Altes Schlachthaus, which are kept in a particular physical form as a means of acknowledging their past. Other historical structures, such as Limpurg, Comburg, and the town walls are subject to different rules and ideas about the role their past plays in the modern narrative of historical significance. Finally, historical materiality in the built land scape is discussed through a special vocabulary and verbage, with specific implications that serve to classify not just the activity being undertaken, but also the place which is the object of that activity. These use patterns and semantic differences rev eal much about the modern conceptions of history and heritage which form the dialogue of the construction of the past in Schwbisch Hall today. This had particular consequences for my project, because I an academic specialist in the subject with a very par ticular training and background held very different ideas about what was meant by the word Archologie 63 than did the people with whom I spoke. For the first week of my field research in January 2011, I unhesitatingly described myself as an archaeologist, who was studying the Reformation period buildings in Schwbisch Hall and how they were used today. Most people were eager to tell me about Johannes Brenz, about the fire of 1728, and about the existence and spectacle of the Church of St. Michael, but after these points had been accomplished I was generally directed to either the town archives, or to the Hllisch Frnkisches Museum, where I was told there were many experts 63


81 on the subject who could help me uncover the historical facts. This was entirely accu rate, but I did not want to talk to historians: I wanted to talk to people whose vocation was something other than to study the place in which they lived. I had quite a lot of data from an academic perspective, which I found useful for facts but disappoin ting in the realm of analysis, and the goal of my project had shifted, to investigating the opinions of normal people who were not engaged academically or professionally with the subject. This was very difficult to achieve as long as I persisted in descri bing myself as an archaeologist. My first solution to this problem was to continue describing myself as an archaeologist, but to not describe my project in such detail, saying instead that I was interesting in how old buildings were used in the present. To my dismay, this had very little effect: I was still politely chatted with, and then referred to experts for further consultation. Clearly, I needed to rethink my approach, but I could not conceive of why the former one had not been effective. In a fl ash, it occurred to me that the simplest method was to not shun the academics, as I had been doing, as they were the best qualified to help me understand why my labeling myself as an archaeologist was making it unexpected for me to ask questions, and there fore making my participants feel uncomfortable or caught off their guard. This strategy paid off: in Schwbisch Hall, an archaeologist is what we in America would consider to be an historian of material culture, or an historical mythbuster. Archaeology i s used to fill in the gaps which history is left, or uncover new facts and new levels of detail to which the written record cannot provide access. Identification and classification are the most important aspects of archaeology in the popular consciousness : it deals with establishing land claims, and solving factual mysteries which the past has left us. Having learned this, I began to describe myself as an anthropologist, or just simply a student,


82 and I found that the inhabitants of the town with whom I sp oke became much more willing to speak with me: once I had sparked their curiosity, I could describe my project as 64 and learn a great many things. Anthropologists and students are expected to ask questions and record the answers with great exactitude: archaeologists are expected to dig things up out of the ground, and put them in museums. Thus, while the dialogue which constructs heritage and the inherited past in Schwbisch Hall consists largely of theoretical concepts and ideas, these concepts are almost totally excluded from the dialogue itself: the past is fact, and cannot be analyzed in the same way that conventional anthropological results can be analyzed that is to say, in terms of power relationships, ideology, and hidden n arratives. Those airy fairy concepts do not belong in history, which is the arena of hard, verifiable proofs. Processual and post processual analyses are simply not understood as being valid, applicable, or even relevant. This lack of congruence between my understanding of archaeology, and the understanding of the field as it is practiced in Schwbisch Hall, was initially problematic for the project, but the end result was an exposition of what the past is considered to be more generally, and within the somewhat narrower subject area of the dynamic interpretation of the built landscape. 64


83 CHAPTER IV CONCLUSIONS This project sought to explore how complex concepts such as heritage, orthodox history, and the past could be constructed and regulated by local historical materiality in terms of the built landscape. Old structures are inherited in one form or another from past owners and users, and are either preserved in their previous capacity, put to new use, or done away with altogether. These choices refle ct contemporary attitudes towards the past, which are an important component of an overall cultural ideology for the group in question. Like history, this ideology is constructed artificially by culture, and also by deliberate action on the part of those who have the power to regulate and influence it. Since the material world is the physical reflection of a cultural mind set in a particular time, it should be possible to see elements of this mind set reflected in the built landscape, in which people live their daily lives. Furthermore, as ideology changes with time, the uses to which the various parts of the built landscape is put change, as well, to reflect these new needs and preferences. Recursively, the difference between former and present uses of the built landscape illustrate and expose differences between the ideologies and mind sets of the respective time periods. This project uses historical analysis, ethnographic methods, and archaeological field research to gather, examine, and deconstruct s ome examples of inherited features of the built landscape of Schwbisch Hall, with a particular focus on the time period stretching from approximately AD 1500 to around 1750. Additionally, this project examined some of the vocabulary which is used in cont emporary discourse about historic buildings to illustrate ideas about how, when, and why the inherited materiality of the past ought to be preserved.


84 The conclusions reached by this project are as follows: that ideology forms heritage by means of a discu rsive engagement with the past, through a complex series of lived interactions which occur both as people go about their daily lives, and by deliberate means; that the mind set of some of the citizens of Schwbisch Hall during the time period stretching fr om approximately AD 1500 to 1750 is embodied to an extent in the built landscape; and that the deliberate preservation and repurposing of specific parts of this landscape into modern times is a meaningful insight into modern mind set, as well. Furthermore day Schwbisch Hall dictate that only those portions of the built landscape which are significant for the orthodox w orth special attention in preservation. This is also true of those places which are important to the orthodox aesthetic narrative of the town, as an enclave of history which has lasted into the modern age while retaining a high degree of integrity and aut henticity Discourses of power play a very important role in the construction of these concepts, but further research is necessary to determine the fullest extent of the influence of symbolic structures on these complex interactions. It can be said with ce rtainty that a landscape which was explicitly designed to enforce class structures t hrough severe discrimination against the poor and disenfranchised, and which supported brutal discrimination against and persecution of marginal groups, is today a major to urist attraction, and is valued for the unique power of the spectacle it offers. It is, in short, drastically simplified, and the more sinister aspects of its origins are ignored. Having thus reached the above conclusions, this project aims to inspire r eflexive examination of these constructed concepts of history and heritage not just in Schwbisch


85 Hall, but in any place where they might be applied to good and reasonable effect: they are not, in all likelihood, perfect principles, applicable universally, and to assert that they are would be to ignore the vast and wonderful diversity of humanity; but it is to be hoped that they shall prove somehow useful, somehow helpful, and that the exposure of ideologies of classism and structural inequality may be hast ened by their elucidation here. This paper asserts that this is one of many duties, the execution of which is something for which the discipline of anthropology ought to be held accountable for, due to its unique capability to do so, and due to the inevit ability of this conclusion if one follows the guiding principles of the discipline.


86 Works Cited Armstrong, Douglas V, a nd Kenneth G. Kelly 2000 Settlement Patterns and the Origins of African Jamaican society: Seville Plantation, Bay, Jamaica. Ethnohistory, 47 (2); 369 97. Bruford, W. H. 1965 Germany in the Eighteenth Century: The Social Background of the Literary Revival. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. Collinson, Patrick 2006 The Reformation: A History Modern Library Paperb ack Edition. New York : Modern Library Chronicles. Crowne, William 1971 Travels of Thomas Lord Howard Originally published (1637) as A True Revelation of all the Remarkable Places and Passages Observed in the Travels of the Right Honourable Thomas Lord London: Henr y Seile. Republished (1971) in Amsterdam: Da Capo Press. Deagan, Kathleen 1982 Avenues of Inquiry in Historical Archaeology. Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory 5; 151 77. Deetz, James 1996 In Small Things Forgotten : An Archaeology of Early American Life New York: Anchor Books. Engels, Frederick 1966 Th e Peasant War in Germany New York: International Publishers. Frutolf of Michelsberg 2011 Frutolf of Michelsberg, Chronicle 1001, ed. and trans. F. J. Schmale and I. Schmale Ott, Frutolfs und Ekkehards Chroniken und die anonyme Kaiserchronik (Darmstadt, 1972) Foucault, Michel 1972 The Archaeology of Knowledge, and The Discourse on Language New York : Pantheon Books. Geertz, Clifford 1978 New York Review of Books 24 (21 and 22), 26 January 1978. In Life Among the Anthros, and Other Essays ed. Fred Inglis. Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2010: 29 38.


87 Kahn, Miriam 2000 Tahiti Intertwined: Ancestral Land, Tourist Postcard, and Nuclear Test Site. American Anthropologist, 102 (1); 7 26. Kaise r, Alexandra and Jens Wietschorke 2006 Kulturgeschichtliches Stadtlexicon Schwbisch Hall Knzelsau, Germany: Swiridoff Verlag. Krger, Eduard 1990 Schwbisch Hall: Ein Gang durch Geschichte und Kunst, mit Gross Komburg, Klein Komburg, und Limpurg. Or iginal Edition New Edition: e dited by Prof. Dr. Fritz Arens and Dr. Gerd Wunder. Schwbisch Hall, Baden Wrttemberg: Eppinger Verlag. Leone, Mark P. 1982 Some Opinions About Recovering Mind. American Antiquity 47 (4); 742 60. 1995 A Historical Archaeol ogy of Capitalism. American Anthropologist 97 (2); 251 68. 1996 Interpreting Ideology in Historical Archaeology: Using the Rules of Perspective in the William Paca Garden in Annapolis, Maryland. In Images of the Recent Past: Readings in Historical Archae ology (Charles E. Orser Jr., ed.): 371 92. Walnut Creek CA : Altamira Press. Little, Barbara 1994 People With History: An Update on Historical Archaeology in the United States. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 1(1); 5 40. 2007 Historical Arc haeology: Why the Past Matters. Walnut Creek, CA : Left Coast Press. Mayor and Council of the Holy Imperial City of Schwbisch Hall 2001 Haalordnung der Reichsstadt Schwbisch Hall : erneuerte, erklrte, verbessert und publicirte Ordnung de Gemeinen Haa ls 1683 Schwbisch Hall, Baden Wrttemberg: Hans Rein hard Laidigen. W ith afterword by Andreas Maisch: Knzelsau: Locher Drck. Olivier, Laurent and Joseph Kovacik 2006 industrial salt production i n the European Iron Age. Antiquity Vol. 80 No. 309 (September 2006) pp. 558 66. Sea, Thomas F. 1979 Central European History 12(1); 3 37. Wells, Peter S. 1984 Farms, Villages, and Cities: Commerce and U rban Origins in Late Prehistoric Europe. Ithaca : Cornell University Press. West, Harry G.


88 2007 Ethnographic Sorcery Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Wunder, Gerd 1974 Probleme der Haller Geschichte. Schwbisch Hall: Druckerei W. Leyh.


89 Appendix A: Photos and Maps Looking West bottom right, the Kocher roughly in mid frame, with the Katharinien Vorstadt beyond. The Globe Theater is visible on the left. (Author photo, 2010) Schwbisch Hall and the Kocher Valley, looking North from Limpurg .(Author photo, 2010)


90 Marktplatz facing Sou theast. (Author photo, 2008)


91 with smiling face on steps (Author photo, 2010) The Eastern side of Schwbisch Hall, from near the Steinerner Steg, with the Kocher in the foreground. (Author photo, 2010).


92 Comburg, looking Southwest from Lim purg. (Author photo, 2010). Birds eye view of Schwbisch Hall, as it would have been c. 1530 (Krger 1990: 45).

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93 Detail of Old City, with vertical lines indicating those portions which burned in 1680, and diagonal shading those which burned in 1728 (Krge r 1990: 44). Detail of Old City, 1983 (Krger 1990: 7).

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94 Marktplatz c. 1156 (Krger 1990: 87). Illustration of relative position of the River Kocher and the Shuppach hillside, before and after the landslide c. AD 150. View fr om the North, measurements in meters (Krger 1990: 22). Presumed appearance of the Celtic period fort at Limpurg. Ruins

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95 Appendix B: Timeline of Major Events c 800 B.C. The Suevi form a small settlement around the salt spring at Schwbisch Hall. A.D. 1078 Comburg (Komburg), a castle which was later transformed into a Benedictine abbey, is built on a hill overlooking what later becomes Schwbisch Hall. The Coun ts of Rothenburg are given the rights to the tithes from the parish. 1156 First mention of a town called Schwbisch Hall in the historical record. 1280 Schwbisch Hall becomes a Free Imperial City ( Reichstadt ), subject only to the German Emperor. 1340 Emp eror Louis IV grants the Erste Zwie tracht, which allows Schwbisch Hall to be ruled by a council composed of twelve noblemen, six burghers, and eight craftsmen. 1427 Remodeling of the Church of St. Michael in Schwbisch Hall begins. 1483 Martin Luther is born. 1488 Comburg Abbey chooses to become a college rather than admit commoners; Schwbisch Hall joins the Swabian League. 1507 The great stairway on the western side of the Church of St. Michael in Schwbisch Hall is built. 1517 Luther posts the 9 5 Theses at Wittenberg. 1518 Luther defends his theology at the Disputation of Heidelberg. Later this year, he meets Cardinal Cajetan in Augsburg. 1519 Huldrych (Ulrich) Zwingli becomes Chief Minister of Zrich, marking the beginning of a major shift i n political and religious thought in Central Europe; Emperor Charles V is elected. 1520 Papal bull Exurge Domine threatens Luther with excommunication. In December of this year, Luther publicly burns this document and various works of canon law in Witten berg.

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96 1521 Luther is excommunicated, and goes into hiding at Wartburg: he later appears before Emperor Charles V at the Diet of Worms, where he refuses to recant his theology. 1522 Johannes Brenz, a disciple of Luther, becomes minister of the Church of S t. Michael in Schwbisch Hall, bringing it onto the Lutheran side of the Reformation movement. 1523 The Reformation movement is publicly debated in Zrich. 1524 5 to the brink of disast er, and plunges the Reformation into a dialogue of social and political conflict. Luther, Calvin, and Zwingli condemn the peasant revolts. 1526 The remodelling of the Church of St. Michael in Schwbisch Hall ends. 1527 The Schleitheim Confession is publ ished, establishing Anabaptism as a codified branch of Christian practice. 1529 Diet of Speyer orders that the Edict of Worms be enforced; the term Luther splits from Zwingli and Ca doctrine of transubstantiation. 1531 The Schmalkaldic League, of which Schwbisch Hall is a member, is formed to look after the interests of Protestant groups in Germany. 1543 Johannes Brenz completes his reformati on of the Church in Schwbisch Hall, abolishing the last of the old rules and publishing his new ones. 1546 On 6 December, following the defeat of the Schmalkaldic League, Emperor Charles V arrives at Schwbisch Hall to arrest Johannes Brenz, who flees. 15 48 Augsburg Interim begins: Protestants are commanded by Imperial edict to re adopt Roman Catholic practice, but their priests will be allowed to marry, and the laity to receive the Sacraments in both kinds. Protestants refuse to comply, and insist that reform of the Church is necessary. 1559 In an effort to combat the Reformation, the Roman Catholic Church publishes the first Index of Forbidden Books.

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97 1563 The final session of the Council of Trent comes to an end; Elector Frederick III establishes Calvi nism in the Palatinate (southern portion of modern day Nordrhein Westphalen) with the Heidelberg Catechism. 1572 France. 1577 Lutherans in Germany united by the Formula of Concord. 1587 The Comburg castle in Schwbisch Hall is mediatized to Wrttemberg. This means that, while the monastery now officially belongs to the Duchy of Wrttemberg, its original owners still retain some of their rights to use it and receive a portion of its tithes. 1618 The Thirty Years War begins, which devastates much of Central Europe. The population of Germany is reduced, by this war and by famine, from 17 million to eight million in thirty years. 1634 8 Schwbisch Hall suffers from bubonic plague and a famine a s a result of the Thirty Years War, and one in five citizens die. 1648 The Peace of Westphalia ends the Thirty Years War. 1650 Treaty between German Empire and Sweden the major combatants in the Thirty Years War gives the Peace of Westphalia more weight. 1654 inalienably inherit land) is introduced to Germany. 1657 Emperor Ferdinand III dies; Emperor Leopold I elected the next year. 1674 French troops invade the Palatinate and devastate the countryside. 1680 A large fire destroys much of Schwbisch Hall. 1689 In a feature of the continuing conflict between France and the German Empire, the French burn Baden Baden, and subsequently des troy Heidelberg Castle. The Germans responds by redundantly declaring war on France. 1693 The French sack Heidelberg, for the second time. 1705 Emperor Leopold dies, and is succeeded by Emperor Joseph I.

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98 1713 Peace of Utrecht ends the War of the Span ish Succession; Pragmatic Sanction allows for female succession to Imperial Rule in the Hapsburg line of the German Empire, but ultimately destabilizes the Empire because Bavaria and Prussia, amongst others, refuse to acknowledge Maria Theresa as Empress. 1714 Peace of Rastatt ends the war between France and the German Empire; the Peace of Baden gives Strasburg and Alsace to France. 1728 A massive fire destroys the parts of Schwbisch Hall which lie to the wall, or around one third of the town. Many buildings are rebuilt in the Baroque style. 1732 German Emperor Charles VI at last gets his whole empire to superficially acknowledge the Pragmatic Sanction, but upon his death this proves not to be the case. 1733 France declares war on the German Empire. 1740 Maria Theresa becomes the first German Empress: Frederick the Great of Prussia refuses to acknowledge her succession and begins the Silesian War against her. 1742 Charles VII crowned German Emperor. 1 743 Maria Theresa crowned again. 1744 France declares war on Maria Theresa and on England; Frederick the Great begins the Second Silesian War. The combined occurrence of these two events creates a not unanticipated crisis for the newly reinstated Empre ss. 1745 German Emperor after Silesia. 1748 Peace of Aix la Chapell e brings final recognition of Pragmatic Sanction, and pacifies the German Empire internally. 1750 The population of Europe reaches approximately 140 million.

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99 1802 The Treaty of Lunville hands Schwbisch Hall over to Napoleon along with the rest of Bade n Wrttemberg, and the salt works become the property of the state. 1803 Comburg Abbery is secularized, its library given to the state, and its silver melted down. 1827 The health spa in Schwbisch Hall is founded. 1862 Schwbisch Hall and Heilbronn are connected by a railway line. 1914 8 The First World War. 1919 The Envalidenkorps (Invalid Corps) which garrisoned the Comburg is reassigned, and the castle is no longer garrisoned. 1947 The Comburg is put to use as a school for training elite teachers, which it remains today.

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100 Appendix C: Glossary of German Terms Adelshof (n.): the Court of the Nobles; a group of buildings to the North of princes and of local nobles. Adlige ( adj.): of, relating to, or belonging to nobles Alt (adj.): old Altes Schlachthaus (n.): literally, the Ol d Slaughterhouse; a bar and caf in near the salt spring, in what was once a slaughterhouse. Brenzhaus (n.): once, the house where Johannes Brenz lived but now a modern building. It contains a museum, and the offices of the youth movements tied to the local Lutheran churches. d.h. (abbrev.): das heit Dreiknigslauf (n.): a marath on style run held ea ch year on 6 January, the feast day of the Holy Three Kings. Erneuern (v.): to renew utterly, erasing all traces of what was previously present. Fachwerkhaus (n.): ground floor is u sually of stone, and the upper floors are of wood insulated with plaster, or a mixture of clay and straw, completed by a red tile roof. More affluent houses have more stone walled floors. Freilichtspeile (n.): open air plays, performed in summer time on the steps Gasse (n.): an alley or small street. Gemtlich (adj.): cozy; a sort of relaxed comfort or ease, as a tiny cottage might be stereotypically described. Glaubenskette (n.): literally, a Chain of Faith; the idea that the re ligious tradition of Christianity is handed down from Jesus in an unbroken chain.

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101 Hall (n.): a word of Celtic origin, which means salt produced from water by boiling. Im Stand halten (phrase): to ke ep something in condition, generally the condition held to Kampfgericht (n.): a rite of or trial by combat; a duel. Marktplatz (n): a marketplace, or place where markets were once held. Generally, it is held to be both the indexical reference to the place, and also its street address. Rat (n.): a c ouncil, committee, or other body which is collectively responsible for ruling a town or city. Rathaus (n.) : The building in which the Rat meets. Raum der Stille (n.): a Place of Silence, or Room of Silence. Reichstadt (n.): an Imperial City; a ci ty which o wed taxes and political allegiance solely to the German Emperor, and not to any of his subordinates. Renovieren (v.): to renovate, removing some old things which are no longer wanted and keeping those which are in good condition. Sanieren (v.): to restor e something to its proper condition, by cleaning or patching it up where needful. Sanierung (n.): restoration Sieder (n.): literally, one who boils; a title granted to esteemed persons in Schwbisch Hall during the time when salt was produced. It was prim carried a stipend. Today, the Sieder are akin to a Mardi Gras Krewe whose membership is hereditary, and the stipend is still paid, making it the oldest entitlement in Europe. Vorname (n.): David, Michael, or Jawaharlal Vorstadt (n.): a suburb or secondary district.