This item is only available as the following downloads:
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY LONDON AND TH E BIRTH OF CONSUMER CULTURE BY LISA FISHER A Thesis Submitted to the Division of the Social Sciences New College of Florida In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts Under the sponsorship of David Harvey Sarasota, Florida May, 2009
Fisher ii Acknowledgements I must first and foremost thank my family for their support and encouragement through thick and thin, and for their unerri ng interest in my personal and academic development. My family supported not only my academic pursuits, but prepared me for life by teaching me that obstacles are opportunities for growth. It is my familys model of perseverance and strength which has taught me that adversity trul y is preparation for greatness. I would also like to thank Professor David Harvey for his constant guidance and eagerness to enhance my studies. Professor Harv ey and I have been working together for three years, and during those years my progress in written work and confidence in my own abilities have increased tremendously. Professor Harvey helped me explore different fields of study in order to develop my specific interests, and was with me every step of the way through the thesis-writing process. His guidance not only furthered my fascination with history and my understanding of historical events, but bolstered my assurance in my own work. Last but not least, I would like to thank my amazing friends for well, everything! They have stood by me and helped me in too many ways to list, and I feel so lucky to know such extraordinary people. I l ove my friends like family, and it is truly because of them that these last for years have been such a positive experience. I will never forget all of the amazing memories and experiences I have had while at New College, and I cannot express how happy I am to be a part of such an amazing school. I love you all, a nd I love you New College! Lisa Fisher
Fisher iii _____________________________________________________________________________________ Table of Contents ________________________________________________________________________ Acknowledgements ii Table of Contents iii Abstract iv Introduction 1 Chapter 1: Luxury and Consumerism 6 Chapter 2: Crime and Industry 29 Chapter 3: Popular Culture: Literatu re, Theater and Art 54 Conclusion 81 Bibliography 86
Fisher ivAbstract This thesis considers the birth of consumer culture in eighteenth-century London and explores the changes witnessed by so ciety in response to the mass production of consumer goods. Maintaining that the eight eenth century witnessed the birth of the modern world, this study considers the growth of industrial capitalism and the expansion of global markets as catalysts fo r the restructuring of British society. This transitory period was wrought with many difficulties, as prog ress of a civilization often entails a reorganization of social hierarchies and valu es. The growth of fashion, communications, advertising and print culture forever changed not only the structure of the British economy, but the activities and values of society as a whole. The upper classes indulged in leisurely pursuits and participated in consumption as a means of demarcating status. However, many new problems we re created by urban society, and the overpopulated streets of London experienced immense issues in regards to crime and poverty. As the upper classes were increasingly linked to luxu ry and polite society, the lower classes were linked with criminalit y and immorality. Living conditions and modes of subsistence were indeed highly stratified, and this study also looks at popular culture as a reflection of the anxieties and social cr iticisms of the period. While this thesis does not deny that industry has proven beneficial to modern so ciety in the long run, it does assert that the transition to industry was incr edibly traumatic to those living through it. Focusing on issues of social stratification, the expansion of consumer goods, industrial work, and urban living, this thesis attempts to explain how early industry redefined the social structure and norms of eighteenth-century London. Signed _____________________
Fisher 1 Introduction Hell is a city much like London, A populous and smoky city. Percy Bysshe Shelley, Peter Bell in Third Eighteenth-century weavers in Spitalfi elds had no concept of how much their lives would soon change due to the advent of indust rialization. The legacy of Spitalfields, a borough in the east end of London which beca me a renowned silk-w eaving district in the late seventeenth century, te stifies to the extremely trauma tic effects of early industrial capitalism. Industrial manufacture and machine production eliminated traditional craft industries, as mechanization allowed for the advent of a semi-skilled labor force and extinguished the need for skilled artisans. With the elimination of these crafts and the guild-system, areas built on traditional craft industries, such as Spitalfields, were thrown into disarray and forced to adapt to industr ial living. The case of Spitalfields is a prime example of the destructive powers of industr y, and it highlights a tr ansitional period of history in which the whole structure of so ciety transformed and livelihoods abruptly changed. The silk-weaving industry in Spitalfiel ds originated primarily with French Protestants who settled in the area to avoi d religious persecution. The French refugees brought with them a skill for weaving silk which carried on for generations among the British of Spitalfields. Londoners learned the skills of silk-weaving from their French masters, and quickly picked up the trade. The silk industry grew rapidly from the late seventeenth to early eighteenth century, but soon faced the challenge of changes in
Fisher 2 fashion which popularized Indian calicoes and printed linens.1 The growing notion of fashion in eighteenth-century London centered on ephemeral goods; the success of which rested on the whims of the consumer. Besides having a hand in the creation of advertising and fashion, the industrial marketplace generated social inequalities wh ich aggravated the stability of eighteenthcentury London. Improvements in technology rendered machines capable of work traditionally done by skilled craftsmen, and th e English working class sprung from the need for a mass of unskilled laborers who were able to learn menial tasks and desperate to find work. Many towns whose industries we re built on artisan crafts were devastated by the influx of unskilled urban laborers, and as E.P Thompson states in The Making of the English Working Class the worst sufferersremained with their families, in the garrets of Spitalfields; the cellars of Ancoat s and South Leeds; in the outworkers villages. We may be fairly confident that the st andard of living of paupers declined.2 The new mass market for material goods catered to the wealthy, who embraced the social distinction which came with th e ownership of such prized commodities. However, for the poor, quality of life di minished, and the rapid urbanization and exploitation of labor character istic of industrial society were extremely problematic. Displaced laborers did not go quietly into the night, and the crafts people of Spitalfields took out their frustrations through rioting. In 1719, Spitalfields silk weavers lashed out against the calicoes and printe d linens which threatened th eir trade, and a group of 4,000 1 Page, William. 1911. Industries: Silk-weaving. A History of the County of Middlesex: Volume 2: General; Ashford, East Bedfont with Hatton, Feltham, Hampton with Hampton Wick, Hanworth, Laleham, Littleton. Pg. 132. 2 Thompson, E.P. 1963. The Making of the English Working Class. Vintage Books: NY. Pg. 266.
Fisher 3 weavers harassed women on the streets who wore these controversial clothing items.3 Rioting among the Spitalfield weavers wa s common, and by mid-century the riots expanded to incorporate destruction of th e physical symbols of industry. Throughout the 1760s, the workers of Spitalfields frequently broke into industrial workhouses and homes of politicians who failed to aid them. In 1764, a law was passed making it punishable by death to break into a shop or warehouse.4 Other acts in 1773, 1792 and 1811 were established to protec t factory machines and quell rioting. Government policy thus protected the rights of the wealthy wit hout addressing the cause s of disgruntlement for the poor. The plight of the Spitalfields weavers only worsened toward the end of the eighteenth century, and the use of cotton instead of silk after 1785 threw most who were still employed out of work. By the early ninet eenth century, two-thirds of the inhabitants of Spitalfields were unemployed, and liv ing conditions were at their worst.5 Spitalfields transformed from a successful and prominen t silk-weaving area in to an urban slum consumed by extremely low quality of life and rampant criminality. Jack Sheppard, the famous eighteenth -century criminal and cohort to the notorious Jonathan Wild, was born in Spitalf ields during the period in question. Sheppard made efforts to take up the classic trade of weaving and became an apprentice to a silkweaver, only to quit in his fi nal year of apprenticeship. Sh eppard found an easier way to obtain the goods so prized by society, taking to a life of burglary, robbery, and theft. Sheppard was not alone in the compulsion to steal from the wealthy, and in a society 3 Page, William. Pg. 132. 4 McLynn, Frank. 1991. Crime and Puni shment in Eighteen th-Century England. Oxford U.P.: Oxford. Pg. 303. 5 Page, William. Pg. 134.
Fisher 4 obsessed with material wealth, many member s of the lower class were enticed by the ability to access wealth without working tirelessly for it. The upper classes began typifying all members of the lower class as cr iminals, and the criminalization of the poor provoked many social anxieties which served to further stratify the gap between poor and wealthy. The story of Spitalfields represents th e social disorder and urban depravity inherent in early industrial London. The thesis herein will co nsider how different classes were affected by industry, considering the uppe r class, the lower class, and the varied social perceptions concerning the effects of industry. The first chapter will survey the economic history of eighteenth-century Br itain and the accumulation of wealth and material goods made possible by early industria l culture. It will explore the rise of the middle class, the birth of new industries, and standards of living for the wealthy in great detail. Specifically the luxury, fashion, and popular entertainment of the upper classes will be noted. The second chapter will contrast the wealth and luxury of the upper classes with the declining living conditions of the poor, addressing concepts of the working class and laboring poor, including the tendency to link the criminal population with the poor population. I will explore criminal culture in gr eat depth, as well as the charity movement which attempted to reform bodies thr ough physical work. The consequences of industrialization include crime and urban depravity, while the rise of state institutions such as hospitals, prisons, ch arity schools and workhouses attempted to diminish negative effects of industrial societ y without considering the re al causes for disturbance. The third and final chapter will consider perceptions of luxury and crime in the
Fisher 5 popular culture of the era. I will analyze representations of early consumer culture in literature, poetry, theater and ar t as reflections of the hopes, anxieties and social conflicts of eighteenth-century London. Works of fiction specifically will be cited to demonstrate obsessions with wealth and crime and serv e as examples of contemporary social criticisms of the industrial era. The eighteenth century can be pinpointed as the exact moment of the birth of the modern world. The modern world entails a cap italist society characterized by competition and the growth of monopolies and trade unions, and resulted in the undeniable accumulation of wealth on a worldwide scale. The market supported the expansion of global markets, and sparked a desire for new goods which dominated the minds of the rich and poor alike. However, this growth of wealth came at the expense of the working classes, and conditions for the poor dete riorated rapidly th roughout the eighteenth century. The market promoted social inequal ity, and changing types and rhythms of work disrupted the continuum of society. In this highly volatile, changing environment, new problems were created by urban society, and tensions about crime emerged which provoked deep sociological and psychological terror. Though we reap the benefits of industrial capitalism today, this formative pe riod proved to be tremendously traumatic to those living through the transformation.
Fisher 6 Chapter 1: Luxury and Consumerism The balance of power in Europe shifted at the close of the seventeenth century, moving Europes economic center of gravity fr om the south to the northwest. Foreign trade provided the most profound transformati on in the economy, and the development of long-distance trade released European s from their own resource endowments.6 London became a modern commercial center, pavi ng the way for new patterns of modern economic development dependent on overseas exchange. Eighteenth-century England indeed was a period characterized by a consumer revolution, during which more pe ople acquired and owned materi al possessions than ever before. Thus, the study of eighteenth-centu ry England cannot be complete without considering changing attitudes toward ma terial possessions and consumerism. Many members of British society entertained dr eams of personally owning luxury items, and compulsion rather than need became the new order of society. The personal consumption of manufactured goods reflected a growing penchant for novel, fashionable goods. The ownership of such impressive inventories of new goods illustrated taste and wealth. This change in consumerism did not just reflect a heightened de sire to participate in consumption, but also the heightened ability to do so. British consumers were able to 6 Ormrod, David. 2003. The Rise of Commercial Empires: England and the Netherlands in the Age of Mercantilism, 1650-1770 Cambridge University Press: New York. Pg. 8.
Fisher 7 indulge in luxury goods because wealth also increased during the eighteenth century. Annual household incomes increased drastica lly from the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries, allowing for significant increases in the consumption of household products.7 According to McKendrick, during this period those who owned little bought more, those who inherited a lot bought new things, those bor n to the upper class were eager to add to their excess with every passing passion.8 Along with the growth of domestic wealth, foreign trade allowed consumer culture to flourish. The East India Company imported goods from exotic locations and newly acquired colonies. The British Atlantic co lonies were comprised of the West Indies plantation colonies and the North American colonies. The West Indies plantation colonies, or the new periphery, became the most rapidly expanding source of imports for England, with imports increasing fourfold between 1700 and 1770.9 Likewise, the increased span and growth of urban societ y in north-western Eu rope provided stable markets for newly imported goods. A new class of middling folk emerged to act as middle men and entrepreneurs in this new economic climate. The Fontana Economic History of Europe pinpoints the beginnings of the Industrial Revolution between 1780 and 1850.10 The growth of production was aided by a growth of communications, in cluding railroads, shipping, books and newspapers. This growth in production also corresponded to the growth of the population, and England's population tripled between 1750 and 1850. While 200,000 inhabitants lived in London in 7 McKendrick Neil, Brewer, John and Plumb, J.H.1985.The Birth of a Consumer Society. Indiana University Press: Bloomington, IN. Pg. 21. 8 Ibid. Pg. 27. 9 Ormrod, David. Pg. 63. 10 Ed. Cipolla, C.1973.The Fontana Economic History of Europe. Volume 3, The Industrial Revolution, 1700-1914. London. Pg. 7.
Fisher 8 1600, 900,000 were living there in 1800.11 The employment found by most people also changed dramatically during this time. Before industrialization, 60-80% of the average Europe an countrys residents were employed in agriculture and lived in the countryside, while a typical industrialized country has no more than 5 or 10% of its active population empl oyed in agriculture.12 The rural population of England before i ndustrialization was 85%; in 1801 numbers of the rural population lowered to 35%. Industr y changed not only the composition of jobs but the success of traditi onal economic staples, and the cotton industry in Britain increased tenfold between 1760 and 1785.13 These numbers reflect the tremendous impact of industry in Britain, which entirely rede fined modes of labor and subsistence and produced a crowded urban population looki ng for a place in this new world. The political foundation of England dur ing the eighteenth century was also subject to uncertainty. Queen Anne ruled England immediately before the period in question. The War of Spanish Succession (a broad) and the War of the Hanoverian Succession (at home) are cited as the tw o greatest conflicts during her reign.14 These tensions were aggravated immensely by the clas h of the two dominant political parties of the era; the Whigs and the Tories, who both held different views of the monarchy and valued different sources of wealth. The Whig s stood for the moneyed interests of bankers and traders and perceived a French/Spanish uni on as a threat to the commercial economy; thus they promoted the war. Meanwhile th e Tories, comprised of British landowners, at the time of Annes reign re presented a majority in the commons and saw taxation and 11 McKendrick. Neil. Pg. 21. 12 Cipolla, C. Pg. 17. 13 Ibid. Pg. 192. 14 Kronenberger, Louis. 1942. Kings and Desperate Men: Life in Eighteenth Century England. New York:
Fisher 9 impoverishment as the only possible results of war. The Whigs and Tories also differed greatly on the issue of the succession of the English throne. The Whigs, proponents of religious dissent and war, supported the House of Hanover, while the Tories, proponents of tradition and peace, favored the man with hereditary ties to the throne, whom Kronenberg calls The Pretender.15 This Pretender, the son of James II, lived in Ca tholic France, and claimed the English throne by the legitimacy of his birth. This dispute ha d greater implications than on just the material rule of England; it set the stage for Britain to d ecide between rule by divine right, and rule by Parliament. Indeed, the House of Hanover was considered by some to be a literal symbol of constitutionalism. In the interest of ensuring Protestant succession, the catholic pretender was not chosen by Parliament to assume the throne, and the crown was given to James Is granddaughter, Anne. At the time of Annes death, the Whigs c ontrolled the courts, and their faith and support of George Is accession to the throne certainly placed the Whigs in a favorable position for administrative power. Robert Wal pole, a powerful Whig statesman appointed by George I, was considered by many to be E nglands first prime mini ster, and strove to preserve peace in England. Walpoles years in office were notori ously categorized as corrupt, as the Whigs represented the intere sts of the prospering commercial classes and considered not the court but only the moneyed interests of friends and colleagues. Walpole was notorious for personalizing politics and often favored his friends in issues of corruption. This screening, or bias in maintaining friends in the court, was a popular target for the press, and many believe that Walpole satisfied a deep contemporary need Vintage Books. Pg. 4. 15 Kronenberger, Louis. Pg. 32.
Fisher 10 to find a scapegoat for the ills of the day.16 The rule of the House of Hanover was char acterized by another discordant theme; the unending conflicts between kings and their sons. George I did not speak English, and is said to have not even liked the British.17 He was elderly and aw kward and had bitter relations with his son and wife. Meanwhile, George II also had a ruptured relationship with his son, but believed himself to be an Englishman, and enjoyed displaying his presence in London. Thus, the accession to the British throne by the Hanoverian kings represented a solid breech from the past, and the transition into the modern world by means of industry. Previously, Elizabethan England of the sixteenth century was an overwhelmingly agrarian society with a strict hierarchy of lords and peasants. Feudal society was tied closely to the agrarian economy, and overseas trade was not yet an essential component of the economy. Strict codes of honor dictated the relations between the feudal lord and peasant, and the poor laborers were kept under severe regulations. This strict hierarchy eventually witnessed the gr owth of a new middle class, and advanced methods of production and consumption necessitated revi sed forms of social regulations and mannerisms. Politeness became a pillar of elite consumption, signifying wealth and sociability. Eighteenth-century L ondon is often referred to as the era of polite society, as mannerisms changed to reflect rising so cial status among the new middle classes.18 This new elite, comprised of merchants, inve stors, traders, small farmers, freeholders, self-employed businessmen and much more was increasingly able to achieve a 16 Langford, Paul. 1999. A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Pg. 23. 17 "How the Royal Family shook off their German roots." The Independent 6 Nov. 2004. 2004 Independent News and Media. Accessed: 4 Dec. 2008
Fisher 11 heightened social standing as the only criterion for elite status was money. Elite consumerism during the Hanoverian era improved conditions of life for the upper classes, as well as the increasingly prominent middle class. The new middle class of London aspired to join the elite by emulati ng their spending habits and participating in the activities, customs and lifestyles of the aristocracy. This new consumerist lifestyle united the new elites in a common desire to gain prestige through c onsumption. Claims to nobility were complicated in England; as the rest of the nobility of Europe kept their status as noble inevitably, in England it was only the eldest son who inherite d the title of nobleman. This caused the nobility of England to be smaller and richer, with much of the wealth concentrated in the hands of fewer people. Although they were unable to access the legal status of aristocrat, mercantile el ites and middling classes gained prominence in Englands urban society.19 As merchants gained social distinction, young members of the nobility were increasingly grouped with the larger mass of wealthy commoners. Subsets of wealthy, non-noble citizens were related to the nobility in their wealth and investments, but did not bear titles of nobility. However, by the late eighteenth century, the simple titles of Mr. and Mrs. were in creasingly recognized as titles of property, social standing and respectability.20 During this time, a rentier class devel oped that earned th eir livings through investments. The development of an incr easingly amalgamated aristocracy and upper middle class was aided by investments in oversea s trade. Landed estates which used to be staples of the British economy were no longer bringing in money, as most income was 18 Langford, Paul. Pg. 4. 19 Maxine Berg. 2005. Luxury and Pleasure in Eighteenth-Century Britain. Oxford: University of Oxford Press. Pg. 205. 20 Langford, Paul. Pg. 66.
Fisher 12 generated by overseas trade and investments. Much more money was in circulation, and was increasingly attainable both to wealt hy aristocrats and to merchants who bore no claims to noble title. The prevalence of th e middle class was so great that the group increased from one-seventh of the population in the eighteenth century, to one-fourth the population of London in the early nineteenth century.21 Members of the aristocracy and upper middle class indeed had very simila r earnings and possessions as the leading merchants and industrialists of the period.22 Thus, a great part of British societythe aristocracy, rentier classes and middle classe swere involved in consumer trade. Consumerism was not just a trend toward compulsory, novel material goods; it also earned a livelihood for Englands rapidly expanding middle and working classes. The presence of the middle classes could be felt in all aspects of consumption, as it was the middling sort who were often the investors in and the consumers of new goods. It is in fact true that almost the whole body of the People of Great Britain may be considered either as the customers to or the manufacturers for each other.23 Amidst the changing political and social atmosphere of eighteenth-century England, London emerged more than ever as an influential capital city. London was one of the greatest intellectual and trading centers in the world, as it wa s the headquarters for government, the home of the King, and the heart of trading and commercialism. According to Louis Kronenberger, London provide d the aesthetic and ideological ideals which would shape the rest of England, and consumer trends ofte n originated here.24 London indeed contained vast and expanding consumer markets, and the combination of 21 Berg, Maxine. Pg. 212. 22 Ibid. Pg. 3. 23 Berg, Maxine. Pg. 19. From Josiah Tucker, T he Elements of Commerce and Theory of Taxes. 24 Kronenberger, Louis. Pg. 55.
Fisher 13 imperial possessions and a growing export econo my led to Londons superior standing in the global economy.25 Many new social customs and fashions we re dictated by patterns of consumption. The influence of industry and growth of fash ion can be seen in various consumer goods including food, clothing and furniture. The uppe r classes developed le isure activities and purchased high-cost commodities, such as tea and coffee, in unprecedented numbers. The following poem shows a typical businessmans enthusiasm at the increased popularity of and access to tea. To the CONSUMERS of TEA in general By Commutation Act Ive gaind my ends, Since now with real Teas I serve my friends; All pure, undamagd, and at prices low, And to my Till but moderate profits go. Let those drink Tea who never drank before; And those who always drank now drink the more.26 The later half of the eighteenth century witnessed a dramatic increase in the demand for goods like tobacco, soap, candles, printed fabrics, and tea.27 New consumer goods pervaded all areas of life, and even goods brought to funerals changed significantly; from meats and tobacco to it ems like clothing, furniture, and specialty foods.28 The growing popularity of such epheme ral consumer goods demonstrates the routine, habitual nature of consumption. F ood, fashion and furniture functioned as an act of leisure; part of a social performan ce. All of these small items of household consumption presented such opportunity for profit that vast markets competed to purchase of these goods. The material composition of the home cha nged dramatically with the advent of 25 George Rude, 1971. Hanoverian London: 1714-1808. UK: Sutton Publishing. Pg. 20. 26 Poem by Capper Loyd, from The TimesLondon. 28 April 1785. Pg. 1. From footnote.com. 27 McKendrick, Neil. Pg. 29. 28 Pennell, Sarah. 1999. Consumption and Consumerism in Early Modern England. Historical Journal.
Fisher 14 consumer goods. The pre industrial home was comparativel y barren and simplistic; only necessary items were purchased, and furniture was sparse. By the eighteenth century, household decorations such as dining tables and cabinets were increasingly purchased, rather than inherited, as was previously the trend. Goods purchased for the home in eighteenth-century England were frequen tly newly invented, modern goods. Emphasis was placed on novelty and fashions rather than practicality, and fashionable embellishments replaced traditional, simp listic decorating. Houses crowded with furnishings, including various types of tables and chairs, curtained bedsteads, carpets, chests, pictures, mirrors, window curtains, linen, pewter, and iron and brass utensils29. Newspapers advertised an extensive variety of elegant pillar silver table candlesticks, from the latest de signs and models.30 Goods were imported from China, Japan and India, and were then imitated by British manufacturers using less expensive materials. The various types and qualities of new goods ma de many accessible to the ordinary middle classes, merchants, and craftsmen. Pottery and ceramics were a new craze of this consumer world, as ownership of porcelain demarcated wealth. People w ho previously owned little pottery found themselves more able and eager to part icipate in the purchase of these goods.31 Porcelain was initially imported from China in bulk, along with Indian calicoes and Japanese lacquers, through the East India Company. Such luxury items that were previously associated with elite grandiose became associat ed with the middle cla ss, as exotic foreign goods were increasingly adapted and imita ted by British manufacturers. The use of Vol.42, No. 2. Pg. 557. 29 Maxine Berg. Pg. 3. 30 The TimesLondon. 1st January 1785. Pg. 3. 31 Pennell, Sarah. Pg. 557.
Fisher 15 cheaper, more efficient materials allowed more customers of varying incomes to purchase these goods. The adaptation and imitation of foreign goods in British markets imparted a distinctive British quality to manufactured consumer goods. Social competition also drove eighteenth -century British aristocrats to purchase new wares. In the industrial setting, thos e who owned little bought more, those who inherited bought new things, and those born to the upper classes eagerly added to their goods with every current fashion. The element of emulation was central to consumption, as those with nothing wanted to emulate those of higher stat ions, and those already welloff wanted to distinguish and distance themselves from the lower classes. Indeed there was a increasing expense and endeavoring (a mong the middle classes) to vie with their superiors and a strong desire to signa lize themselves in dress, equipage, houses, furniture, amusements, etc.32 Neil McKendrick, in his book Birth of a Consumer Society, makes the argument that those in higher ranks consumed more not because of an innocent desire for newer, nicer things, but rather in re sponse to the threat of a growing working and middle class also particip ating in the same tr end of consumerism. As consumer goods were increasingly accessi ble to the lower classes, the upper and middle classes were motivated to seek more extravagant, expensive goods in order to distinguish their prestige and social standing. The consumption of novel goods such as porcelain, pottery, silver, mirrors, toys, cutlery, wallpaper, pleasure gard ens, and even private zoos illustrate an obsession with opulence and indulgence. Consumption went from elaborate and infrequent to regular and privatized, as the desire and necessity to c onsume corresponded with an increased ability 32 Berg, Maxine. Pg. 4. From Of the Manners of the Age, as Refined by Luxury, 1772.
Fisher 16 to purchase. The habitual nature of consum erism is what made its impact on British society so great. While new consumer goods were increasingly prevalent and less expensive than prices in prev ious centuries, it is importa nt to remember that these luxuries were still very expensive. In fact, the price of a tea set valued at s could employ a female servant in Yorkshire for over a year.33 The disparity in possessions and incomes elucidates increasing class stratification, as the wealthy thrived on materials commercial goods; laborers working to make these goods were increasingly outcast and deprived. The early Hanoverian era was dominated by a sort of hybrid elite, with the aristocracy on top and an increasingly dom inating middle class rising steadily to prominence. These new middling sorts aspired to join the elites through imitating the elite lifestyle. In the face of cha nging class relations, the new lif estyle of consumption united elites in the activities commonly a ssociated with consumer culture. Commercialization affected not only tangible consumer goods, but the day-to-day practices and activities of the urban populace. People associated in groups and clubs, meant to secure political allegi ances as well as social benefits. Assemblies were heavily regulated, as social conduct and wealth was a prerequisite for subscription to the club. Women were often excluded from the asse mblies and coffeehouses, as they were considered male realms unsuitable for the po lite female. Club members participated in simple activities such as dancing, conversi ng and card playing, while through the latter half of the century more specific activities flourished.34 Other leisurely pursuits th rived during this era of increased consumption. The 33 Berg, Maxine. Pg. 4. 34 McKendrick. Neil. Pg. 267.
Fisher 17 popularity of the theater increased, and pl ays both flaunted and mocked the new consumer lifestyle. In the excerpt from The Times below, the audience of a popular play called Fashionable Levities is referred to as ladies of the first distinction. The TimesLondon. 27 April 1785. Pg. 4. The seaside retreat and spa also became a designated sp ace for the polite classes, who sought resort during the summer. The sp a as well as club activities were an essential part of the scen ery of aristocratic life.35 Horse-racing, fox-hunting, cricket and other sports games, balls and leisure gardens o ccupied to elite landscape of leisure. Even the pet industry was commercialized, as br eeding of dogs and exotic animals became increasingly popular.36 The tensions between rich and poor were deepened by consumerism as ownership of goods was extremely competitive. The ur ban landscape transformed to mirror this tension, and the residential squares of London went from open, paved plazas to private and lushly landscaped private gardens. This transformation represented the importance of the social values of the aristocracy, as city planning was made to depend on the will of the upper classes. The changing public sphere s of urban London signified early wishes for class segregation, as the closing of the pa rks illustrated the upper class desire to push the working classes out. 35 Langford, Paul. Pg. 105. 36 McKendrick, Neil. Pg. 274.
Fisher 18 The TimesLondon. 27 April 1785. Pg. 4. From this advertisement in The Times, it is apparent that aristocratic homes contained superfluous signs of wealth inside and out. With a drawing-room, two parlors, and wine-cellars, the house would not be comp lete without large pleasure and kitchen gardens. The parks became integral to the landscape of elite districts, and served as gathering spots for the local gentry. The squa res helped to establish and designate new, wealthy districts, and the residential squa re became one of the major forms used to establish new districts for the wealthier classes.37 The transformation of the parks shows th e growing tensions between rich and poor, illustrated by the control of space. These spaces ofte n failed to fit the intended purpose of entertaining aristocrats, and squares often filled with prostitutes, pick-pockets and vagabonds. Wealthy resident s appealed to Parliament in 1725 to close the squares in order to improve conditions. Seeking relief from the government, the upper classes expressed their control over a socially contested space.38 Space was thus designed to 37 Lawrence, Henry W. 1993. The Greening of the Squares of London: Transformation of Urban Landscape and Ideals. Annals of the Association of American Geographers. Vol. 83. Pg. 95. 38 Ibid. Pg. 97.
Fisher 19 exclude the poor, based on the social values of the aristocracy. Changes in traditional markets and leisur e activities also transformed traditional family and gender roles. Sarah Pennell speaks of gendered consumption, claiming that British consumption was usually ascribed fe minine attributes. Although females were traditionally marginalized, consumption was considered to have a feminine mystique.39 Females were related to possessions, as th ey became the number one consumers of the new product revolution. Advertisements for fashions and household tools were abundant in early womens magazines. These consumer goods were viewed by women not simply as tools and goods, but as i ndividual possessions demar cating social standing and personal taste. Women achieved new levels of decision-making power, as they became the primary consumers of the household. The traditionally female supplied goods produced at home gave way to new commercially produ ced items, and women became the most active consumers. Women were willing to sh ift their tastes in order to embody the aristocratic mystique of luxury and extravagance, a nd embraced novelties with enthusiasm. While the men were meant to provide economical subsistence for the family, it was the woman who guaranteed material possessions. It was she who used skillful provisioning to compare prices, quality and av ailability, in order to procure the most economical and authentic goods.40 Industrialization and consumerism influenced many changes in society, including family structure, child raising, and popular activities. According to the Fontana Economic History, the pre industr ial family was very large and pa triarchal, while the industrial 39 Pennell, Sarah. Pg. 554. 40 Berg, Maxine. Pg. 236.
Fisher 20 family was comprised of significantly fewer members and was less stable.41 By contrast, Neil McKendrick does not consider the industria l family unstable; ra ther he argues that consumption had a positive, bonding effect on families.42 According to McKendrick's argument, before industrialization, children and their parents were very isolated from one another and rarely indulged in the same hobbies. However af ter the birth of consumerism and the growth of the leisure industry, child ren frequently picnicked, painted, and read with their parents. The family portrait became popular at this time, showing how consumerism infiltrated the family structur e and perhaps even solidified bonds. Parents and children found mutual pleasure in the new leisure activities of industrial England. Thus, these common practices of leisure unified a diverse elite as well as the family unit. Considering the growth of children's consum er goods is also hi ghly relevant in the study of consumer culture, as childrens t oys, books, clothes and education were all subject to commercialization. Children became targets of consumerism as new childrens toys and literature developed to tantaliz e these young consumers. No one was left unexposed to the consumer lifestyle, and ev en the youngest members of society followed the model of their parents in seeking and competing for consumer goods. Education was held in extremely high regard, as it was the key to economic opportunity and social mobility. The devel opment of children's literature and private academies corresponded to the development of leisure and fashion. From 1700 to 1770, there was a considerable increase in edu cational institutions, and education became increasingly available to all.43 New grammar schools gave children from non-elite 41 Cipolla, C. Pg. 19. 42 McKendrick, Neil. Pg. 288. 43 Ibid. Pg. 289.
Fisher 21 families an opportunity to learn, and aristocr ats reacted by setting up private schools. The need for the aristocrats to separate themse lves from the rising core of middle class members, as well as to designate purely elite spaces, can be seen yet again. As literacy rates rose and education b ecame more available, a burgeoning print culture centered on magazines and newspape rs swept through London. Those in lower and middling stations were increasingly able to participate in literate society, the growth and popularity of which centered on the mark etplace. A tremendous amount of printed material circulated through the street s of London during the eighteenth century, illustrating the profusion of reading and the use of literature for pleasurable, leisurely pursuits. Newspapers indeed se rved as instruments of sales as well as leisure, and the increasing communications of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were instrumental in establishing the dominance of consumer goods. Newspapers, magazines and journals comp eted with each other for allegiances with popular coffeehouses, and many papers we re ultimately excluded from circulation. There were so many newspapers in circulation that the market was actually saturated to the point where "at the present both city, town and country, are over-flow'd every day with an inundation of news-papers".44 Likewise, "so many newspa pers (or so called) are daily published, that it woul d seem needless to trouble the world with more."45 The overwhelming number of newspapers in competition caused a full scale argument between coffeehouses and newspapers in the 1720's, complaining of redundant material and cost. The intense rivalry of ne wspapers led many to diversif y material, discarding weak 44 Black, Jeremy. 1987. The English Press in the Eighteenth Century. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Pg. 21. From St. James Weekly Journal, 31 Oct 1719.
Fisher 22 areas and emphasizing specific niches. As wa r was a main theme of England in the eighteenth century, it became a central concern for newspapers. Reporting affairs of war and international dealings, newspapers notifie d those eager for information. Political and economical matters presented in newspapers were often debated and argued in coffeehouses, which served as an ideal se tting for the development of intellectual arguments. The TimesLondon 1st Jan 1785. Pg. 2. Here, the editor sets forth multiple articles of intelligence to be disclosed regularly in the London Times. Newspapers covered an immense range of material, dealing with issues of polit ics, advertising, poems and literature, medicine, advice, economics and more.46 It was regular to see news of the theater and consumer goods, as well as sporting and other entertainment news. Sporting news in particular was a development of the later eighteenth century. Sports incorporated ne w leisurely hobbies such as horse racing, boxing, cock-fighting and cricket.47 Economic news, political news, and news of criminals was also commonplace in early British newspapers. Newspapers competed not 45 Black, Jeremy. Pg. 21. From Old Post-Master, 1696. 46 Langford, Paul. Pg. 91. 47 Black, Jeremy. Pg. 27.
Fisher 23 only for greater circulation and prominen ce in local coffeehouses, but for greater authority in the news-casting field. Papers accused one another of giving inaccurate accounts of events, and competed for the st atus of most reputable news source. The newspapers of eighteenth-centu ry London did more than support and popularize British sports and entertainment; they allowed the people of England to connect in feelings of a distinct British cu lture. A sense of Britishness was forged by print culture, as well as by the domestic manufact ure of previously foreign, imported goods. The sentiment of the British crowd was reflected in the papers, as well as the realities of colonial possessions and internat ional trade. Through pr int, the colonies came to life, as did popular activities, goods, and fashions. News circulated wh ich gave Britons a stronger sense of global belonging, and integrat ed every part of the globe from the Far East to the southern plantation colonies. Newspapers and print culture opened nearly every channel of communication, ultimately l eading to the incorporation of the entire planet into global communication networks. Another striking component of early pr int culture is the development of traditional advertising. The content of newspapers transformed drastically from the beginning of the eighteenth century to the end. While early papers had few advertisements at all, af ter the 1750s it was commonplace to see an advertisement displayed proudly on the first and last pages of the most popular papers. News became less political in nature, as items were "i ncreasingly devoted to social habits and fashions."48 Papers printed a greater volume of advertisements, which occupied both a larger space on the paper and appeared in mo re prominent locations. Even written content 48 Black, Jeremy. Pg. 27.
Fisher 24 concerning world or local news, essays or le tters was not accepted unless they were paid for as advertisements.49 Men spent large amounts of money on ad pl acements, and often used urgent tones and formal language to elaborate the importa nce of an advertisement. Ads sometimes literally posed as news, and in this way advertising was used to sell items such as cream of violet soap, which could reportedly cure blindness. The TimesLondon. 27 April 1785. Pg. 1. The TimesLondon. 28 April 1785. Ibid. The propagandistic aspect of advertising was not restricted to ads of consumer goods, but embellished claims were also used to sell pets, houses, and even admittance to popular social clubs. Printers themselves even sold medicines and elixirs, which they in 49 Black, Jeremy. Pg. 28.
Fisher 25 turn advertised in their own papers. Differe nt papers developed distinct advertising profiles, and specialized in the advertisements of certain goods.50 Not only goods were represented in newspaper advertisements, but events, institutions and coffeehouses. Pa ragraphs describing the soup of the day or the drink of the week were printed often on the front pages of the papers, supporting certain coffeehouses which most likely also supported and sold the aforesaid paper. Newspapers were of course a great source of entertainm ent in coffeehouses, and coffeehouses indeed sponsored certain papers and refused others.51 The reciprocal relationship between coffeehouses and newspapers was a great source of prestige for both benefactors. Coffeehouses of the late seventeenth cen tury were built on familiar templates such as the tavern, inns and alehouses which were already an estab lished part of urban England.52 Coffee and tea drinking became popul ar at a time when wealth was increasingly displayed th rough polite activities. Brian Cowen points out the psychological compulsion for many to consum e these new goods, as many exotic goods made popular in the eighteenth century (i .e. Coffee and tobacco) did not even have naturally appealing tastes.53 The fact that coffee and tobacco make many people sick upon first taste proves that people actually had to train themselves to like certain goods. In this way, consumer goods were clearly not necessary to da ily life, but were incorporated due to greater soci al and psychological desires. Since intelligence and gentility were tra its strongly associated with coffeehouse patrons, the newspaper could find no better venu e for distribution and debate. Upper class 50 Black, Jeremy. Pg. 53. 51 Ibid. Pg. 56. 52 Cowan, Brian. 2005. The Social Life of Coffee: The Emergence of the British Coffee House New Haven & London: Yale University Press. Pg. 79.
Fisher 26 intellectuals found not only a stimulating inte llectual environment in the coffeehouse, but a familiar and appealing social landscape. Co ffeehouses bought and sold specific kinds of coffee and sugar, and due to the variety of goods and papers sold by each coffeehouse, these social institutions were often unique and specialize d. A wealthy patron would read up about the coffeehouses in his area before venturing out, as newspapers readily advertised different establishments and their wares. The TimesLondon. 1st Jan 1785. Pg. 3. The Times advertises Notts coffee-house, with its fresh soups and quickly prepared dinners. This advertisement even sp ecifically refers to the nobility and gentry, designating the coffeehouse as a space specifically for th e wealthy and genteel. The indulgence of luxury items such as coffee and tea were socially stigmatized as upper class items even by newspapers. The upper class coffeehouse was contrasted often with the lower class alehouses and tave rns, and a coffeehouse had to be careful to avoid any immoral activity. Coffeehouses th at were opened late in the night, past nine or ten at night, were suspicious.54 Thus, the coffeehouse served as another point of distinction 53 Cowan, Brian. Pg. 6. 54 Ibid. Pg. 86.
Fisher 27 between the upper and lower classes. Many attributed consumer culture with powers of social cultivation, and participation in 'polite' consumerism was purported to have properties of moral refinement. Many wealthy members of societ y debated the effects of consumerism on manners and morality, with some arguing the g eneral effects of riches (are) spreading through the people, and with them more polished manners.55 The Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure also argued that mechanized labor gave employment to more people, and those employed by industrial endeav ors would be civilized by it. The minds of the employees of the mechanic arts ar e thereby closely enga ged about inventions beneficial to mankind in general, and skilful mechanics are usually men on good understanding.56 Great economic thinkers of the period also espoused that luxury motivates the masses, and Malthus argued that ordinary, middling folk would go to any extent to attain new luxuries. According to Malthus, it was these luxuries that inspired the mercantile class to work.57 Poverty was considered to arise from either temporary misfortune or deliberate idleness, and partic ipating in consumption and industry offered a road to reform. The refining capability of industry comes into question when considering the many injurious effects of industrialization. The advent of indust rialization indeed produced a mass of wealth which allowed Britain to become the world's leading economic force. However, industry and urbaniza tion also created an array of new social and moral concerns which persist to this day. Through the growth of consumer culture and the increased stratif ication of rich and poor, the road was paved for social disturbance 55 Berg, Maxine. Pg. 4. From Of the Manners of the Age, as Refined by Luxury, 1772. 56 Ibid. Pg. 100. From The Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure 1758.
Fisher 28 and rebellion. While the upper classes focused on expanding their wealth, educating their children, and indulging in luxury goods, the working classes were subject to the crowded, overworked streets of London. The next chapte r looks in depth at the reactions of Londons urban poor to the growing landscape of material wealth which dominated eighteenth-century England. 57 Berg, Maxine. Pg. 27.
Fisher 29 Chapter 2: Crime and Industry As the capitalist enterprises of the eight eenth century increasingly dominated the economic landscape of England, traditional market s and livelihoods were forced to adjust in order to meet this transformation. The upper classes, including merchants, investors and politicians, found great prof it in industry, and conditions of life for them improved to include great monetary earnings, distinguished social standing, a nd an array of new leisurely pursuits. Meanwhile, the lower cl asses struggled to find their place in the changing financial climate, and conditions of life for many declined throughout the beginning of the eighteenth century, as the st ate failed to take action against increasingly desperate circumstances for the poor. There were however, various charitable institutions which attempted to improve the circumstan ces of the poor, but these efforts were relatively ineffectual, as they rarely strove to change the social structures which allowed for such negative conditions to arise. Attempting to fix the effects rather than the causes of poverty, society perceived the poor as innately deviant and immoral people, and often overl ooked the social and cultural factors which fundamentally ostrac ized and oppressed th e poor. As Boyd Hilton observes in his cleverly titled book A Mad Bad and Dangerous People? in the imagination of polite society, all of the horrors of the day merged into one
Fisher 30 phantasmagoria of the mad, bad and dangerous people, an infectious disease threatening to destroy civilization.58 Poverty seemed to be contagious and injurious to all parties in proximity. The poor and their social ills threatened to absorb all that existed of polite, gentile culture, and jeopardi zed the nation's progress toward capitalistic industrialization. Frank McLynn, in his survey of Crime and Punishment in Eighteenth-Century England places the beginnings of the industrial revolution around 1760.59 While commercial and financial capitalism had al ready been established by the eighteenth century, industrial capitalism became the new shape of the economy from the 1760s onward. The transition from village markets and traditional subsistence to the capitalist marketplace and factories yielded various tran sformations in society. As the mass market came into being, demand for goods grew, and thus demand for labor followed suit. The capital contained a large mass of underemployed, unskilled laborers, who were more than willing to learn basic skill s in order to earn a living. This mass of unskilled laborers willing to work for meager wages threatened the artisan classes who used to dominate the producti on of consumer goods. The flexibility of this new working class coupled with the increased mechaniza tion of work allowed a new workforce of unskilled laborers to monopolize trades prev iously dominated by skilled craftsmen. The artisans of old attempted to fight agai nst industrial progress in many ways, citing outdated guild rules to no avail. Women and children were increasingly able to enter the workforce, transforming the composition of the family and the work expected from peoples previously occupied in the domestic realm. 58 Hilton, Boyd. 2006. A Mad, Bad and Dangerous People?: England 1783-1846. Oxford: Claren don Press. Pg. 581. 59 McLynn, Frank. 1991. Crime and Punishment in Eighteenth-Century England. Oxford U.P.: Oxford. Pg. 301.
Fisher 31 With divisions of labor and new machin ery dominating the lives of the working classes, it was difficult to maintain a sense of enrichment and individualism in industrial work. New guidelines for work emphasized new disciplines relying on concrete wages and regimented work schedules. Time becam e money, and the new working class bore the brunt of the strain from the stric tly-controlled, monotonous assembly line. The separation of leisure time from work time due to the industrial work schedule seriously disrupted the continuum of working class cu lture. The previous me thod of time-keeping was task-oriented and 'natural', changing frequently to accommodate the various tasks of each day. Leisure and work were intermingled; laborers often worked when it was necessary and took short breaks throughout the day. With irregular, domestic labor there was no conflict between labour and time of day.60 Men were more in control of their working lives and enjoyed a degree of indepe ndence in their work. Watches and clocks were most prominently a sign of luxury rather than convenience. However, as industrial capitalism disrupted the old rhythms of labor, the clock became an object of practicality rather than luxury. Increased mechanization call ed for divisions of labor, and this division necessitated the synchronization of labor. The clock emerged as a powerful device for synchronizing, dividing, and measuring time. Time sheets and work schedules maintained distinct realms of work and leisure. Even the school, which will be mentioned in detail later in this chapter, served to imbue future workers with a sense of the importance of time, and to divide early on the spheres of work and play. Leisure, at leas t among the lower classes, was viewed as a problem as it wasted time and supposedly pe rpetuated idle behavior. Time was now 60 Thompson, E.P. 1967. Time, Work, Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism. Past and Present 38. Pgs. 60-61.
Fisher 32 urgent and valuable, literally capable of yiel ding fortunes. In this way, the clock came to regulate the new cadence of industrial life, and served to regulate lives and impose discipline on laborers. As time was increasingly considered synonymous with monetary value, luxury became a new standard for the country. The working classes, who were confined to factory work, were unable to share in the wealth enjoyed by their social superiors. Workers indeed were forced to engage in factory work, and those who refused to work, as well as beggars and lunatics, were sent to workhouses. McLynn writes, the idea was to force the recalcitrant to accept work di scipline by making the workhouse so unpleasant that people would do any wo rk rather than enter it.61 The poor were used as workers for the menial and devaluing labor with which the upper classes refused to dirty their hands. The upper classes depended on the labor and exploitation of the poor to furnish their luxurious cravings, yet they di d very little to improve the co nditions of the very workers who supplied their whims. The elite believed that social hierarchy was natural, and simply reflected the innate characteristics of the individual. It was only in certain circumstances, like the protecti on of children or immuni zation of the sick to disease, that the wealthy chose to donate to charitable causes. And as we will see, these charity movements rarely yielded any lasting beneficial effects as they tackled the effects, rather the causes of working class displacement. Along with displacement and alienation cau sed by factory work, the poor were aggravated further by the difficult post-war economy in England at the end of the century. War with revolutionary France disrupted revenues from export taxes, and led to 61 McLynn, Frank. Pg. 315.
Fisher 33 increased taxation on the home front. In tur n, inflation and ultimately unemployment came to dominate the economy of 1790s Engla nd. Market leaders were unable to meet the wages of their workers, and lay-offs became commonplace. As McLynn states quite succinctly it began to look as though the Industrial Revolutio n, so far from eliminating poverty, was producing a permanent subclass of paupers.62 It would be extreme oversimplification to attribute only deplorable conditions of living to industry, and many members of the lower classes did indeed experience heightened material standa rds during this period. Howe ver, it was often the most successful industrial workers, employed in text ile and other highly mechanized factories, who experienced the worst onslaught of diffi cult, life-threatening conditions. Sickness, disease and early death were all conditions commonly associated with factory work, due to many deplorable living conditions incl uding a lack of effi cient ventilation and plumbing, polluted air, infestations and the prevalence of disease. Boyd Hilton writes: Families were often forced to live in fetid, overcrowded basement cellars; all large industrial towns had brothers, gin shops, alehouses, thieves dens, filthy courts, rookeries, communal privies, ces spools, dung heaps, and dangerous illpaved streets crawling with wild dogs, wolv es and rats. Most were noisy, smelly, filthy, smoky and dark at night time, blistering cold in winter, fly ridden and dusty in the summertime, flea and lice-ridden at all times.63 While machines were obviously benefici al to the production and maintenance of consumer society and posited many long-las ting advantages, the installment of labor saving machinery completely uprooted the workers and traditi onal craftsmen living through the transition. Not only did physical work and living conditions change, but the ideological implications of i ndustrialization must have cause d widespread confusion and frustration. The day became quantified by working hours, livelihood was measured by 62 McLynn, Frank. Pg. 316.
Fisher 34 exact wages, and the social traditions of the lower classes were overpowered by an obsession with consumer wealth and status. In contrast with the view that industry had morally refining properties, many also believed that industrial work seduced the poor to participate in immoral behavior, and that the people, are employd; but they are all abandond to vice from the throngAt the times when people work not in the mill, they issue out to poaching, profligacy and plunder.64 Many social activists, philanthropists and philosophers pointed out the ill conditions of the working class, at times c onsidering them to be a more exploited and oppressed group than slaves. E.P. Thompson includes in The Making of the English Working Class this quote from an eighteenth-century pamphlet: There they (the working classes) are locked up until night in rooms heated above the hottest days we have had this summer, and allowed no time, except three-quarters of an hour at dinner in th e whole day: whatever they eat at any other time must be as they are at work. Th e negro slave of the West Indies, if he works under a scorching sun, has probably a little breeze of air sometimes to fan him: he has a space of ground, and tim e allowed to cultivate it. The English spinner slave has no enjoyment of the open atmosphere and breezes of heaven.65 The above passage, besides minimizing the suffering of slaves, serves to emphasize the horrible conditions of th e working urban poor. The process of industrialization, which entail s the obliteration of previ ous modes of life and the complete restructuring of society, must cer tainly result in social upheaval, and thus suffering on the part of many. As E.P. Thom pson puts it, people may consume more goods and become less happy or less free at the same time.66 The increase of wealth in England crea ted new forms of luxury, entertainment, 63 Hilton, Boyd. Pg. 576. 64 Thompson, E.P. 1963. The Making of the English Working Class. Vintage Books: NY. Pg. 189. 65 Ibid. Pg. 201. From The Black Dwarf, 30 Sept 1818. 66 Ibid. Pg. 210.
Fisher 35 and the creation of portable property. The lower classes were tempted by the prospect of the wealth which seemed to be all around them, yet were unable to possess any of the fortunes they beheld. Society was obsessed with wealth, and everything including goods and people were endowed with a monetary value. In the midst of so much prosperity, the lower classes were less and less willing to accept their unfortunate state. The rising wealth of others was frustrating to a dispossessed class, and many resorted to crime in order to obtain the same means as the wealthy. Peter Linebaugh, in his book The London Hanged, makes the case that the frequency of crimes increased in the eightee nth century, and so too did the harshness of punishments. This argument that the number of criminals and rates of crime increased in the eighteenth century is heavily disputed, a nd may be attributed on a most basic level to the tremendous increase in population. Line baugh argues that the crime was caused by the desperation of the poor, and occurred fre quently during this period because of the catastrophic effects of capitalism and indus try on the lower classes and traditional industries. In this way, criminality was clos ely linked with the working class movement of early industrial England. Va rious criminals, such as Jack Sheppard, rose through the streets of London as misguided youths, displa ced from their traditional apprenticeship jobs and flung into a world of manufacturi ng and factory work. Sheppard worked as a child in a workhouse, before taking up an a pprenticeship with a loca l carpenter. He left the apprenticeship before it was done and be gan a career of burglary, theft and robbery. Many members of the working class followed suit, choosing to forge their own path and stand in radical opposition to the changes of industrial society. As criminality became a way of life for many during the eighteenth century, the
Fisher 36 punishment of such acts became more severe. The English criminal law system of the eighteenth century was dubbe d The Bloody Code, in reference to the significant increase of offenses resulting in the death penalty. While 50 offenses were punishable by death in 1688, this number rose to 16 0 in 1765, and between 1765 and 1815, the number grew to an astonishing 225 offenses which warranted the death penalty.67 Public hangings were prevalent during this period, and gove rnment hoped these public displays would serve as an example for other thieves. Wh ile the utilization of public hangings did continue throughout the eight eenth century, they soon ga ve way to punishment though imprisonment. While Lincoln Fa ller argues that historians of the period have recently concluded that crime rates in England dec lined over the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, English citizens and law-keeper s of the period believed quite the contrary.68 Contemporaries were eager to claim an in crease in crime on the streets of London, and lived in genuine fear of criminals and thei r mobs. Perhaps it is a constant of human society that each age imagines itself more wi cked than the proceeding one, or perhaps the upper classes simply felt their burgeoning wealth was threatened by criminals, and thus the social order itself was challenged.69 It is in my opinion that there was no real increase in the rates of crime during this period, but that rather changing definitions and punishments of crime allowed a greater portion of the population to fall into the cat egory of criminal. Extending the list of criminal and capital offenses so drastical ly, as was experience d during the eighteenth century, certainly made it appear as though cr iminality encompassed all of society. In 67 McLynn, Frank. Pg. ix. 68 Faller, Lincoln B. 1987. Turned to Account: The Forms and Functions of Criminal Biography in Late 17th and early 18th Century England. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. Pg. 151. 69 McLynn, Frank. Pg. x.
Fisher 37 reality, the rate of felonies in the eight eenth century, proportiona l to the constantly increasing population, produced much lower ra tes of crime than occurred during the seventeenth century.70 However, there is no denying th at the transition to industrial society displaced and disintegrated the live lihoods of many families and workers; some of whom were forced into lives of crime. The categorization and punishment of criminal acts was definitely extreme, and the laboring poo r, often forced to steal out of necessity for life, were never given a chance to be anyt hing but poor or criminals. Punishment of criminal acts hardened, and laws were re written in order to provide more serious punishments for, at times, menial crimes. In this way, the criminal code defended the upper classes' claims to property and did not attempt to rectify the deteriorating conditions of the poor. Prosecution and punishment of criminal acts depended on identifying the crime and its seriousness according to preexisting notions of criminal law. Misdemeanors commonly resulted in less serious punish ments, and included minor crimes and trespasses. Felonies were more serious th an misdemeanors and usually resulted in the death penalty. Treason and murder were seen as being worse than felony, but were often treated in the same vain. Anyone could ar rest on suspicion of a felony, though it was advisable to consult a state justice beforehand. It was in fact comm on for criminals to act as thief-takers by gaining in side knowledge about a crime, arresting the criminal for his acts, and then collecting the stolen property for themselves either to sell, or to turn in for the reward money. The famous Thief-taker Ge neral, Jonathan Wild, is studied in depth through narrative form in the next chapter. 70 McLynn, Frank. Pg. 151.
Fisher 38 Warrants were not necessary, and within three days the accused would be brought before a justice to review the case. During this examination, the accusers and the person who arrested the accused would be present. If it appeared that a felony had been committed, it was the obligation of the courts to hold the accused in custody and to bind the accusers to give their testimony and eviden ce. It was easy for crimes that would not normally be seen as brutal to be made to seem worse in comparison to other, more trivial crimes, so the designation of the trials was certainly not always just, and depended on a variety of factors outside the hands of the accused. It is important to note that eighteenth-century Engla nd had no professional police force. Law enforcement was a "patchwork process, carried on by a number of disparate bodies.71 Law was generally enforced only on the local level by justices and constables, though these titles were based purely on monetary compensation rather than merit. In fact, "less than three percent of the adult male population were rich enough to be legally entitled to act as justi ces of the peace", while the rest of the population remained without political rights.72 The constable was the subordinate of the magistrate, and was above all his officer working on the streets. The consta ble had the authority to punish serious and casual crimes, but frequently used his authority in order to discriminate against certain groups. Constables could "punish mothers for bearing bastards, whip vagabonds, force the unwilling to work, uphold apprentice statutes restrain lunatics, and detain suspicion characters."73 Officials of the law took great liberty in discerning unjust behavior, and as the number and harshness of punishable offenses grew, so too did the discrimination of 71 McLynn, Frank. Pg. 17. 72 Hay, Douglas. 1980. Crime and Justice in Ei ghteenthand NineteenthCe ntury England. Crime and Justice. Vol 2. Pg. 46. 73 McLynn, Frank. Pg. 19.
Fisher 39 the innocent. Studying statistics of crime in eighteenth -century Wiltshire, it becomes apparent that nearly all of those indicted were outsiders.74 The second largest groups of those indicted were servants, while the smallest group was of local residents. This idea purports that courts had a sort of bias in judging gu ilt and favored local residents. Outsiders were most frequently found guilty, and most that received the death penalty were from the same group. Outsiders were more likely to be found guilty for crimes including theft and murder, and were least likely to escape convi ction. These people who were often viewed as idle vagrants were often just men and families who had been forced from a previous home out of economic necessity, and were looki ng for a new life. However, when a series of crimes had been committed in a short period of time, the numbers of local residents accused rose drastically. This supports the id ea that arrest and punishment served to alleviate the anxieties and anger of victims ra ther than to find the actual party guilty of the crime. London was considered by contemporaries a hotbed of culture and industry, as well as a haven for criminals. Urban design suited criminal lifestyles, and the vast alleyways and dimly lit streets of London seemed to invite criminal activity. According to Henry Fielding, the eighteenth-century nove list of various criminal narratives: "whoever indeed considers the cities of London and Westminster with the late vast addition of their suburbs, the great irregularity of their buildings, the immense number of lanes, alleys, courts and byeplaces; must think that, had they been intended for the very purpose of concealme nt, they could scarce have been better contrived. Upon such a view, the whole appe ars as a vast wood or forest, in which a thief may harbour with as a great secur ity, as wild beasts do in the deserts of Africa and Arabia."75 74 Cockburn, J.S. 1977. Crime in England, 1550-1800. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Pg. 32. 75 Faller, Lincoln B. Pg. 76. From Fielding, An Increase into the Causes of the Late Increases of Robbers 1751.
Fisher 40 The criminal narratives of the period indeed portray ed London as a bustling center of industry as well as a dark, ill-secured urban center ridden with crime. McLynn observes that "the upper classes genuinely feared the mob, and the primary fear of the average Londoner was of robbery and criminal attack.76 Criminal hideaways existed which acted as sanctuaries for thieves and murderers. A common practice was for criminals to claim abandoned church and mona stery grounds as criminal territory; thus many areas of London were known and feared as criminal sanctuaries. Favorite criminal havens of London included Drury Lane, Covent Garden and the Exchange, all sites of popular recreation and market activity.77 Crimes of property (including newly cr eated 'portable property') dominated the anxieties of eighteenth-centur y Londoners, and laws protecting property were the primary focus of English law during this period. Prope rty crime manifested itself in the forms of arson, burglary and theft, with burglary and theft being the most prevalent. Arson was particularly dangerous in the eighteenth centu ry, as most structures were made of wood and no official fire-fighting force existed. Acts of arson were frequently committed for political sabotage, as acts of revenge by disgr untled servants, or as frauds in order to obtain insurance rewards.78 It was actually made a capital offense in 1803 to burn ones own home, and the necessity for this law proves how far ma ny were willing to go for monetary compensation. These crimes were often punished by death, though they were often characteristic of the want or need produced by unemployment or falling income rates. Once one was accused of a crime of prope rty, he or she would be sent to a house of 76 Faller, Lincoln B. Pg. x. 77 McLynn, Frank. Pg. 7.
Fisher 41 correction to await trial for as long as seven months.79 This long time away from home did nothing for the economic standing of the ac cused, and if they were to escape capital punishment only furthered their inability to secure a hopeful financial future. Theft was most commonly seen as pick -pocketing, shoplifting, or the stealing of animals, and the theft of any goods worth more than twelve pence was punishable by death. 80 Burglary with criminal intent was the most common capital offense of the eighteenth century, and was punished extrem ely harshly. Housebreaking by night was a capital offense early on in English law, but was soon followed by the addition of housebreaking by day, and later housebreak ing in shops and warehouses in 1763. The protection of shops and warehouses in 1763 reflected the true aims of English lawto protect economic prospects and thus the wealth of law-makers, aristocrats, and bourgeois. The necessity for this amendment to the law came in the wake of many industrial riots, which began appearing in th e second half of the eighteenth century. As traditional markets were destroyed and machin es came to replace the work of traditional craftsmen, weavers, cloth-workers and knitters took their frustrations out in the form of riot.81 Rioters attacked goods and machines, and the law fought back quickly to make this a capital offense. The presence of crime in all dealings and locations of urban life was a great cause of anxiety to the eighteenth -century Londoner. The danger of criminals was even more menacing due to the indeterminate identities of those committing crimes. Criminals could be women, children, industrial workers, or even notable and trusted figureshidden in 78 McLynn, Frank. Pg. 83. 79 Cockburn, J.S. Pg. 45. 80 McLynn., Frank. Pg. 87. 81 Ibid. Pg. 302.
Fisher 42 stage coaches, galloping by on horseback, hiding in bushes or dark alleys or concealed by nothing more than the crowds outside of a concert hall. Pickpockets gathered in public places such as theaters, meeting houses and public hangings in order to pursue w ealthy and distracted victims and to retain anonymity. The pickpocket was a common type of London crimin al, and most female criminals fell into this class. Young children were also recru ited as pickpockets, a nd were trained and employed by adults. Children became a stable source of income for the family unit, whether as wage earners or as thieves and beggars.82 Child pickpockets frequently worked in gangs, and as age prevented them from harsh prosecution, "the most common treatment of young offenders was simply to beat them up."83 One particularly hard class of criminal to spot, the water-thieves, or 'mud larks' directly attacked the marketplace by pilfering the wealth along the most widely used port in London, the Thames River. Water-thieves often used inside men working among the ships and docks, and it is estimat ed that "nine-tenths of all criminal activity in the Port of London was the work, not of professional crim inals, but of people whose presence was authorized and bona fide: sailors, port workers, watchmen, revenue officers."84 Even officially recognized worker s could not be trusted. Other types of criminal were dealt with far more harshly, and were held in greater disrepute by society as a whole. Perhaps the most feared type of criminal was the footpad, whose attacks were more likely than any other sort of criminal attack to result in fatality. The footpad was an armed robber who committed crimes on foot, and usually operated in gangs. They would strike one ar ea brutally and completely, and footpad 82 Hilton, Boyd. Pg. 576. 83 McLynn, Frank. Pg. 7.
Fisher 43 crimes yielded high rates of homicide.85 After the attack, the footpad returned to sanctuaries known as 'flash houses', and each ga ng had a specific safe place. As footpads were on foot, they had a difficult time escapi ng the scene of the crime, and thus it was very hard for them to resist conviction. The merciless behavior of the footpad produced no sympathy among the upper classes, and unlik e highwaymen "no footpad could hope to become a folk hero."86 The highwaymen were often subjects of heroic criminal narratives of the eighteenth century, and the fascination w ith this class of criminal had ranging implications. The highwayman also often worked in gangs, but their speedy transport allowed them to quickly leave the scene of a crime, resulting in far fewer homicides than the footpads. Highwaymen tr aveled most often by horse and focused primarily on robbery rather than aggravat ed assault. The highwayman was frequently viewed as a heroic force standing in opposition to capitalism, forging his own path in the face of a changing society. Highwaymen were consid ered educated and socially prominent men who were drive to criminality out of necessi ty and desire for heroics. They were known as gentlemen of the road; utilizing th e great skills of gentlemen like horsemanship, daring and politeness to women.87 The romantic stereotype of the highwaymen presented them as opponents to the savage, degrading eff ects of industry, and held them as heroic reminders of an older tradition. That is not to say that the highwayman was not feared. All classes of criminal were considered plagues on society, and the degenerative effects of crime were purported 84 McLynn, Frank. Pg. 9. 85 Ibid. Pg. 6. 86 Ibid. 87 McLynn, Frank. Pg. 60.
Fisher 44 by many great thinkers of the time. The philosopher and poet James Peller Malcolm states in his essay on the manners and de pravities of eighteenth -century London that depraved and idle wretches, who would rather steal the effects of a nother than labour to acquire property themselves, have infested London.88 The pervasiveness of crime was greatly emphasized during this period, as was the belief that the poor chose to live in squalor and desperation. Besides the addition of an exorbitant amount of capital offenses to the legal code, eighteenth-century London also produced many great and infamous prisons. As public hanging gave way to imprisonment and solitary executions in the late eighteenth century, prisons were utilized as sights of punishment and reform. Conditions inside prisons were abysmal, and criminals indulged in the culture of criminality existing within the prison walls. As Richard Byrne states in Prisons and Punishments of London the Newgate Prison contained an ample supply of cheap alcohol...(and) drinki ng and gambling were routine; attempts to ban alcohol and prostitution failed each time.89 Newgate, which was meant to hold 150 people, held 250 prisoners, who often also lived there with their families and pets. Meanwhile, the prison staff was meager, and prisoners were often left to rule themselves. In this setting, Byrne says that prisoners...impos ed discipline on each other, establishing a code of conduct and enforcing it through tribunals.90 The prison thus acted not only as a house of punishment and reform, but as a site of social solidarity for criminals. Criminal knowledge was disseminated, and criminals learned how to be better criminals. The ro le that the London prison system played in 88 Malcolm, James Peller. 1810.Anecdotes of the Manners and Customs of London During the Eighteenth Century. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees and Orme: Paternoster Row. Pg. 87. 89 Byrne, Richard. 1989. Prisons and Punishments of London. Harrap: London. Pg. 25. 90 Ibid. Pg. 27.
Fisher 45 solidifying criminal patterns cannot be denie d, and it is apparent that the culture of criminality thrived in prisons in a way wh ich only perpetuated criminal behavior and solidified criminal bonds and identities. The prevalence of crime in eighteenth -century London was attributed to many factors, including declining soci al standing due to early indust rialization, the failure of government and the upper classes to offer solu tions to the poor, as well as the negative effects of certain f acets of lower class culture. Alc ohol was one such factor cited frequently as an agitator of social stri fe, as alcoholism was a popular pastime with noticeably destructive effects. Concerns about the cleanliness of water increased consumption rates of gin, whisky, and wine.91 In 1750, one in fifteen houses in London was a public drinking house, and fifty per cent of wheat sold in London each week was used for the making of alcohol.92 Alcohol played a wider role in the culture of criminality. The culture of criminals include d lowly recreations su ch as cock-fighting, fist-fighting, gambling, drinking and prostitution. Criticism of working class recreations and consumption of alcohol have frequently been attributed to the government and industrial leaders desire for a regular and steady work force. Alcohol was perceived as a debilitating in fluence, as those who use liquor...(are) not only the most lazy and unfit for wo rk, but also the most turbulent and ungovernable.93 Alcohol use rendered workers unfit for industrial work, thus robbing them (and their superiors) of time, money, a nd health. Reformers such as Malcolm cited the negative impact of alcoholism on the fam ily structure, stating that whilst the husband, and perhaps his wife also are drinki ng and spending their money...their children 91 Hilton, Boyd. Pg. 577. 92 McLynn, Frank. Pg. 12.
Fisher 46 are starved and naked at home, without bread to ea t or clothes to put on.94 This dramatic scenario explains, in Malcolm's opinion, why children and other peoples negatively influenced by liquor might be forced to stea l as a means of subsistence. Here, crime is blamed directly on alcoholism, rather than on the social institutions which deprived the poor of suitable living conditions and accessibilit y to more wholesome leisurely pursuits. Another prominent figure of eighteent h-century England used artwork to demonstrate the socially damaging effects of alcohol. The artist William Hogarth's depictions frequently featured the ruined and drunken occupants of London, such as his famous Gin Lane, pictured below. In the wo rds of Charles Dickens, Gin Lane focuses on [our] attention a most neglected [,] wretched neighborhood, and an unwholesome, indecent [,] abject condition of life.95 Hogarth was particularly alarmed by the ability of alcohol to break apart the traditional family unit, and Hogarth's art often portrayed the appalling conditions of poor children. In Gi n Lane, a half-naked infant is seen falling from the lap of his drunken mother. In the background, a man parades around with a dead infant impaled on a spike, while another infant mourns next to the casket of his newly deceased mother. 93 Malcolm, James Peller. Pg. 140. 94 Ibid. Pg. 136. 95 Petry, Alice Hall. 1984. Gin Lane in the Bo wery: Crane's Maggie and William Hogarth. American Literature. Vol. 56, No. 3. Cited from John Forster, The Life of Charles Dickens. 1927.
Fisher 47 The art of Hogarth will be explored in much greater detail in th e next chapter, but it is extremely relevant to consider his wo rk's impact on the early temperance movement. According to Alice Petry, writi ng about the implications of Hogarth's work, Gin Lane, for more than a century served as a sort of pictorial temperance tract.96 Hogarth's images of poverty, drunkenness and family deterioration struck fear into the heart of many. The realization of such deplorable social c onditions, not only through the works of popular culture but also through first-hand observation, led the government to attempt 96 Petry, Alice Hall. Pg. 420.
Fisher 48 reformation. The early temperance movement of eightee nth-century London increasingly tried to curtail the prevalence of alcoholic drink. The government establ ished the Gin Act of 1736, which entailed that alcohol vendors obtai n a license and pay an addition tax each year for their ability to continue selling alcohol. However, the tax was met with discontent and quickly dissolved as an ine ffectual and unenforceable law. Many other gin acts were enforced during the eighteenth centu ry, all of which were terminated due to ineffectiveness soon after their implementation. Society dared not delve deeper into the cultural phenomenon of drinking, and thus never saw alcohol use as a response to ineffi cient social institutions or the devastating and displacing effects of industry. Alcoholism can also be seen as attempt on the behalf of the working classes to claim back th eir leisure time, whic h industrial culture increasingly separated from work time. Instead of recognizing and modifying the social factors behind poverty and alcohol use, Engl and attempted to reform physical bodies through a series of work and charity institutio ns. These institutions only contained (and in many cases aggravated) the manifestations of disorder, and did not combat the causes of that disorder in order to find any lasting solution. Due to the prevalence of criminal acti vity and noticeably deplorable living conditions of the poor, a new interest in moral reform and public health came to dominate the consciousnesses of late eighteenth-century philanthropists and poli tical leaders. It was frequently inherent in the mindset of the upper classes that povert y was a self-spreading, contaminating disease which spread both bodily sickness and immoral behavior, and that population growth only aggravated the issu e of poverty. The expanding numbers of
Fisher 49 citizens belonging to the work ing class instilled in many a fear of social uprising. According to Boyd, the demonization of the poor as potential revo lutionaries had been commonplace since the last two decades of the eighteenth century, and this demonization highlights polite societys in ability to distinguish between poverty and various types of deviance, such as crime, delinquency and lunacy.97 The upper classes were keen to criminalize the poor as is evident in the many social institutions, such as the workhouse, which did not discriminate betw een criminals and impoverished people, but rather placed them in the same category. Government responded to the threat of moral depravity among the working classes and the potential for social insurrection through a series of reforms and charity movements. These movements, such as e ducation reform and th e proliferation of hospitals, were established out of a genuine desire of benefactors to improve the conditions of life for the poor, but also served to preserve the market and the livelihoods of the wealthy. Besides simply charitable intentions, there were certainly economic, political and social motivations underly ing some donors support of charity. Hospitals in particular served three basic purposes besides their outward function as medical centers: spiritual conversion and pe rpetuation of church doctrine, social image and political ties, and the pragmatic mainte nance of industry and the commercial work force. By 1750, there were seven general hos pitals in London existing predominantly as charitable institutions meant to serve the deserving poor.98 These hospitals were either endowed by church institutions and thus more stable in monetary donations, or left to the voluntary subscriptions and donatio ns of secular philanthropists, in which case financial 97 Hilton, Boyd. Pg. 580. 98 Lawrence, Susan C. 1996. Charitable Knowledge: Hospital Pupils and Practitionersin Eighteenth
Fisher 50 stability was less certain. There also existe d various specialized hospitals, designed to deal with a specific social malady, such as The Smallpox Hospital (est. 1745) designed to treat smallpox, The Magdalen House (est. 1758) meant to rescue prostitutes, and The Foundling Hospital (est. 1739) established to preserve the health of abandoned newborn children.99 The hospitals of eighteenth-century L ondon served as centers of religious conversion and cultural refinement, besides th eir primary function as health centers. One had to pass an interview in order to be admitte d to a hospital, and thus must be identified as deserving of help, or potentially benefici al for the financial stability of the country. This straightforward interview process rein forced the social or der and class oppression, and strove to promote cultural hegemony. All hos pitals had strict rules against swearing, gambling, excessive drinking and indecency and meant to promote moral and religious reform of the individual. Governors who ran the Hospital boards often elected prominent metropolitan politicians and figures to the Hospital c ouncil in order to solidify allegiances and maintain the social hierarchy. City politicians as well as bankers, merchants, and other influential members of society, were c hosen for hospital councils aside from philanthropists and benefactors. Hospitals were also mechanisms of capitalism, meant to bring submission to the diseas ed and reinstate valuable masses of sick laborers. Thus, these civic institutions meant to aid those in need also served to reform the physical body and promote values of discipline. Aside from hospitals, prisons and workhous es, charity schools emerged as another Century London. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ ersity Press. Pg. 38. 99 Lawrence, Susan C. Pp. 40-42.
Fisher 51 institution aiming to reform manners and cultivate a viable working force. As anxieties rose about the breakdown of the traditional family and the effect s of poverty on the young, children became a primary concern of charit able groups. It was estimated that of all children under the ag e of twelve months received by London workhouses from 17631765, only seven out of one hundred survived.100 Besides laws regulating the care of orphaned and poor infants, charity schools appe ared with the purpose to reform children and prepare them for lives in industry. Th e Welsh Charity School, established in 1718, was created for the reception, maintenan ce, education, and apprenticing (of) poor children of Welsh parents, born in a nd near London, who have no settlement.101 Many accounts of charity schools were f ound in newspapers which asserted the goal of educating childre n in religion, literacy, and menial skills fit for handicraft trades. These schools, besides educating children in sp iritual and educational values, also strove to reform physical actions and depravities Like the hospitals and workhouses, charity schools were meant to discourage idleness, an d suppress the beginning s of vice, such as lying, cursing, swearing, profan ing the lords day, obscene discourse, stealing, &c., as well as keep students diligent in their business, during th e hours of schooling, suffering none to be absent at any time.102 Schools thus attempted to educate children in religion and other facets of polite society, reform be haviors, and prepare children for the timebased work schedule which would follow them in every aspect of industrial labor. Early industry transformed previous modes of existence in England and was especially traumatic to the laboring poor. Stat e and charitable institutions emerged with the intent not only to help the poor, but to reform individuals in order to deem them 100 Malcolm, James Peller. Pg. 4. 101 Ibid. Pg. 15.
Fisher 52 productive members of society. Workhouses, prisons, hospitals and schools were all means of keeping bodies active with work so they might not be tempted by the immoral idleness which so frequently was attributed to unwilling industrial workers. As Foucault argues, architecture can work against individuals in order to oppress people. Allocating people to a certain architectural space, such as the prison or workhouse, confines their movement and codes relations as hier archical, normalizing, and exclusive.103 Power was exerted through disciplinary m echanisms such as the school, prisons, hospitals, and workhouses, which attempted to regulate bodies by forcing them to adhere to a strict sense of time and bodily behavi or. Institutions attempted to correct the operations of the body and render the body docil e so that man might become a skillful machine fit for industrial labor.104 The masses of industrial workers were processed through these institutions which cultivated th e body for work. See through this lens, the real economy of modern society may be viewed as a byproduct of violence and subjugation. While the benefits of capitalism are presently undeniab le, the beginnings of industrial work proved to be tremendously tr aumatic to the genera tions living through this transitional period. Ostracized as degenerates prone to crim inal involvement, the working classes for all intensive purposes supplied the modern world with the work force necessary for the progression of industry. Despite the attemp ts of philanthropists and early temperance advocates, institutions served only to further suppress the needs of the poor, and it was not until the mid nineteenth century that th e standard of living for the poor began to 102 Malcolm, James Peller. Pp. 38-40. 103 Foucault, Michel. 1995. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Random House Inc. Pp. 170-195. 104 Ibid. Pg. 180.
Fisher 53 improve.105 New kinds of social conflict emerged which provoked anxieties about class, urban living, and crime, causing the classes to turn against one a nother in a perpetual struggle characterized by distrust, fear a nd resentment. Changing perceptions of luxury and crime will be explored in great depth in the next chapter, as anxieties of the time were reflected quite lucidly in the popular literature, thea ter, and art of the period. 105 Thomspon, E.P. The Making of the English Working Class Pg. 208. Quoting Hobsbaum.
Fisher 54 Chapter 3: Popular Culture: Literature, Theater and Art The increasingly saturated print mark et of eighteenth-ce ntury London expanded the availability and variety of literature, art, and other popu lar intellectual pursuits. High culture, which dominated the landscape of ar tistic works, moved during this time from the courts of England to the city streets. The palaces of the King and his court were previously the center of high culture, which can be defined as the group of refined arts said to distinguish taste and gentility. As the court was the center of polite culture and gentile behavior, high culture developed as a means of emulating proper manners and distinguishing oneself as a gentleman (or woman). The polite behavior expounded by the courts as the key to appropriate etiquette tr ansferred into the popul ar literature, theater and visual art of society. Art was thus a poli tical tool as well as a means of social appeasement, and was enjoyed primarily by me mbers of the upper class. Depictions of the urban setting, commercialism and the lo wer classes in art thus offer tremendous insight into the values and anxieties of th e eighteenth-century aristocrat. However, the authors and artists of these works were not always members of the upper class, and the motivations of these men and women at times reveal criticisms of their own audience and government. Beginning in the late seventeenth cent ury, high culture found a new home in the
Fisher 55 urban setting of London, and could be found in coffeehouses, clubs and societies, galleries, concert halls a nd pleasure gardens. High culture was no longer the handmaiden of royal politics, but the partner of commerce, boosting sales and becoming a flourishing commercial undertaking.106 The public became increasing invested in matters of the economy, and according to Habermas, civil society came into existence as the corollary of depers onalized state authority.107 The public sphere became increasingly centralized in the urban domain rather th an the courts, and th e bourgeoisie came to dominate the civil realm. The shift from cour t to town can be seen after the Glorious Revolution, as the dominance of the new bourgeoisie and the prevalence of new institutions such as the coffeehouse streng thened the new urban landscape. Coffeehouses served as meeting places as well as centers of intellectual debate and sales of literature and art. Coffeehouses thrived as venues fo r free expression, political criticism, and ultimately the development of high culture. The arts were exchanged and debated in coffeehouses and clubs, lending to the firm establishment of Londons popular artistic works. Social clubs such as the Kit-Cat Club sought determinedly to build up particular works and authors. The Kit-Cat was a hi ghly influential club during the eighteenth century, and aside from being a place for dri nking and talking also strove to shape the arts by creating an elaborate web of in fluence and patronage and by creating a sympathetic climate of opi nion for writers it favored.108 The Kit-Cat sponsored specific plays, operas and authors; however, their inte nt was not purely for the love of art, but 106 Brewer, John. 1997. The Pleasures of the Imagination: English Culture in the Eighteenth Century. NY: Farrar, Straus, Giroux. Pg. 3. 107 Habermas. Jurgen. 1989. Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. Cambridge, MA: The M.I.T. Press. Pg. 19.
Fisher 56 rather to endorse the opinions of the Whig party. While the Kit-Cat club was comprised of predominately of Dukes and other aristocrats, a series of portraits by the ar tist Kneller depicts the men as relatively common, approachable figures. Knellers portrai ts show few traces of variety or class distinction, and illustrate the place of high cultu re in an urban, rather than royal setting. The support of specific clubs and coffeehouses greatly expanded the range and reach of popular culture during this period. London was the center of high culture as well as the predominant subject of artistic works. The capital city held great sw ay over the minds and imaginations of all of Great Britain, and was fundamental in th e transmission of both goods and knowledge. One in ten citizens of England lived in London, and one in six worked in London for some time during their lives.109 London was a place of extremes; extreme wealth and extreme poverty. John Brewer, in his book The Pleasures of the Imagination: English 108 Brewer, John. Pg. 40. 109 Brewer, John. Pg. 28.
Fisher 57 Culture in the Eighteenth Century quotes an eighteenth-century wood engraver named Thomas Bewick as saying I did not like Londonit appeared to me to be a world of itself where everything in the extreme, might at onc e be seenextreme richesextreme povertyextreme grandeur & extreme wretchedness.110 Eighteenth-century literary, theatrical and artistic works were often concerned with such stratification, and str ove to investigate the differences between classes and the burden of the poor. The statum of the bourgeoisie which overshadowed the traditional courts and established aristocracy was the real carrier of the public, which from the onset was a reading public.111 The lapse of the Licensing Act in 1695 caused censorship before publication to end, allowing fewer regulations on print culture. Authors rose from mere journalists or writers for pastime as writi ng became recognized as a lucrative career. Authors, artists, play-wrights and publishers were able to fi nd a career in p opular culture, and the number and variety of authors and artists grew extraordinarily during this period. During this time the patron expanded his ro le to become not only the commissioner of written works, but the supporter of it. As t he nobility had tended to create a vacuum between the author and his readers, this vacuum had been quickly filled by the middlemen of the lit erary market-place.112 The publishers and booksellers of eighteenthcentury literature came to occupy greater so cial distinction and financial standing as literature became a market commodity. Lite rature not only accommodated middle class tastes but was increasingly directed by ente rprising but ill-educat ed journalists, and 110 Ibid. Pg. 29. 111 Habermas, Jurgen. Pg. 23. 112 Watt, Ian P. 1957. The Rise of the Novel: Studies in Defoe, Richardson and Fielding. CA: University of California Press. Pg. 52.
Fisher 58 contributions from hacks and amateurs.113 Newspapers, clubs and coffeehouses endorsed certain authors, and even men and women of the lower class were able to publish their work. Writers no longer wrote for solely political or societal necessity, but expanded their repertoire to incorporate f actual accounts of the world ar ound them. Thus, the modern novel was born, and literature became a m eans of indulging, escap ing, and criticizing. Print culture played beautifully into the e xpanding role of leis ure in the eighteenth century, and served as a medium for expression and enjoyment. Literacy rates rose thro ughout the eighteenth century, but differed greatly between men and women. While forty-five percent of men were literate in 1714, the number rose to sixty percent by the 1750s. In the case of women, twenty-five percent were literate in 1714, rising to forty-percent in 1750.114 Likewise, the annual publication of books increased fourfold during the eighteenth century.115 Besides fiction, poe try and plays, the growth of periodicals such as the Gen tlemans Magazine and the emergence of intellectual journals and essays allowed the pursuit of readin g to encompass a variety of interests. As the theories of the Enlightenme nt produced new thoughts concerning the nature of man and freedom, British fiction incorporated many of these new ideologies. Ideas of natural law evolved into the concept of natural rights, and were later to become issues of human rights. Literature was one of the main venues through which these developing ideas were transmitted and helped implant the concept of natural rights into the human imagination. According to Miranda Burgess, the author of British Fiction and the Production of 113 Watt, Ian P. Pg. 52. 114 Brewer, John. Pg. 167.
Fisher 59 Social Order the novel emerged as the dominant form of fiction by 1740.116 The spread of the fictional novel reflected the development of society, and told stories of societies formation and unity. While the royal court was disorderly, written works presented society as orderly, coherent and hierarchical.117 Common tales of the period depict communities that maintained solidarity a nd strength through inherent, natural ties.118 Asserting the commonality and naturalness of laws, these works of literature promoted not only political conformity, but sentiments of national identity. Literature thus had a tremendous role in shaping ideas of Britis h nationhood, as it helped shape nationalist discourse and produce a new social order.119 However, not all literature depicted soci ety as orderly and coherent. The satirical novel served as a means of subliminally criticizing government and society, and often took on not-so-wholesome protagoni sts in order to explore the subversive. In the preface of The Adventures of Roderick Random by Tobias Smollett, the author states that: Of all kinds of satire, there is none so entertaining and universally improving, as that whichbrings every incident home to lif e, and (represents) familiar scenes in an uncommon and amusing point of view.120 The authors of the eighteenth century had varied intentions in their writings, and considered many new and diverse themes. Rea lism is a defining characteristic which differentiates the work of the early eight eenth-century novelists from the previous fiction.121 Realism came to mean the opposite of id ealism, and depicted the low life of urban London, including blatant sexuality and economic, self-interested motives. 115 Byrd, Max. 1978. London Transformed. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Pg. 37. 116 Burgess, Miranda. 2000. British Fiction and the Production of Social Order. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pg. 4. 117 Brewer, John. Pg. 5. 118 Burgess, Miranda. Pg. 25. 119 Ibid. Pg. 6. 120 Smollett, Tobias. 1964. The Adventures of Roderick Ransom. London: Oxford University
Fisher 60 Previous literature which conformed to tradition and conventional practices was challenged by the novel. This new literature valued originality and rejected traditional subject matter in the pursuit of independent, fresh experiences. There was a growing tendency for individual experien ce to replace collective tradition as the ultimate arbiter of reality, and realism had come to denote a belief in the individual apprehension of reality through the senses.122 Literature strove to portray individuals in contemporary urban environments, and new literary perspectives emerged to best reflect this realism. Authors increasingly conceived plots which called attention to the individua l, using proper names and distinguishing their characters individual qualities. Char acters were no longer based upon traditional frameworks or archetypes, bu t were regarded as complex, developing personalities. These narratives left the audi ence to consider the existence of such characters in real society and question the morality of emerging consumer culture. Ian Watt, in his book The Rise of the Novel: Studies in Defoe, Richardson and Fielding considers Daniel Defoe and John Richar dson to be the first great writers who constructed plots outside of the traditional literary fram ework. Defoe, Richardson and Fielding all referenced original plots, eith er wholly constructed or based on actual contemporary events. Richardsons characters were all given names and surnames to bring them to an accessible human level, rather than having characters serve as lofty mythical ideals. Richardson stated of his book Pamela that this little book (provides a) hitherto much wanted standard or pattern for this kind of writing.123 In this way, Press. Pg. i. 121 Watt, Ian P. Pg. 10. 122 Ibid. Pg. 14. 123 Burgess, Miranda. Pg. 25.
Fisher 61 Richardson set his work up as the example of the novel by which other works should be judged. He acknowledges the breech in tradit ion of the novel from previous literary styles, and attempts to provide the perfect model of the new literature intended to fulfill Britains desires and supply its deficiencies.124 Richardson presented his works as the intersection point between the private and the public realm, and his narratives served to guarantee the audience that the literature and society of Great Britain were headed in the right direction. Defoe likewise set a precedent for the ne w realistic literature of the eighteenth century, giving his characters actual names or aliases often based on real criminals. Defoe went to great lengths to set himself apart fr om tradition, and it was his intention to turn his back on false reporting and to lay befo re the readers the scene as it really is.125 To Defoe the center of London was the marketpl ace, and the market and economic concerns of society appear constantly at the center of his narratives. His vi sion is realistic and accurate as he replaced the ambiguous figur es of poetical writers with the useful, unequivocal figures of business.126 Defoe presents the city in an overwhelmingly lifelike way, meaning not to placate society by justifying the existing social order, but rather to comment satirically on societys obsession with material culture. His novels, such as Robinson Crusoe, Roxana and Moll Flanders are presented as factual biographies of Londons lower classes, and these accounts e xpress Defoes nervousness over the nature of business and the unre liability of the market. His narrativ es illustrate how the love of profit seduces even the most upright tradesme n to fraudulent dealings as well as how 124 Burgess, Miranda. Pg. 25. 125 Byrd, Max. Pg. 9. 126 Ibid. Pg. 10.
Fisher 62 poverty or sheer survival incites a man to crime.127 His accounts of the poor are thus sympathetic, realizing that life can at times only be sustained through criminal actions. The literature of Bernard Mandeville lik ewise elicits feelings of a society suffocated by the inequalities of the marketpl ace. His famous work The Fable of the Bees illustrates the destructive power of industry and compares upright occupations to the urchins of the street, classifying them as e qually unlawful occupations. Like Mandeville, John Gay, the famous playwright of The Beggars Opera also presented the idea that those in power were just as corrupt as the thieves persecuted in Newgate prison. His work argued that unbridled self-int erest was incompatible with reason and morality, and sought to expose the inju stice of all components of consumer culture.128 Like Mandeville, Gay and Defoe, the poet Alexander Pope also placed the underworld and the respectable world in conflict, imagining idealized, mythic cities of order at odds with the material realities of industrial culture.129 Just as Popes poems frequently contrasted the ideal, ancient city with the stark realities of urban life, novelist Henry Fielding often wrote about the oppositio n between the country and city. In his fiction, the great city appear s as the corrupt and corrupting, the country for all its flaws as wholesome.130 Fieldings works such as Joseph Andrews and The Life of Mr. Jonathan Wild the Great as with the aforesaid prominent aut hors, imparts the cen tral theme of the citys corrupting effects on human nature. Literature was thus employed as a means of illustrating both the mundane and the phenomenal in society in order to emphasize the contradictions of the modern world. 127 Pg. 20. 128 Gay, John. Ed. Edgar V. Roberts. 1969.The Beggars Opera. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Pg. xx. 129 Byrd, Max. Pg. 51.
Fisher 63 Daniel Defoes Moll Flanders is a perfect example of th e balance between reality and satire. Though the circumstan ces of Molls life were not atypical for a lower class eighteenth-century woman born into a world of crime, her stories are shared in a satirical, disbelieving way. Defoe goes to great lengths to present Moll as the antithesis of a gentlewoman, while at the same time emphasizing that it is her sole goal in life to live richly. Moll is born in Newgate Prison, as he r mother was imprisoned for a petty theft. When her mother dies, she is left alone to fend for herself, and falls into the company of gypsies. At the age of three, compassion m oved the magistrates of the town to place her under the care of a nurse.131 When she reaches the age of eight and work becomes an immediate prospect, Moll says she never wants to do housework or any other service, and emulates the fashions and trends of the upper class including ribbons, linen, head-dresses and gloves.132 During her time with an aristocratic family, Moll becomes known as Betty, and she becomes overwhelmingly obsesse d with money. Be tty wants but one thingand if young woman have beauty, birth, breeding, wit, sense, manners, modesty, and all these to an extreme; yet if sh e have not money, she s no bodyfor nothing but money now recommends a woman.133 Moll recognizes money as her ticket away from the lower class lifestyle she previously inhab ited, and she begins to pursue men solely for the purpose of draining their wealth. Moll us es her body to attain the money she so desires, and such racy behavior was initially criticized by eighteenth-century audiences. Sensibility was a virtue increasingly st ressed in eighteenth-century epistemology, 130 Ibid. Pg. 83. 131 Defoe, Daniel. 1967. Moll Flanders. New York: Modern Library. Pg. 3. 132 Ibid. Pg. 8. 133 Pg. 21.
Fisher 64 physiology, and psychology. Men and women a like were urged to be delicate and sensible in the realm of sexual behavior and not indulge in excess, for such sensitivity would breed a diseased state.134 This notion of sensibility reiterated the views of the genteel upper classes, and emphasized physical and cultural refinement. Sensibility not only in the physical body, but in the mind was necessary for overall refinement. Indeed, the definition of mind and body was extensively reworked during this period, and the concept of sensibility allowed the two to meet in a balanced, rational way. After an unsuccessful affair, Moll finds he rself alone once more and forced to find shelter. She finds a place to stay, and beco mes friends with her landlords sister, who brought Moll into a world of wild company.135 She calls herself the pretty widow and quickly seeks to find another man to suppor t her. Moll moves to North England where she hears living is less costly, and finds that she is pregnant on ce again. Moll lives in constant fear of poverty, saying g ive me not poverty lest I steal.136 One day when Moll is out for a walk, she sees a woman in a shop not paying attention to her bundle. Moll steals the contents and is catapulted into a series of petty thefts. Poverty left her desperate and unfeeling, and Moll takes no mercy in choos ing her victims. She robs her lovers, steals from a family while their house is bur ning down and even steals the necklace off the neck of a young child. All of these acts Moll justifies, saying in the case of the stolen necklace that I had given the parents a just reproof for their negligence in leaving the poor little lamb (alone), and it would teach them to care of it a nother time. She also states And (I) did not know how to manage, ot herwise than as the devil put things into 134 Van Sant, Ann Jessie. 1993. Eightee nth-century Sensibility and the Novel. NY & Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pg. 14. 135 Defoe, Daniel. Pg. 47. 135 Defoe, Daniel. Pg. 148. 135 Ibid. Pp. 182-183.
Fisher 65 my head.137 It is during this time of criminality that Moll becomes known as Moll Flanders. She is eventually sent to Newgate Prison for her crimes, the very place where she was born. After her release, Moll vows to live in sincere penitence for the wicked lives we have lived.138 Molls return to Newgate Prison emphasizes the inability of the lower class to escape the plight they were born into. Moll is born a criminal and ultimately lives the life of a criminal, ending up exactly where she bega n. However, she is able to repent, an element Defoe added most likely to set the precedent that impoverished people could, through proper renunciation and commitment, escape their circumstances. Defoes Moll Flanders makes criminals human and understandable, as Molls desperate situation forces her to steal in order to keep herself and her child alive. This nove l poses the question of whether it is really wrong to do somethi ng immoral out of nece ssity. Her immoral acts are related in a tone of compassion, even when she commits the most merciless crimes. Moll Flanders is most definitely a satire of capitalism, as the novel is dominated by an obsession with the monetary value of everything, including people. Moll is wrought by constant financial anxieties, a nd everything, including love, comfort and status, are shown to revolve around money. Moll goes through a string of affairs, constantly changing partners, her name, and her location. Her attempt to escape the past and find her place in a transformi ng world causes her to disguise her true identity in an attempt to blend in. This element may serve to criticize the stigmati zation of the poor and 136 Defoe, Daniel. Pg. 148. 137 Ibid. Pp. 182-183. 138 Defoe, Daniel. Pg. 271.
Fisher 66 their inability to rise up on the social la dder without denying their true identities. Inability to escape social stigmatization is also apparent in Henry Fieldings The Life of Mr. Jonathan Wild the Great Jonathans character is static, and just as Moll Flanders, he merely continues down the path of criminality to which he was born accustomed. Fielding presents his life in a tone of compassion much like Defoes life of Moll Flanders, and frequently refers to him as Master, the Great, a nd our Hero. It is as if Fielding is presenting a mythology of a legendary, heroic man, rather than sharing the story of a low class criminal. Jonathan Wild was from a young age pred estined to lead a life of crime and treachery. Even as a schoolboy he acted as an intermediary between the criminals and the just, and if any (child) offered to plunder his own head without acquainting Master Wild, and making a deposit of the booty, he wa s sure to have an information against him lodged with the schoolmaster.139 Wild was adept at turning dire circumstances in his favor, and was always looking for a way to bett er his financial situ ation, usually at the expense of others. Wild comes in contact with Count La Ruse, who was held under house arrest by a man related to the Wilds. La Ruse was a not orious thief and gambler, and he and Wild soon recognize each others grea tness. When the count begins to plan his escape from the house, Wild is only too willing to council him. Wild soon was introduced (by the count) into the best company, and th e pair of them constantly fr equented assemblies, auctions, gaming-tables, and play houses; at which last they saw two acts ever night, and then 139 Fielding, Henry. 1973. The Life of Mr. Jonathan Wild the Great. London: Dent, New York: Dutton. Pg. 10.
Fisher 67 retired without paying.140 Wild comprises a gang of eager, desperate men, willing to do anything for profit. His own skills at betrayal and treachery, how ever, do not make him invulnerable to other mens attacks, and he was under a continua l alarm of frights, and fearshe was thoroughly convinced there was not a single man amongst (his gang) who would not, for the value of five shillings bring him to the gallows.141 Treachery and distrust among criminals is a constant theme in Fieldings nove l, and seems to bring a sense of pity and almost sympathy to the reader. When an act of parliament makes it illega l to steal indirectl y, using the labor of others, Wild is sent to Newgate Prison. He is convicted and se ntenced to hang. While awaiting his fate at the gallows, Wild receiv es a visit from his wife, who tells him you might have robbed on to the end of the chapte r; but you was wiser than all the world, or rather lazier; and see what your l aziness has come toto the cheat.142 This treatment of idle conduct is reminiscent of many thinkers of the time period who claimed that idleness bred immoral behavior. As Wild is ascending the gallows and preparing to hang, he steals a bottle screw from the pocket of the chaplain beside him, and dies clutching his last stolen treasure in his dying hand. The life of Wild by Henry Fielding pres ents the notion that once a man becomes a criminal, he will forever remain in the cl utches of immorality. The novel also purports that once a man makes friends with an off-colo r character, he will be inducted into a life of crime. The contagious nature of immorality in crime presented in Fieldings novel is perhaps mocking the contagious nature of immorality in consumer culture, where once 140 Fielding, Henry. Pg. 24. 141 Ibid. Pg. 150.
Fisher 68 one is introduced to fine things, those things come to dominate the life and motives of the subject (as is the case in Moll Flanders). His wo rk offers great insigh t into the nature and frailty of the human disposition, and proves that morality is a relative, undependable ideal. Many contemporary essays point out Fieldings intentio n to parallel the character of Wild with Horace Walpole, the eighteenth -century politician accused of self-interest and corruption. Walpole, also satirically referre d to as the Great, was likewise a selfish intermediary, diverting public re venues to his own enrichment.143 Fieldings story directly connects theft to the Whig party, and th us serves as a satire of various elements of society. Fieldings implica tion, like the writings of J ohn Gay and Bernard Mandeville, shows that ultimately there are very few distin ctions between the criminal activity of the lower classes and the corrupt expl oitation of royal officials. Bernard Mandeville, in his renowned a nd controversial work The Fable of the Bees relates consumer culture to the vice and gr eed inherent in human nature. He states that social progress is stunted by the hypocrisies of material society; that politicians, industrial workers, and criminals are all mo tivated by the same debased love of money. Mandeville compares the beehive to human so ciety; social insects swarming around their monarch, intent on the production and maintenan ce of social order. Opening with the lines "A Spacious Hive well stock'd with Bees, That lived in Luxury and Ease;" Mandeville depicts consumer society as an s uperficially pleasing, co mfortable and simple setting.144 However the note quickly turns dour as Mandeville st ates Millions endeavoring to supply, Each other's Lust and Vanity."145 Here, Mandeville insinuates that 142 Fielding, Henry. Pg. 164. 143 Clark, Robert. 2007. "Jonathan Wild is hanged at Tyburn". The Literary Encyclopedia Pg. 1. 144 Mandeville, Bernard. Ed. Jack Lynch. 1705. The Fable of the Bees. Lines 1-2. 145 Ibid. Lines 33-34.
Fisher 69 laborers labor tirelessly only to further contamin ate society with the ill s of consumerism. Even the innocent and poor are forced to act as pawns in the game of industry, tainting society as a whole with the reverence of mone y above all else. As the rich get richer, the poor get poorer, and have no other choice but to willingly volunteer for their own destruction. Life is simple for the corrupt rich, while the poor are forced to find any means necessary to survive, including criminal activity. Consumerism elicits greed which elicits corruption, and this corruption is so contagious it spreads seamlessly throughout al l facets of society. No group is immune, as "All Trades and Places knew some Ch eat, No Calling was without Deceit."146 Even though criminal behavior might not be seen over tly, it exists in all levels of business. Mandeville states that honest industrial work is just as guilty of crim e and selfish motivations as criminal work, if not more. He goes on to point out immoral behavior of Lawyers, Physicians, priests, soldiers, and ev en Kings, who are all self interested and motivated entirely by money, not to better society. While Kings and legal officials criticize and imprison criminals, it is real ly these law-keepers who are the greatest criminals of all. Mandeville mocks the appearance of Great Britain as a paradise, stating that the supremacy of England comes even in the face of utter internal discord and corruption. To The faade of a flourishing, dominant society ul timately hides a society whose prosperity originated from injustice and vice. To Mandeville, the product of consumer culture is a society obsessed with the fl eeting and immaterial, stat ing "Their darling Folly, Fickleness, In Diet, Furniture, and Dress."147 Englands fortune is made through 146 Mandeville, Bernard. Lines 5758. 147 Ibid. Lines 185-186.
Fisher 70 impermanent, fickle trades rooted in van ity and whim and having no lasting benefit to society. The true strongholds and pleasures of society, such as arts and culture, are neglected by an overwhelmi ng focus on the ephemeral. Mandeville laments the negative effects of industry, which can be seen in the declining moral character of the rich and poor alike, as well as in the absence of traditional trades and the deterioration of popular culture. Nothing is kept sacred from the contaminating reach of consumerism; ev en art and literature become market commodities. As commodities, art was indeed subject to the competition of capitalist culture, which perpetuated the love of money above the pursuit of true talent. William Farrell, in his essay concerning Mandeville's bee analogy, states that the inequalities that Mandeville presents in bot h the laws and the life styles of his hive reflect the bees intense efforts to serve only their own needs.148 To Mandeville, dividing society into different roles and trades perpetuates e nvy and emulation. He asserts that would you have a frugal and honest societ y, the best policy is to preserve men in their Native Simplicity, strive not to increase their Numb ers; let them never be acquainted with Strangers of Superfluities, but remove and k eep them from ever thing that might raise their Desires.149 In this way Mandeville seems to be a primitivist, purporting the superiority of lifestyle and mind of men kept in societies of native simplicity. Industry causes a frugal people to become squanderers, the scrupulous to become spiteful, and ultimately transforms an honest society into a corrupt one. Alexander Pope, in his poem The Essay on Man also uses the analogy of the beehive, this time contrasted with the anthill. These tw o insect hubs serve as opposing 148 Farrell, William J. 1985. The Role of Ma ndevilles Bee Analogy in the Grumbling Hive. Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900. Vol. 25, No. 3, Restoration and Eighteenth Century. Pg. 517.
Fisher 71 models of the city, as one is m onarchical and the other democratic.150 Greater strain is placed on the enlightened bees, who: Self-love and reason to one end aspire, Pain their aversion, pleasure their desire; But greedy that, its object would devour, This taste the honey, and not wound the flowr.151 The bees seek desire without consideri ng the consequences, and wish to taste the honey without concern for the wellbeing of so ciety as a whole. Like Mandeville, Pope cautions society against heedless consumpti on and envisions the return to a simple, idealized past city dominated by honest work. The anxieties of eighteenth-century Br itish society were both expressed and appeased by works of art. Wo rks including literature, theater, music and visual art served as the center of social life while concurrently acting as a commentary of that life. The shift of high culture from the court to the town in the eighteenth century can be seen in the prevalence of literature as well as in th e popularity of music and theater. Music was previously used only for special occasions such as in acts of worship or to enhance the glamour of court festivities. The opening of music to the marketplace and the admission for a payment turned the mu sical performance into a commodity.152 Music no longer had to have a specific purpose, a nd people began enjoying music simply as a pastime. By the end of the eighteenth cen tury, the city offered opera, choral and instrumental concerts of both Professionals and amateurs, and the number of concert halls and theaters increased dramatically.153 149 Farrell, William J. Pg. 520. From Bernard Mandeville, Mandeville on the Sources of Wealth. 150 Byrd, Max. Pg. 50. 151 Byrd, Max. Pg. 52. From Alexander Pope's The Essay on Man. Part II, 87-90. 152 Habermas. Jurgen. Pg. 39. 153 Brewer, John. Pg. 63.
Fisher 72 Newspapers informed readers of concer ts and plays, but only those who were educated and propertied were i nvited to attend. Theater, like th e literature a nd art of the period, took much of its subject matter from cr iminal life. John Gays The Beggars Opera was an overwhelming commercial success, and almost 1,300 people, including politicians like Horace Walpole and famous artists such as William Hogarth, were present on its opening night.154 The play portrays the injustice existi ng in the criminal classes, as well as exposes the criminal behavior existing in the upper classes. Peachum, the main lawkeeper of the play, is both a thief catcher and exploiter. He, like the famous criminal Jonathan Wild, captures thieves in order to use them for hi s own profit. Peachum and his wife sell the criminals stolen goods, while at the same time punishing the criminals by sending them to Newgate Prison. Peachum thus works against th e evils he himself is guilty of, and states that his occupation is as honest as any. A lawyer is an honest employment; so is mine. Like me too he acts in a double capacity, both against rogues and for them.155 When Macheath, the leader of the criminal gang, secretly marri es Peachums daughter Polly, the tone turns murderous and Peachum and his wife plot to kill Macheath and take his fortune. When Macheath finds out, his gang of friends offers to kill Peachum, but Macheath says I beg you gentlemen, act with conduct and discre tion. A pistol is y our last resort.156 It is ironic that the criminal Macheath wont warrant murder, but the true gentleman Peachum has no reservations to kill. Macheaths gang uses the language of civ ilized men, not criminals, and in this way Gay parallels them with the civilized men of the aristocracy and courts. The men 154 Gay, John. Pg. xvii. 155 Ibid. Act I, scene i, lines 9-10.
Fisher 73 justify their criminality, saying money was ma de for the freehearted and generous, and where is the injury of taking from another wh at he hath not the heart to make use of?157 The criminals present themselves as considerat e, polite men, stealing what they believe is being wasted on the gluttonous. Macheath is betrayed by two female criminals, which illustrates the antagonism and conflict among thie ves, and then sent to Newgate prison where he waits to be hung. A bitter love triangle ensues as the protagonist Macheath uses deception to attempt to escape his fate. At the end of the novel, Macheath is slated to be hung, but when the crowd cries for Reprieve! th e narrator says he wi ll oblige, for an opera must end happily.158 This ending is a bitter jest to the reality of criminal life, which almost always ended tragically. The Beggars Opera satirizes many aspects of eighteenth-century culture, including the corruption of officials and the romantic ideal of faithful allegiance among thieves. Gay, like so many others, states that necessity of survival in an unbalanced society causes men to resort to criminal ac tivity. The introduction to the Beggar's Opera states it argues satirically that arbitrary and self-seeking enforcement of laws baffles human potential by directing men away from the cultivation of goodness into the channel of surviving by any means, including crime.159 Throughout the play, the threat of death is always present among the humorous thieves, while the true exploiter and criminal Peachum is invulnerable to real punishment. The play advises that all of society, not just the lower classes, should be held accountab le for their actions and weighed on the same scale of justice. 156 Gay, John. Act II, scene ii, line 25. 157 Gay, John. Act II, scene i, lines 25-27. 158 Ibid. Act III, scene xvii, lines 7-8. 159 Intro. Xx.
Fisher 74 Literature, music and theater all became essential parts of the popular culture of eighteenth-century London, but none so clearly depicted the actual conditions of life as visual art. As painters emancipated themselv es from the constrictions of the guilds, the court and the church, (they) too saw themselves forced to work for the market.160 Exhibition Halls and pleasure gardens opene d to showcase works of art, and many became extremely popular, notably the pleasure gardens at Vauxhall. Before 1730, pleasure gardens were regarded as dangerous sites of immoral behavior, but as the aristocracy moved into the ur ban center and began enclosing the gardens, they became designated upper class property. When Jona than Tyers became the proprietor of Vauxhall, he hired musicians, built orchestras, and commissioned artists and sculptors to enrich the landscape.161 Other gardens followed suite, recognizing the importance of visual art in presenting a re spectable, cultured city. Artwork was displayed in coffeehouses a nd exhibition halls, intended to appease the eyes and incite discussion. William Hogart h was perhaps the most influential painter of his time, and he sought to present the modern urban experience through visual representations. Hogarth is fam ous for realistically depicting the daily life and hazards of eighteenth-century London, with its moral am biguity, potential for evil, and love of public spectacle.162 Hogarths The Four Times of Day shows the crowded streets of London bursting with excitement, misc hief and potential for immorality. 160 Habermas, Jurgen. Pg. 40. 161 Brewer, John. Pg. 65. 162 "William Hogarth and 18th-Century Print Culture." 2007. Northwestern University Library Online.
Fisher 75 The first plate, illustrating the morning scene, shows the diversity of life in London, from the swooning couple and self-abs orbed, immoral characters reveling over their fashion and indulging in sexuality to th e desperate, impoverished beggars. An upper class churchgoer is dismayed at the site, a nd the congested, smoky mark et is shown in the background. Luxury and poverty are blatantly superimposed, revealing the tension between these contrast ing modes of life.
Fisher 76 In the noon scene, Hogarth depicts a French church on Hog Lane. As the churchgoers emerge from their ga thering, they turn a blind eye to the issues arising on the streets. The body of a decaying cat lays acro ss a sewage drain while the lustful Londoners indulge in food, noise and sexual desire. The ch urchgoers, in all their wealth, fashionable clothing and religious zeal, gi ve no notice to the abysmal state of life around them.
Fisher 77 In Hogarths scene of the evening, a family tries unsuccessfully to escape from the city. Though the family is now away from the city and nestled safely in the countryside, their corruption continues. They are gluttonous and overweight, yet fashionably clothed. The family structure has fallen apart; the children argue and the wife blocks the face of her husband with a fan. Material possessions have surely ruined any semblance of love and familiarity this family once had, and even leaving the city does not end those immoral behaviors. Just as the lite rature of the period suggests, once one is born into a life of industry and greed, they ar e forever doomed to maintain those aspects.
Fisher 78 In Hogarths final scene depicting the night, a drunken magistrate stumbles down Charing Cross Road as the contents of a ch amber pot are emptied on his head. The streets are literally on fire, a carriage is torn apart, children play unsupervised and a homeless family sleeps beneath a windowsill. The ma gistrate and his wife are unaware and unconcerned with these distressing events and simply continue their stroll. The artwork of Hogarth shows a strongly stratified society, constituent of two equally corrupt groups. Those in positions of power do nothing to aid the torment of the poor, and simply turn the other cheek in th e face of utter destruction. No one takes responsibility for the woes of society, and a ll players are merely resigned to play their role. The world portrayed by Hogarth is a chaotic, hopeless one, torn apart by industry and lust for consumer goods. Hogarth, like Defoe, Fielding, Mandeville, Pope and Gay,
Fisher 79 finds little to praise in the urban landscape, and finds no optimism in a world of consumer culture. It is clear that crime and the conditions of the poor fre quently took center stage in eighteenth-century British liter ature, theater and art. The prominence of this theme in works primarily consumed by the upper classes is very telling about the state of English society. The upper class fascination with crime has been explored in other chapters, and the proliferation of criminal narratives and artistic depict ions of the poor attests most directly to this trend. The in terest of the upper classes with crime can be attributed to many speculative factors, all of which refl ect greatly the anxieties of a rapidly industrializing culture. It is ap parent that popular culture serv ed as a means of criticism, escape, and indulgence, and that the popular expressions of this period highlight the ambiguous legacy of consumer society a nd the apprehensions of urbanization. In a time of such upheaval, the upper cla sses looked to the criminal perhaps to act out secret fantasies for independence from the control of industry. As Lincoln B. Faller states in Turned to Account the celebrity of (criminals) might seem to indicate readers wanting to work out dark a nd highly charged fantasies.163 The criminal narrative offered an escape into the imagination; a realm depa rted from the realities of industry, but indulgent in personal caprice. During this ir regular and unstable period of British history, traditional morals and patterns of sociabilit y went through many changes, and in this changing age, criminals represented change. Th e criminal refused to live the way he or she was told, but instead forged his own pa th based on personal impulse and relative morality. As Faller states, the popular audien ce might have found pleasure in a vicarious 163 Faller, Lincoln B. Pg. 44.
Fisher 80 living out of acts they fearedt hieves biographies aimed at giving their readers a chance to dream darkly of being their own men, of amassing money and exercising powermany highwaymen were, for many readers, id-driven alter egos.164 Thus, the criminal narrative reflected not only the anxieties of a changing society, but personal dreams of attaining the wealth and prestige which capitalist society had to offer. The criminal was not just outcast a nd demonized; he was secretly coveted as an icon of personal initiative and freedom from a highly volatile world. Fears and dreams were played out through the real m of literature, art, and thea ter and the genres of these works speak highly about the consid erations of a changing society. The popular culture of eight eenth-century London served as a leisurely pursuit and escape for the inhabitants of England, while also directly expres sing the anxieties of industrial life. London was the center of this cult ure as well as the focus of criticism, and housed varying social classes with very diverse needs. Obsession with money was universal, but the ephemeral trends of consum er society offered only temporary stability, and ultimately resulted in complete class stra tification and the deteri oration of society. 164 Faller, Lincoln B. Pg. 119.
Fisher 81 Conclusion Poverty, the great crime, never to be pardoned in England. Richard Ford, A Handbook for Travelers in Spain As we have seen, the birth of the mode rn world and industrial society yielded highly varied effects. While the upper cl asses achieved status and distinction by procuring material goods, these goods were beyond the reach of the lower class, which found little relief from the changing rhythms of factory life. The overall impact of industry and capitalism is ambiguous, as in the long term they have proven to be positive, but they were highly disruptive to the peopl e living through the tr ansition period. On a large scale, industry conclusively created major economic profit; however, in the microcosm of daily life in eighteenth-century London, the world for many was collapsing. The emergence of habitual cons umerism sent a shockwave through society, stratifying rich and poor in a c onstant pattern of anxiety and distrust. The growth of the economy and material culture did not n ecessarily placate society; instead, industrialization created so cial conflicts which permeate society down through the present. In the first chapter, I presented fact ual information concerning the growth of material culture. A subsistence economy ba sed on lords and peasants gave way to an emerging middle class and th e growth of overseas trade. Langford observes that
Fisher 82 commerce was not just about exchange, but more fundamentally about consumption.165 Political dysfunction, acts of crime, and advertisements for the latest fashions appeared in newspapers. A burgeoning print culture emerged in which art and the press were used as political tools. Aristocrats took part in a multitude of new leisure pursuits, and formed clubs to solidify social alliances. Every facet of life changed, from the measurement of time to the proper behavior of the body to the overall structure of daily life. London took center stage in th e story of industry and ur banization, and was a site of polarity and disorder. In the second chapter, I explained the extreme differences between the livelihoods of the wealthy and the poor, pointing out the lack of responsibility taken by the state to attempt to rectify the causes for turmoil. The laboring poor worked to support themselves on meager wages, and were exposed to horrible working conditions in their desperation for em ployment. Criminal culture was juxtaposed with the leisure and luxury of the rich, and the disparity be tween lifestyles is shocking. The violent brutality experienced on the gall ows was contrasted with the fashion, taste and gentility of a polite society. The failure of state institutions to present equal opportunities allowed poverty and dissent to spread, and the enormous underclass of workers were offered few solutions. The char ities and workhouses of eighteenth-century London attempted to regulate bodies through fo rced physical labor, and the treatment of idle bodies did little in the way of inspiring any lasting improvements. Many viewed poverty as a contagious force, and the temp tation of material wealth surrounding the lower classes was maddening. Popular culture reflected the anxietie s of the age and suppressed desire for 165 Langford. A Polite and Commercial People. Pg. 3.
Fisher 83 previous modes of life. In the third chapte r, popular reflections on luxury and crime are seen through the works of fiction, poetry, th eater and art. There was a clash between value systems of capitalism and previous modes of life; a struggle between complexity and simplicity. Societys discomfort was mirrored in its artistic works, which presented varied pictures of reality. Overall, the art of the period reflects th e trends expressed in earlier chapters, in which society was obsesse d with wealth, the c onditions of the lower class declined, and some people resorted to crime out of necessity. Eighteenth-century London was depicted as a site of tremendous social upheaval, in which concerns about the changing world were overwhelmingly present. The period of industrialization is deemed the Industrial Revolution for a reason; it was a moment of complete transformation and restructuring of society. According to E.P. Thompson, the stress of the transition falls upon the whole culture: resistance to change and assent to change arise from the whole culture.166 These changes were lived through by society as a whole, and although the upper classes expe rienced enhanced standards of living, they were also presse d by common anxieties about a new world. Old ways of life were nullified, and previous understanding of the world was challenged by the birth of modernity. Society embraced indus try while at the same time longing to be free from its control, but the wheel was alr eady in motion, and desire or anxiety for the past was met with silence. The wheels starte d turning gradually, but then sped forward with unprecedented speed, uninhibited by time or space. The vehicle of industry, deaf to the cries of the people asking it to slow down, only continued with ir revocable force into the present. Only recently has society been able to fully process the implications of this 166 Thompson, E.P. Time, Work, Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism. Past and Present No. 38 (Dec. 1967). Pg. 80.
Fisher 84 transformation, but surely the blind race into the future was terrifying for those who had no idea what industry might bring. The prisoners waiting in line to be hung at Tyburn were well aware of the contradictions of society. They dealt with the shock of industry in their own way, but were overwhelmingly irreverent and rebellious in their treatment of society. While capital punishment meant to instill te rror and dismay not only in the criminal, but also in the crowd, these public hangings were often met w ith a quite different scene. The criminals chanted and sung, uniting one last time to mock society and prove their dissent. Peter Linebaugh states in Albions Fatal Tree that while the state sought to arouse in the multitudes witnessing the hangingterror, maje sty, dread and some pitythe low slang and canting dictionaries that have survived to record the speech of the eighteenth-century London poor give us a different picture.167 The language of the state was powerfu l and imposing, and the Kings justices spoke these exact words giving th e verdict of hanging at a trial: The law is, that thou shalt return from henc e, to the Place whence thou camest, and from thence to the Place of Execution, where thou shalt hang by the Neck, til the body be dead! Dead! Dead! And the Lord have Mercy upon thy Soul.168 In contrast, the words of the crimin als were humorous and amusing. A hanging day was referred to as a hanging fair or t he sheriffs ball. Words for hanging included to swing, to go west or to dang le in the sheriffs picture frame.169 Skills of acclimatization are imbued in human nature, and when the state attempted to impose authority on criminals through th e use of language, criminals retorted with amusement. 167 Linebaugh, Peter. The Tyburn Riot Against the Surgeons. Albions Fatal Tree Pg. 66. 168 Ibid. Pg. 65. Quoting Martin Madan, Thoughts on Executive Justice with respect to our Criminal Laws, 2nd edn, 1785, p. 26. 169 All terms used by Langford, Peter, quoted from Anon, A New Canting Dictionary 1725, and Francis Grose, A Classical Dictionary of the Vulgar Tongue 1785.
Fisher 85 They did not let fate ruin thei r disposition, but united in their solidarity and attempted to make their situation humorous. Likewise, th e devastating effects of industry were not enough to annihilate a people or their spirit, and songs of joviality still rang from every tavern on the streets of urba n England. The upper classes, in their opposition to such merriment, pursued enjoyment in the galler ies and coffeehouses of London. In either case, the citizens of London bonded with one another in their common fears and interests, and found a venue for expression and comfort in their commonality. In the words of E.P. Thompson, there is no such thing as economic growth which is not, at the same time, growth or change of a culture.170 Society did change, but it grew as well. Urbanization, industrializati on, and the birth of the modern world were certainly startling and have many adverse e ffects, but the overall prosperity resulting from the growth of wealth cannot be denied today. As a result of these changes, Britain prospered in the long run, and for a time wa s the greatest superpower in the world. After a highly formative and disruptive period of in dustrialization, Britain still emerged as a primary world power. However, many nega tive repercussions resulted from this transformation, and while wealth increased and global markets grew, industrial capitalism also left a legacy of social tensions, class pr ejudice and inequality which remain issues to this day. 170 Thompson, E.P. Time, Work, Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism. Pg. 97.
Fisher 86 Bibliography Berg, Maxine. Luxury and Pleasure in Eighteenth-Century Britain. Oxford: University of Oxford Press. 2005. Black, Jeremy. The English Pre ss in the Eighteenth Century. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 1987. Brewer, John. The Pleasures of the Imagin ation: English Culture in the Eighteenth Century. NY: Farrar, Straus, Giroux. 1997. Burgess, Miranda. British Fiction and the Production of Social Order. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2000. Byrd, Max. London Transformed. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 1978. Byrne, Richard. Prisons and Punishments of London. Harrap: London. 1989. Ed. Cipolla, C. The Fontana Economic History of Europe. Volume 3, The Industrial Revolution, 1700-1914. London, 1973. Clark, Robert. "Jonathan Wild is hanged at Tyburn". The Literary Encyclopedia
Fisher 87 Defoe, Daniel. Moll Flanders. New York: Modern Library. 1967. Faller, Lincoln B. Turned to Account: The Forms and Functions of Criminal Biography in Late 17th and early 18th Century England. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. 1987. Farrell, William J. The Role of Mandevilles Bee Analogy in the Grumbling Hive. Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900. Vol. 25, No. 3, Restoration and Eighteenth Century. Pp. 511-527. 1985. Fielding, Henry. The Life of Mr. Jonathan Wild the Great. London: Dent, New York: Dutton. 1973. Foucault, Michel. Discipline a nd Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Random House Inc. 1995. Gay, John. Ed. Edgar V. Roberts. The Beggars Opera. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. 1969. Habermas. Jurgen. Structural Tran sformation of the Public Sphere. Cambridge, MA: The M.I.T. Press. 1989. Hay, Douglas. Crime and Justice in Eight eenthand NineteenthCentury England. Crime and Justice. Vol 2. Pgs. 45-84. 1980. Hilton, Boyd. A Mad, Bad and Da ngerous People?: England 1783-1846. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 2006. The Independent. "How the Royal Family shook off their German roots." Independent News and Media. 2004.
Fisher 88 Kronenberger, Louis. Kings and Desperate Me n: Life in eighteenth-century England. New York: Vintage Books. 1942. Langford, Paul. A Polite and Comm ercial People: England 1727-1783. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999. Lawrence, Henry W. The Greening of the Squares of London: Transformation of Urban Landscape and Ideals. Annals of the A ssociation of American Geographers. Vol. 83. Pp. 90-118. 1993. Lawrence, Susan C. Charitable Knowledge: Hospital Pupils and Practitionersin EighteenthCentury London. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1996. Malcolm, James Peller. Anecdotes of the Manners and Customs of London During the Eighteenth Century. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees and Orme: Paternoster Row. 1810. Mandeville, Bernard. Ed. Jack Lynch. The Fable of the Bees. 1705.
Fisher 89Hampton Wick, Hanworth, Laleham, Littleton. Pp. 132-137. 1911.