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Fortune, Infortune, Fort Une : Margaret of Austria as Duchess, Diplomat, and Patron at the Brou Funerary Complex by Marissa Herman A Thesis Submitted to the Division of Humanities of New College of Florida in partial fulfillment of the requ irements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Art History under the sponsorship of Malena Carrasco Sarasota, Florida May, 2013
ii For Simon my family, my friends, and Puck Many thanks to Malena Carrasco for her tireless support.
iii Abst ract This thesis seeks to position the sixteenth century church of St. Nicholas of Tolentino within the art collection of its patron, Margaret of Austria, Archduchess of Austria and Governess of the Netherlands. The commission at Brou was a cumulative effort representing Margaret's personal and political ideologies. The duchess's agenda was comprehensive, enveloping such issues as the campaign for Burgundian legitimacy and Marg aret's claim as the disinherited Duchess of Burgundy, the commemoration and validation of her own successes as a sovereign, her adoption of Mary Magdalen as a political symbol and personal model, and homage to the women who raised, taught, and influenced h er during her movements through the European courts. The discussion is contextualized within the framework s of the Burgundian artistic legacy and contemporary dynastic conflict, both of which were pervasive influences on Margaret's collection and at Brou. This thesis posits that Brou church is the single most thematically comprehensive aspect of Margaret's art collection, and that its iconographic so phistication is a testament to the duchess s abilities a s a n art patron and a sovereign. __________________________________ Malena Carrasco (Thesis Sponsor) Division of Humanities
iv Table of Contents Dedication .......................... ................................................................................ii Abstract .iii Introduction 1 I. Margaret of Austria and the Burgundian Context 8 II. Margaret's Art Collection and its Burgundian Legacy .17 III. The Funerary Complex of St. Tolentin at Brou 24 a. Stylistic Roots...24 b. The Problem of Styli stic Evolution...28 c. The M onument ..39 i. Faade and Tower37 ii. Nave.41 iii. Chape ls and Oratory41 iv. Jub..45 v. Chevet..46 vi. Tombs ..50 Conclusion .......................................................................................... ..............................62 Figure List ... .. 63 Bib l iography ... 106
1 Introduction In the early sixteenth century, Margaret of Austria (1480 1530) was laying the foundations of her legacy as one of the Renaissance's most prominent and successful female diplomats. The only daughter of the Emperor Maximilian I a nd Mary of Bu rgundy, Margaret was born into a volatile dynastic conflict that reduced her to a pawn in her father's political am bitio ns. By the time Margaret was two, her mother had died; beginning at the age of three, she was betrothed or married into the ruling hous es of France, Spain, and Savoy. E ach union was ill fated and Margaret was childless and twice widowed by the age of twenty four. She eventually became resistant to this pattern and refused any further marriages, embarking instead on a campaign to achiev e independent sovereignty. She was appointed Governess of the Netherlands in 1507 and, despite the cultural disadvantages of her sex, ruled successfully until her death in 1530, having achieved international renown as a diplomat. Over her lifetime, Marg aret amassed an extensive art collection which she used as a vehicle for political agency. The collection, one of the largest and most novel of its time, was deliberately composed to project impressions of power, dynastic legitimacy, and independence. Am ong the most important of her commissions was the church of St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou, a funerary complex dedicated to herself, her late husband Philibert, and his mother ( Fig. 1) I posit that Brou is the single most quintessential element of Marga ret's artistic collection encapsulating the political and social ideologies that she developed throu gh her turbulent early life. The iconographic and aesthetic program of Brou is a roadmap of Margaret's primary interests and in fluences. These issues inc lude : t he campaign for Burgundian legitimacy, in which Margaret declared
2 herself the disinherited D uchess of Burg undy; Margaret's adoption of Mary Magdalen as a political symbol and personal model; the commemoration and validation of Margaret's successes a s a sovereign, independent of marriage or children; and finally, Margaret's homage to the women who raised, taught, and influenced her during her movements through the European courts namely, Anne de Beaujeu, Margaret of York, Isabella of Castile, and Marg aret of Bourbon. This paper attempts to situate St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou a t the heart of a contextual web. T he church is the product of myriad experiences, motivations, and legacies, all of which are key to a comprehensive understanding of the mon ument. The paper is divided into three parts. Part I begins with Margaret of Austria's life, focusing on the Burgundian Wars and the ensuing dynastic conflict. Matrilineally, she was the Archduchess of Burgundy, but France's agnatic monarchy refused to a cknowledge her title. In the initial French invasions of 1477 the crown succeeded in seizing the Duchy of Burgundy, Margaret's would be seat. It was the reclamation of this lost duchy that drove Margaret's lifelong dynastic campaign. The discussion cont inues on to trace Margaret's marriages and her passage through the European courts. On her return from France, she forged a relationship with Margaret of York, her English godmother with whom she lived at Mechelen Palace in the Netherlands. Her Spanish m arriage placed her at the court of Queen Isabella of Castile, an ardent patron of the arts and architecture, for more than two years. Her last marriage to Philibert of Savoy acquainted Margaret with the legacy of her late mother in law, Margaret of Bourbo n, whose mantle she donned in the building of Brou.
3 Part II addresses Mar garet's personal art collection and the artistic legacy of the Burgundian Dukes preceding her. It also positions Burgundy within its international context, detailing its reputation as the standard for courtly magnificence and as a model for crafting impressions of power. From here Margaret's own collection is introduced, both as a byproduct and an evolution of the works of her ducal forebears. Her collection is treated in five grou ps: devotional portrait diptychs, en Madeleine portraits, the dynastic portrait collection, commemorative commissions, and Brou church. Part III is a discussion of Brou itself, beginning with its architectural roots and the larger Netherlandish Gothic trad ition. This framework sets up the problem of Brou's peculiar stylistic development, which began with an Italianate design and evolved into an emblem of Flemish aesthetic. The change is contextualized by Margaret's political motivations during the Italian Wars. I will introduce the monument itself, unpacking its visual program from west to east. Today, Margaret of Austria is recognized as one of the most prominent and successful females of the early sixteenth century, a figure who managed to achieve dipl omatic and social repute along with international renown, despite the disadvantages inherent to her sex. Women of Margaret's period have long been overlooked by historian s and art historians alike, but interest in the study of early modern women has gaine d significant momentum in the last thirty years. As it stands today, this topic hinges l argely on situating the concept of gender within the political and social systems of the Renaissance. Margaret of Austria was not uncomfortable in the traditionally masculine arenas of political negotiation and policy making; by the age of thirty she had successfully
4 restructured Burgundian mercantile relations with England, was funding her father's expansionist campaigns, had negotiated international treaties on beha lf of the Holy Roman Empire, and was governing the Netherlands. Despite her obvious capabilities, however, there were cer tain sociopolitical spheres from which Margaret was simply precluded because of her gender. She could not, for instance, fight in war s or join the noble orders. For male rulers, avenues like these were crucial vehicles for establishing impressions of power and asserting political control, and were often touted in propagandizing efforts to the same effect. By contrast, Margaret's campa ign for self promotion and in dependence was required to be waged in more culturally equalized spheres: namely, artistic and religious patronage. The fruits of these labors which culminated in one of Renaissance Europe's most impressive and comprehensive a rt collections are the subject of a considerable amount of scholarship. The aspect of Margaret's collection that has received the most attention is her domestic patronage, those works that were gathered and commissioned within or imported into the Netherl ands. This is partly understandable, given the monopoly that the Low Countries held on her patronage. Margaret lacked the expansionist ambitions of her father Maximilian I, and she was primarily devoted to her position within her birth lands And since so much of her collection was designed to fortify her claim to her lost duchy, centralizing these works w ithin the Burgundian Netherlands was essential for compiling the most complete picture of Margaret as the Burgundian heir. It was a compound endeavor, a deliberate assemblage made up of works from the Golden Age of Burgundy, propaganda of the Hapsburg empire, New World artifacts, and Margaret's own patronage.
5 Dagmar Eichberger, one of the most prolific experts on the duchess, has published many works tr eating Margaret's Netherlandish commissions and the court culture at Mechelen Palace, her ruling seat. In 1995, Eichberger and Lisa Beaven's "Family Members and Political Alllies" 1 provided a comprehensive discussion of the Mechelen portrait collection an d its dynastic implications. Andrea Pearson, in her 2002 discussion of Margaret's devotional portrait diptychs, 2 addresses the reappropriation of the genre, popularized by the Valois Dukes, for the duchess's private worship in her palace. The same year, Deanna MacDonald published "Collecting a New World," 3 in which she presents Margaret's large ethnographic collection at Mechelen as a testament to a global Hapsburg presence. Compared to her activity in the Low Countries, St. Nicolas at Brou has often been treated as tangential to Margaret's artistic ef forts in her home territories, though its significance is becoming increasingly acknowledged. The major contemporary scholarship on Brou has recogn ized it as thematically complex and has distanced itself fro m the more traditional readings of the monument as a simple conjugal memorial. Alexandra Carpino, in 1997, was among the first to explore Brou's ulterior motivations, proposing that the church was Margaret's attempt to commemorate her accomplishments and independence, and recognizing the political significance of the church's stylistic 1. Lisa Beaven and Dagmar Eichberger, "Family Members and Political Allies: The Portrait Co llection of Margaret of Austria, Art Bulletin 77 (1 995): 225 48. 2. Andrea G. Pearson, "Disrupting Gender at t he Court of Margaret of Austria," i n Envisioning Gender in Burgundian Devotional Art, 1350 1530: Ex perience, Authority, Resistance ( Burli ngton: Ashgate Publishers, 2005). 3. Deanna MacDonald, "Collecting a New World: The Ethnographic Collections of Margaret of Austria." The Sixteenth Century Journal 33 (2002): 649 63.
6 overha ul 4 Deanna MacDonald's m aster 's dissertation of the same year calls Brou a projection of Hapsburg influence in the geographically strategic region of Savoy. 5 Both o f these works were foundational in my approach to Brou, but I believe they give undue weight to Margaret's intentions as a promoter of imperial expansionism, and they lack attention to her international background and Burgundian campaign. Laura Gelfand's "Regional Styles and Political Ambitions" 6 of 2010 does more to recognize Brou's Flemish style as a signifier of the duchess's Burgundian roots, comparing it to the tombs at Champmol and emphasizing the Valois connot ations over imperial loyalty. Also in 2 010 S usan Haskins published "Mary Magdalen and the Burgundian Question," 7 which analyses the role of Mary Magdalen in Margaret's art collection, including at Brou. This piece was crucial to my understanding of the import and pervasiveness of the Burgundia n dynastic conflict in Margaret's life, and in recognizing the Magdalen as a major symbol of her campaign, but I think that the role of the Magdalen at Brou can be expanded beyond Haskins' proposition In 2012, Lorraine Atreed published "Gender, Patronage 4. Alexandra Carpino, Margaret of Austria's Funerary Complex at Brou: Conjugal Love, Political Ambition, Or Personal Glory?" in Women and Art in Early Modern Europe: Patron s, Collectors, and Connoisseurs ed. Cynthia Miller Lawrence ( Philadelphia: Penn State Press, 1997 ), 37 54. 5. De anna MacDonald, "Margaret of Austria and Brou: Hapsbu rg Political Patronage in Savoy" (MA diss. McGill University, 1997 ) 6. Laura Gelfand "Regional Styles and Political Ambitions: Margaret of Austri a's Monastic Foundation at Brou," i n Cultural Exchange Between the Low Countries and Italy (1400 1600), ed. Ingres Alexander Skipnes ( Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2010 ), 193 200 7. Susan Haskins, "Mary Magda len and the Burgundian Question," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 73 (2010): 99 136.
7 and Diplomacy in the Early Career of Margaret of Austria," 8 which widens the lens on the motives behind Brou's appearance and design. It acknowledges the influence of Anne de Bea u jeu, Margaret of York, and Isabel of Castile on Margaret's political and a esthetic decisions. Atreed's argument compelled me to explore the full breadth of Margaret's female relationships. This thesis is an attempt to synthesize and expand upon these numerous thematic foundations. I propose that all of Margaret of Austria's ma jor ideological concerns be they political or personal, are addressed at Brou, both in its iconographic program and in the history of its conception. 8. Lorraine Atreed, "Gender, Patronage and Diplomacy in the Earl y Career of Margaret of Austria, Mediterranean Studies 20 (2012): 3 27.
8 I. Margaret of Austria and the Burgundian Context Margaret of Austria was born in 1480, the only daug hter of Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I and D uchess Mary of Burgundy. She was born into a dynast ic conflict that hinged on her in ability to inherit because of her sex; the once illustrious Burgundian territories had been splintered by French invasion and its duchy was being wrestled between the E mpire and the French crown. Serving first as a pawn and later as a prominent diplomat, Margaret knew first hand the vicissitudes of dynastic politics among her myriad titles were the Archduchess of Austria, Duche ss of Burgundy, Dowager Duchess of Savoy, and Governor of the Netherlands. Over her lifetime, she amassed an extensive art collection which she used as a tool in proving the legitimacy of her own sovereignty, as well as that of both her ducal forebears an d imperial successors. This agenda is exemplified in the duchess' s funerary monument, St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou, whose iconographic program combines a fierce Burgundian loyalty with a sensitivity to Margaret's international experiences, especially r egarding her relationships with other powerful females. The end of the Burgundian "Golden Age" came with the death of Charles the Bold in 1477. The Duke s of Burgundy ( Fig. 2) had been the head of what contemporaries considered to be Europe's preeminent pr incedom; the merchant chronicler Philippe de Vigneulles described Charles as "the most renowned and the most feared prince that there ever was since the time of the great king Charlemagne." 9 Upon the duke's death, the Burgundian lands were thrown into a t erritorial power struggle that would persist through the next three generations. By the early sixteenth century, the 9. Quoted in Marina Belozerskaya, Rethinking the Renaissance : Burgundian Arts Across Europe ( Cambridge: Cambridge Unive rsity Press, 2002 ), 56.
9 dynastic conflict boiled down to the birthright of the ducal heiress, Margaret of Austria. In 1506 the unexpected death of her brother, P hilip the Fair s uddenly left Margaret as the o nly surviving child of Holy Roman Em peror Maximilian I t he contested inheritor of the Burgundian Hapsburg claims. Until this point, Margaret had spent most of her life as a bargaining chip in her father's po litical ambitions; by the age of twenty four she had experienced three engagements and two marriages, and had been passed between the courts of France, Spain, Savoy, and the Netherlands. While she was in many ways a victim of the whims of European politic s, the turbulence of Margaret's life had several important virtues. In travelling from one court to the next, the duchess was exposed first hand to the vol atility of dynastic politics and was integrated into the circles of those in power. From inside the se social circles Margaret forged relationships with some of Renaissance Europe's most formidable female sovereigns. These bonds would shape the ways in which Margaret would manage her position as a woman embroiled in the fundamentally male arena of inter national politics, and they were especially influential in the formation of one of Margaret's most valuable method s of diplomacy: her art collection. Over her lifetime, the duchess built a n expansive visual legacy which she used as a tool in maintaining h er authority as an independent sovereign. The preeminent example of Margaret's declaration of agency through patronage can be found in her funerary complex, the church of St. Nicolas at Brou. Located in the foothills of the Alps in Savoy, Margaret of Aus tria's final resting place represents the culmination of her political and personal aspirations. It is both an assertion of Margaret's dynast ic right and a testament to all she had learned from the women who had influenced her throughout her life.
10 The co nflict surrounding Burgundian legitimacy was the driving force behind Margaret's diplomatic career, so an understanding of the political state into which she was born is paramount. Beginning in the fourteenth century and continuing until the mid fifteenth century the duchy of Burgundy rose from a modest French fiefdom into arguably the most illustrious princely court in Europe. The Burgundian dukes were an offshoot of the royal Valois house of France, though they campaigned persistently for political aut onomy. 10 The Valois duke, Philip the Bold, is largely credited with elevating the duchy into significance. His marriage to Margaret of Flanders in 1369 inaugurated the Burgundian territorial expansion; through this union Burgundy claimed much of the Nethe rland s, Belgium, and northern France. During this time, the core of the Burgundian dynasty was its capital in Dijon, where the duchy proper was located. 11 With the acquisition of the lands of the Low Countries came great commercial wealth. The affluence of these new territories enabled Burgundy to attain material and courtly magnificence which in turn served to fortify impressions of power a critical aspect in establishing the fledgling dynasty The subsequent dukes cultivated the princely culture of Bu rgundy with great enthusiasm, and by the reign of Charles the Bold in the mid fifteenth century the duchy had achieved international renown. Its reputation for courtly 10. Belozerskaya, Rethinking 59. The Burgundian dukes sought the royal title on several occasions; they made claims that the ducal line contained blood from Pepin and Charlemagne, as well the royal houses of France, England, Casti le, Portugal, Navarre, and Cyprus. Charles the Bold once stated that his blood was superior "in amount and quality" to that of the King of France. 11. It is crucial to distinguish the Duchy of Burgundy with the County of Burgundy. The duchy itself was lo cated in the eastern part of the Kingdom of France, surrounding Dijon. The county also known as Franche Comt was located directly to the east of the duchy, bordering the Swiss Confederation. The dynastic conflict of the Burgundian dukes pertains to the ownership of the duchy proper, not its neighboring county.
11 magnificence and aggre ssive expansionist policies was bolstered by a thriving artistic presence, and the once minor fiefdom succeeded in crafting a dynasty that rivaled that of the French crown and the Holy Roman Empire. 12 The tensions associated with the growth of Burgundian power came to a head in 1474, and the ensuing Burgundian Wars put great pressure on Charles the Bold from both crown and empire. The war came to a decisive end at the Battle of Nancy (1477) where the forces of the French monarchy killed Charles in a bloody siege in Lorraine. 13 Charles left behind him a single survivin g child: a daughter, Mary of Burgundy, who after the death of her father shouldered the entirety of the vast Burgundian territories. Louis XI of France, in a rejection of the Burgundian cognatic succession that allowed female inheritance claimed the dist ant Valois ancestry in the absence of a male heir and was determined to absorb the Burgundian lands He attempted to forcibly marry the last Burgundian princess to his son, the dauphin who would become Charles VIII. In an appeal for defense against conti nuing Fre nch attack, Mary turned to the E mpire and instead married Maximilian I, under the agreement that all of the Burgundian territories pass to the Hapsburg empire through primogeniture. 14 Maximilian successfully defended Burgundy initially, but the Fr ench threat failed to wane with time. 12. For a detailed discussion of the evolution of Burgundy from its beginnings as a French controlled fiefdom, to a powerful centralized territory, to the dynastic erosion of the Burgundian Wars s ee Bertrand Schnerb, "Burgundy," in The New Cambridge Medieval History vol. 7 c. 1415 150 0 ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998 ), 431 56. 13. Schnerb, "Burgundy," 455. 14. Haskins, "Burgundian Question," 99 100.
12 Mary and Maximilian governed the new Hapsburg Burgundian lands until Mary's untimely death in 1482. 15 She was survived by two children, Philip the Fair and Margaret of Austria. Margaret's early life was dominated by t he ongoing struggle for the rights of Burgundy, and in 1483, at just three years old, she was betrothed to the newly crowned Charles VIII of France The arrangement, known as the Peace of Arras, conceded many of Margaret's familial territories including t he duchy of Burgundy proper in Dijon to the French in exchange for Hapsburg control over the Low Countries. 16 Margaret was sent to court to be raised as a princesse but not long afterwards the tenuous peace dissolved. Maximilian I (who succeeded the imp erial seat in 1486) was set to marry Anne, the Duchess of Brittany, in 1490; but Charles VIII sensed an Austrian encroachment on his domestic front and in a somewhat wild reversal, he abandoned his contract with Margaret, invaded Rennes, and married Anne h imself. Outraged, Maximilian demanded the return of his daughter and her dowry which at this point consisted of the counties of Flanders, Artois, Picardy, and the Duchy of Burgundy itself. I t wasn't until 1493, after some ten years as a hostage at Frenc h court, that the Treaty of Senlis brought Margaret back to her fath er's seat in the Netherlands. The terms of the treaty restored m any of the Burgundian territories to the Hapsburgs, but Charles VIII refused to surrender the duchy which represented the historic cornerstone of the dynasty (Fig. 3) It was this affront, which carried with it the insult of denying Burgundian legitimacy, that would drive Burgundian Hapsburg dynastic politics, and 15. Ibid., 100. Mary died in a horseback riding accident. 16. C. A. J. Armstrong, "The Burgundian Netherlands," in The New Cambridge Modern History vol. 1 c. 1493 15 20 ed. G.R. Potter ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957), 231.
13 Margaret's own campaign, for the next fifty years. 17 Being we lcome d back into Cambrai (then under imperial jurisdiction) in 1493, Margaret was met with the traditional calls of "Nol! Nol! and responded: "Rather cry Long live Burgundy!'" 18 Despite the failure of the French marriage, Margaret's stint as a fille de France was not worthless She was finely educated and familiarized with the workings of a royal household, and more importantly, she was raised by an exemplar of female regen cy. Anne of France, sister of K ing Charles VIII, acted as the primary authority at the French court until 1491, when Charles came of age. Throughout Margaret's childhood, she witnessed Anne maneuver through the disadvantages of her sex and play a critical role in the management of one of Europe's most powerful states. 19 The rest of Margaret's youth would be characterized by strategic itineration according to the aspirations of her father's empire. These travels would situate Margaret firmly within the constellation of Europe's most influential women. One of her most formative relat ionships was forged during the few years of rare stability that greeted Margaret upon her return to the H apsb urg seat in Belgium While there, the motherless duchess was taken under the wing of Margaret of York (1446 1503) the English third wife of Charl es the Bold and young Margaret's godmother. They became extremely close, and on Margaret of York's deat h in 1503 her entire art collection and library passed to young Margaret. During her life, Margaret of York was her goddaughter's most intimate connect ion to the English court, and she was also politically involved in 17. Ibid., 242. 18. Schnerb, "Burgundy," 456. 1 9. Atreed, "Gender, Patronage, and Diplomacy," 6.
14 Burgundian English affairs Also a childless widow, she became a model for the younger Margaret, helping to validate her later choice to reject remarriage and pursue a political career. 20 Her influence played a crucial role at Brou, both aesthetically and as a major factor in the church's conception. In 1497, Margaret and her brother Philip were given in joint matrimony to John and Joanna of Spain. The marriage s established a lasting alleg iance between the Hapsburgs and the Sp anish kingdom of Aragon Castile Philip and Joanna's marriage would prod uce a son who would become the E mperor Charles V. For Margaret, however, the match prove d once more to be ill fated. John died within six months, and shortly after Margaret gave birth to a stillborn daughter. Despite the union's brevity, it would plant Margaret at the Castilian court for more than two years. 21 During this time (1497 1500), Margaret lived as a part of Queen Isabella of Castile's in ner circle. Isabella was known for her interest in the arts, and Margaret was witness to the queen's acute interest in architectural patronage. There are notable stylisti c relationships between the Spanish aesthetic and Brou that can be traced back to Ma rgaret's time at Isabella 's court. Less than a year after her return from Spain, Margaret was married to Philibert II, Duke of Savoy. This third marriage was by all accounts a happy one, albeit childless, and on Philibert's death in 1504 Margaret was move d to honor his memory by building Brou, the funerary complex that would, some two decades after its inception, become the crowning artistic achievement of the duchess' s own career. 20. Ibid., 7. 21. Ibid., 9.
15 In 1506, Margaret's brother, Philip the Fair, died suddenly of typhoid fev er. The duchess was swept back to Mechelen Palace immediately, both to attend her brother's funeral and to reevaluate her political position. She was twenty four, twice widowed, and the eldest surviving heir to Charles the Bold's fractured territorial cl aims; Philip's son Charles was still too young to rule. In 1507, Maximilian I a ppointed Margaret Governor General of the Netherlands a position she would keep for the rest of her life and declared her Charles' s regent 22 The importation back into her ho me court did not deter Margaret from her mission to build Brou; she continued construction and worked closely with her architectural team until her death in 1530. Interestingly, the idea of Brou itself preceded Margaret by a generation; the church was con ceived originally as a vow made by the Savoyard duchess Margaret of Bourbon (d. 1483) to the duke Philip II (d. 1497) and had lain fallow after their deaths. By taking up the promise herself and donning the mantle of the mother in law she had never met, M argare t illustrated her ability to adopt the values and legacies of the women in her orbit as tools of her own agency. For Margaret of Austria, her Burgundian identity held deep personal and political significance. The Burgundian territories spanned the crescent of states roughly Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg that separated the Kingdom of France from the Holy Roman Empire, and they made up some of Europe's most materially rich and geographically strategic lands. The Duchy of Burgundy, located in France, was both the literal and symbolic core of these territories, being the locus from which the Burgundian dukes began to build their princedom. As such, France's refusal to return the duchy to 22. MacDonald, "Margaret of Austria and Brou," 27.
16 the Burgundian Hapsbu rgs represented a denial of Burg undian legitimacy as a whole. This insult held dual significance: for Maximilian I, it jeopardized his claim to some of his most valuable lands inherited by marriage; for Margaret, it demeaned the heritage of her maternal birthright. As the only blood de scendant of the Valois dukes of Burgundy who was old enough to rule Margaret held arguably the best position from which to fight for the reclamation and retention of the Burgundian territories. St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Bro u is one of the best examples o f the avenues available to female art patrons seeking to craft impressions of political authority. As the only daughter of the Holy Roman Emperor, the disinherited heir to the once powerful Burgundian dynasty, and a proficient international diplomat, Marg aret of Austria's role was unique in her time. She was positioned at the crossroads of means, motive, and ability that few other women could claim. Margaret was intimately involved with the building of her funerary complex over a span of more than twenty years. Of her extensive art collection, Brou is the most quintessential addition. It not only testifies to Margaret's skill as a visual strategizer, but pays homage to the cumulative influences of her most prominent female contemporaries.
17 II. Margar et's Art Collection and its Burgundian Legacy The early Valois duke, Philip the Bold (d. 1404) inaugurated the Burgundian court's interest in the arts. His commissions were designed to craft and fortify an impression of dynastic legitimacy. The acquisit ion of his new wife's territories in the Low Countries and their accompanying commercial wealth both required the Burgundian court to be peripatetic so as to assert Philip's new ducal presence, and enabled it to evolve towards visual magnificence, which s erved to fortify im ages of power. The crowning achievement of this first phase of the Burgundian dynasty was the ducal monastery at Champmol, near Dijon, consecrated in 1388 ( Fig. 4 ) The building exemplified the extravagant Late Gothic architecture that would later inspire Margaret's building style at Brou 23 and stylistic references to the tombs of the Old Dukes ( Figs. 5 6 ) would become a keystone of her iconographic agenda. After Philip the Bold, John the Fearless' tumultuous reign saw an ebb in artisti c activity, owing mostly to a conflict with the French dauphin that culminated in John's assassination in 1419. By the time that his successor, Philip the Good, had restabilized his rule in 1436, the visual culture of Burgundy was once again cultivated wi th great enthusiasm. Philip's artistic agenda focused on extravagant courtly display, the fortification of political right through manuscript commissions, and an increasing insularity of the Flemish painting style. 24 After Philip's death, his son Charles the Bold inherited what were by now Europe's most illustrious territories, and his reign saw the 23. Patrick M. De Winter, "Art from the Duchy of Burgundy, The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art 74 (1987 ): 408. 24. T homas Kren and Scot McKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2003), 122.
18 fortification of the ducal library and a rising interest in manuscript collection among the aristocracy. 25 Margaret's patronage decisions heavily recall the tr aditions established by her male forebears, particularly i n their expressions of dynastic legitimacy The influence of Burgundy throughout Europe grew to its height during the reigns of Philip the Good and Charles the Bold. The expression of magnificence as a princely virtue was tirelessly promoted by the dukes. Burgundy begrudged its status as a French fiefdom and sought to compensate for its titular dependence through displays of power and wealth that outshined the established royal houses. 26 The courtl y culture of Burgundy and all of its material trappings became the European standard, and the reput ation of Flemish arts grew to prominence through the end of the fifteenth century. 27 The courts of England and Spain adopted the Burgundian mode most ear nes tly. In England, Edward IV was bequeathed a Flemish manuscript collection that began the English Royal Library. 28 Henry VII built his Richmond palace, organized his court structure, and populated his artistic workshops on the Burgundian model. 29 In Spain, Isabella of Castile and Ferdinand of Aragon were particularly interested in the emulation 25. Ibid., 313. 26. Belozerskaya, Rethinking, 59. 27. For a comprehensive discussion of th e Burgundian dynasty, see Belozerskaya's Rethinking the Renaissance Belozerskaya restructures the traditional approach to Renaissance material history, positioning Burgundy as a major international presence rivaling the cultural and artistic influence of the Italian states. 28 Gordon Kipling, The Triumph of Honor: Burgundian Origins of the Elizabethan Renaissance ( Hague, Netherlands: Leiden University Press, 1977 ), 41. 29. Belozerskaya, Rethinking, 147.
19 of Burgundian mortuary complexes. 30 Several of the monarchs' most prominent funerary projects were headed by northern masters, and the architect Hannequin of Brussel s is credited with introducing and popularizing Flamboyant tracery in Spain. 31 Isabella also heavily favored Flemish artists among her royal entourage. Outside of European royal circles, Burgundian art was also popular within the Italian aristocracy. The Medici showed particular interest: Netherlandish painting featured prominently at all of the family's residences, and they were actively involved in the Flemish tapestry trade. 32 It seems that often the most avid patrons and emulators of Burgundian style w ere families in pursuit of the legitimization of power, be they monarchs embroiled in tenuous royal succession or non royal houses seeking political validation. I believe that the Burgundian house, as a young fiefdom grown to exceed the success of its roy al counterparts, provided an attractive model for those with means seeking to craft visual impressions of authority. Ironically, it was this same model that would drive Margaret's patronage two generations later, when the Burgundian dynasty itself had bec ome just another politically jeopardized state. Her patronage and collecting consistently referenced the products of the Golden Age, in an attempt to reclaim the glory her territories had lost in the Burgundian Wars. These retrospectives of princely magn ificence, dynastic assertion, and international influence were the foundations upon which Margaret of Austria drew during her lifetime. 30. Ibid., 162. 31. Ibid. 32. Ibid., 194 and 201.
20 Margaret's art collection can be thematically divided into roughly five groups: her devotional portrait diptychs, her en Madeleine portraits, her dynastic portrait collection, her commemorative commissions, and the Brou funerary complex. Each of these groups reflect s Margaret's historical context to a varying degree Some groups, like the devotional portraiture, are mo stly self referential. The genre of devotional diptychs had been a predominant mode of the Valois dukes, but it had fallen out of fashion by Margaret's lifetime. Her insistence on reusing this outdated model speaks to her reliance on her male forebears t o position her own claims to the Burgundian dynasty. 33 Margaret's en Madeleine portraits depictions of herself in the guise of the Mary Magdalen ( Fig. 7 ) are similar in their reliance on Burgundian apocryphal myth. An adaptation of the Magdalen hagiograp hy from Jacopo da Vora g i ne's The Golden Legend appears in the preeminent fifteenth century Burgundian historical text, the Chronique abrges des anciens rois et ducs des Bourgognes 34 The legend posited that the Magdalen's conversion efforts in southern F rance established the spiritual dynasty of the Burgundian dukes. Though the legend was probably conceived within Burgundy the historical treatise was commissioned by the German emperor Maximilian I, illustrating the eagerness of the empire to synthesize the history of Burgundy within the larger Hapsburg tradition The en Madeleine portraits also play a key role in the propagandizing of Margaret's claim to the duchy throughout the European courts. Not only did Margaret commission at least thirteen versio ns of herself in the guise of the Magdalen to distribute internationally, but she encouraged Isabella and Beatrice of 33. Pearson, Envisioning Gender, 19. 34. Haskins, "Burgundian Question," 107.
21 Portugal constituents of the Hapsburg line by marriage to commission en Madeleines as well. 35 Beyond her dynastic implications, the Magdal en appealed to Margaret as a personal model, as well. The continuation of Margaret's bloodline and her worth within the Hapsburg Burgundian empire, was jeopardized by her inability to pr od uce heirs in her marriages. She was challenged to prove her worth as a sovereign by virtues other than childbearing. As such, the duchess was forced to rely on active methods like art collecting and diplomatic negotiation to establish herself. Similarly, t he Magdalen was a female who had achieved promin ence despite h er childless ness by way of active campaign in this case, evangelization. Thro ugh these works the Magdalen forged the Burgundian dynasty in a symbolic sense, and it was symbolically that Margaret sought to perpetuate it. In contrast to the literal creatio n of heirs, Margaret fortified the Burgundian Hapsburg claim via her political and artistic legacy. Other themes within Margaret's collection dealt with her international interests: the portrait group housed at the Mechelen palace is arguably the most aud acious expression of dynastic power amassed by the duchess. Displayed in "la premi re chambre," the palace's reception hall, some thirty single portraits depict famous members of European ruling families, most of whom were personally connected t o Margaret herself. She gathered a nearly uninterrupted genealogy of Burgundian portraiture reaching back to John the Fearless up through her own generation, and she supplemented that central lineage with images of Hapsburg, Castilian Aragonese, and English aristoc rats ( Figs. 8 9 ) 36 35. Ibid., 130. 36. Eichberger and Beaven, "Family Members," 230.
22 The "commemorative commissions" also deal inextricably with issues beyond the Burgundian sphere. Margaret accrued a sizable ethnographic collection from the New World, symbolic of the Hapsburg Burgundian presence overseas and Charles V 's imperial conquests. These objects gain another layer of significance in recognizi ng that Margaret had married into the Kingdom of Aragon Castile who claimed the lands discovered by Columbus effectively uniting the Spanish and i mperial interests 37 By a cknowledging and displaying these "New World Treasures," Margaret was both lauding her nephew's global success and expressing supp ort for the Spanish campaigns as an extension of Hapsburg global conquest. At the Palais de Justice in Bruges, the archduchess commissioned a monumental oak fireplace commemorating the success of the Treaty of Cambrai in 1529, negotiated almost entirely by herself and the French regent Louise of Savoy (with whom she had been raised during her childhood at French court) ( Fig. 10 ) The mantle features carvings of several prominent individuals within the orbit of Charles V, and the duchess herself appears in a portrait roundel opposite Charles of Lannoy, the general who captured Fr ancis I at the Battle of Pavia during the Italian Wa rs ( Fig. 11 ) By doing this, she presents herself as the diplomatic foil to the military figure, underscoring her success as a political strategizer and international diplomat. 38 While each of these aspe cts of Margaret's collection is key to understanding her mastery of visual semantics, together they make a sprawling composite picture. By contrast, the funerary complex at Brou is the greatest single manifestation of Margaret's 37. MacDonald, "Collecting a New World," 654. 38. Kathleen Wilson Chevalier, "Art Patronage and Women in the Orbit of Francis I, Renaissance Quarterly 16 (2002): 495.
23 position within her polit ical and cultural environment. Brou is the visual syn thesis of Margaret's diplomatic experiences, her personal ambitions, and her relationships with most of the major courts of Europe: the Burgundian Netherlands France, England, Spain, and Savoy.
24 III. The Funerary Complex of St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Br ou a. Stylistic Roots St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou is one of few monuments from this period that survived the French Revol u tion mostly intact, and today it remains remarkably similar to how it appeared in the sixteenth century ( Fig. 1 ) It is emblemat ic of the Nethe rlandish (or Flemish) Gothic, considered by some to be the "ultimate manifestation" of the style. 39 The years 1350 to 1500 are generally considered the period of Gothic decline, and the Flemish style is now widely recognized as one of the fi nal iterations of the mode which had dominated sacred architecture for centuries By Margaret's time, Gothic architecture had fractured into several related sub styles, the most widespread of which was known as "Flamboyant" and had been perfected by Frenc h architects. The movement was named in reference to the flame like tracer y that had become typical of the style. Flamboyant architecture was characterized by an emphasis on ornament and elaborate decoration, and is also recognizable by its use of the og ee arch and the vertical extension of gables. The restored upper faade of S ainte Chapelle in Paris ( Fig. 12 ) and Rouen Cathedral ( Fig. 13 ) exemplify this style. The Flamboyant served as the prototype for what would become the Netherlandish Gothic. The Netherlandish Gothic style was essentially a highly refined version of Late Gothic. Characterized mainly by its ornamental qualities it was striking for its extremely textural aesthetic, which was achieved by a dissolution of traditionally flat surfaces into 39. Kavaler, "Renaissance Gothic in the Netherlands: Uses of Ornament," The Art Bulletin 82 (2000), 237.
25 intricate tracery The style is very conscious of repetition, using the multiplication of specific motifs to emphasize the significance of certain structural elements. 40 Two motifs in particul ar are associated with the Netherlandish Gothic : the Brab antine bell, and the ogival trefoil. 41 These designs repeat throughout most of the major monuments of the period, including Margaret's funerary complex. The keystone of the northern Gothic mode was a reliance on geometric patterns ; the significance of ge ometry in a sacred context reached back to the Middle Ages, a period that fostered the notion of mathematically derived designs as a metaphor for divine creation. 42 The increased dependence on decoration amo ng Late Gothic buildings was long considered a sy mptom of degeneration, a redundancy that signaled the convolution of a tired architectural mode. Recently, the notion has been reversed; by providing a decorative program that was blatantly non functional, attention shifted to the geometric fo rms themselv es. Far from a simple archaic trope these complex systems of ornament provided a novel platform for contem plation and meditation. This purpose takes diagrammatic form within notions of hierarchical arrangement, which favored ascendant vertical patterns of evolving ornamentation. This spatial division was based on the dichotomy between the earthly and cel estial realms, in which divinely wrought geometries presided over earthly symbols. For instance, it became increasingly common 40. Ibid., 226. 41. Ethan Matt Kavaler, "Margaret of Austria, Orname nt, and the Court St yle of Brou," i n Artists at Court: Image Making and Identity, 1300 1550, ed. Stephen J. Campbell ( Cambridge: M useum Publishing Partners, 2004) 125. 42. Ethan Matt Kavaler, "Renaissance Gothic: Pictures of Geometry and Narratives of Ornament," Art History 29 (2006), 5.
26 to feature geometric fiel ds above spaces inhabited by viewers, such as tympana, triforia, gables, and windows. 43 This technique was also adopted in sculptural relief ; t abernacles provided an ideal venue for this kin d of arrangement At their bases they hosted human figures, and w ere surrounded by striations of ornamental housing with increased refinement between layers, finally concluding in a single pinnacle at the zenith. One of the most illustrative examples of this programmatic asce n t is the Ulm tabernacle ( Fig. 14 ). This pr ogression of forms also comple mented the early modern i dea of a salvation narrative, rising through earthly chaos and multiplicity into the unified, celestial plane of the heavenly Jerusalem. 44 A similar approach was utilized within Late Gothic altarpieces and is well represented in the retable of the Seven Joys of the Virgin at Brou ( Fig. 15 ). The altarpiece features six compartments two built into its base, and four smaller sections built into the main face and bisected by the central scene spanning the vertical axis. The retable is essentially made up of three elevations, and the compartments within each feature their own distinct tracery patterns ( Fig. 16 ) The bottom scenes are crowned by blind tracery trefoils that host drop tracery beneath it. On the second story, the trefoil tracery transforms into openwork, with the Brabantine bell silhouetted in the drop tracery. The profile of the top level is something of a combination design, featuring an open corbel bell arch. 45 This geometric scheme also i nteract s with the retable's figural sculpture s The Biblical cas t were instruments of God and had significance only 43. Ibid., 16. 44. Ibid., 22. 45. Ibid., 26.
27 insomuch as they acted according to divine will, the presence of which was not conveyable through earthly or mundane signifiers. Instead, the pursuit of a celestial n arrative was represented by gradually ascending geometric resolution as a metaphor for achieving divine understanding. 46 Netherlandish Gothic ornament took on secular significance during this period as well. A specific decorativ e motif might become a personal icon or identifier, similar to a signature. This purpose in part evolved under the Burgundian Hapsburgs, whose rapidly expanding and shifting empire complicated the use of heraldic imagery. As dynastic and familial allianc es became more complex, coats of arms became less convenient. This is not to say heraldry became obsolete; it remained a crucial part of the language of identity and power, but it is true that in this period we begin to see heraldry accompanied, and somet imes replaced, by personal mottos or emblems. Within Brou, this technique is visible on the tomb of Margaret of Bourbon ( Fig. 17 ). Her recessed tomb features an angel carrying a shield, which would have typically born e coat of arms. Instead, the shield displays a colloquial symbol, the "P M" monogram entwined in a love knot that belonged to Margaret of Austria and Philibert, her husband. One of the most quintessential examples of the Netherlandish Gothic was the Ghent Town Hall, designed in 1518 by Domie n de Waghermakere an d Rombout II Keldermans ( Fig. 18 ). 47 The style was d eveloped within the duchy of Brabant and was disseminated throughout the Low Countries by a small community of eminent designers, 46. Ibid., 30. 47. Kavaler, "Ornament," 234.
28 namely Domien de Waghermakere, the Keldermans family and Louis van Boghem. 48 Van Boghem would eventually become the creative hand behind Brou b The Problem of Stylistic Evolution The funerary complex at Brou which consists of a main church and an attached Augustinian convent was first conceived by Marga ret at the deathbed of her husband, Philibert II of Savoy, in 1504. Because Philibert died on the saint's feast day, the church is dedicated to Nic h olas of Tolentin o In 1505, the Treaty of Strasbourg settled a conflict of Savoyard ducal succession and M argaret was conceded a significant level of control in Savoy. 49 Margaret used the dower guaranteed her in Philibert's will to fund the construction of the church, and the duchess herself laid the first stone during a miraculous ceremony in 1506. 50 Brou's o riginal plans were modest: a tripartite nave, no chapels, and tombs for Philibert II and his mother Margaret of Bourbon. 51 These plans changed in 1509, when Margaret declared in her will that the mausoleum would be her own burial site as well. While the c onvent was erected early on, a series of political complications forestalled the building of the actual church and the bulk of construction took place between 1512 and 1528. 48. Ibid., 231. 49. MacDonald, "Margaret of Austria and Brou," 8. 50. Ibid., 23. According to a legend repeated by Margaret's historian Lemaire (who later became the co designer of Brou), the groundbreaking took place during a fierce storm; when Margaret laid the inaugural stone, the skies miraculously cleared. 51. Ibid., 27.
29 The impetus be hind the building of Brou has been a matter of debate. Many have interpreted the monument as the product of a pious widow's love for her late husband. While it is true that the sixteenth century notion of widowhood was instrumental in the construction of Brou, Margaret's motivations were less than traditional. Carefu l examination reveals that the church is considerably more complicated than a perfunctory conjugal memorial, and its inception can be traced back to Margaret's political situation upon the death of Philibert. The matter at hand in 1504 was an impending fo urth marriage, this time to Henry VII of England. Margaret was uninterested in remarrying, but at twenty four she lacked the political influence to make a case for her own independence. Instead, she used the trope of "pious widowhood" and its manifestati on at Brou to forestall further marriage negotiations for some years, during which time she cultivated a political career that would speak to her merits as a diplomat, not just as a wife. It has been mentioned that Margaret of York, the third wife of Cha rles the Bold, was Margaret of Austria's most intimate connection to the English court ( Fig. 19 ) After the marriage of Maximilian I and Mary of Burgundy, the English dowager duchess established residency in Mechelen, Belgium. 52 From here she sustained a vested interest in Burgundy's place in international affairs, especially concerning the Wars of the Roses in England. As the sister to two Yorkist kings, Edward IV and Richard III, Margaret's loyalties resided firmly in the camp of the white roses. These loyalties manifest ed in her vocal support of Yorkist resistance groups and her extension of asylum to Yorkist exiles at her court between the years of 1485 and 1499 the same period in which Margaret of 52. Atreed, "Gender, Patronage, and Diplomacy," 7.
30 Austria was living at Mechelen after her return from French court in 1493. 53 As such, for the next seven years, the young Margaret witnessed her godmother sponsor controversial political tactics in the name of familial loyalty. It seems inevitable that through these years the younger woman would develop a s uspicion of the Tudor dynasty, 54 made all the more passionate by her own experiences in the face of usurpation. These events informed Margaret's perspective during her marriage negotiations with the Tudor king Henry VII. The emotional animosity that Marg aret harbored against the ruling house of England was not shared by her father, whose relationship with the Tudors vacillated depending on their political usefulness. 55 Margaret expressed reservations about the marriage to bo th her father and brother but she resisted taking a definitive stance. Since Philibert's death, Margaret had worked to establish a rulership position in Savoy. She devoted herself to securing control of Savoyard funds and allocating their use to domestic projects, including the build ing of Brou. 56 These somewhat minor governmental activities did not provide Margaret with enough power to outright reject her family's marriage proposal, so she fell back on Brou as a diversion. 53. Margaret of Yo rk's support was concentrated on the figure of Perkins Warbeck, who claimed to be her nephew, Richard of York. Margaret hosted Warbeck for several years at her court in the Netherlands, and even collaborated with Maximilian I to propose a marriage between Warbeck and Margaret of Austria, though it never materialized. 54. Atreed, "Gender, Patronage, and Diplomacy," 8. 55. In 1505, the Tudor Hapsburg political stage revolved around Maximilian I and Philip the Fair's attempts to convince Henry VII of the em pire's good faith, despite its history of Yorkist support. Among these demonstrations was the offering of Margaret's hand to Henry VII. 56. MacDonald, "Margaret of Austria and Brou," 8.
31 She projected herself as committed to honoring the memory of her late husband by constructing a funerary monument for him and his mother, Margaret of Bourbon. 57 She remained faithful to this stance for over a year while she secured a papal bull for the church and laid its foundation stones. Margaret's political s ituation was drastically changed when her brother, the heir apparent to the Hapsburg Burgundian empire, died suddenly in 1506. This resulted in a power vacuum that left Margaret the only remaining Burgundian heir old enough to rule; her nephew Charles was only six years old. She was brought back to the Netherlands to reevaluate her position, and in 1507 Maximilian appointed her the Governess of the Netherlands and Regent to C harles, the new imperial heir. She was at the head of Charles' entire Council of Regency, which put her in touch with powerful diplomats from throughout the European courts. 58 From her new post, Margaret launched a campaign to establish herself as a formidable diplomatic force in the Netherlands. She proved to be an excellent regent enjoying more popular support than her German father. 59 She maneuvered her new influence capably and delicately, waging a complete restructuring of English Hapsburg 57. Atreed, "Gender, Patronage, and Diplomacy," 9. 58. Jos Martn ez Milln "Charles V," i n vol. 2 of Princes and Princely Culture 1450 1650, edited by Martin Gosman et al. ( Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2003 ), 227. When Charles succeeded Philip the Fair, his court was flooded with diplomats looking to capitalize on the oppor tunity to influence the young heir. The Council of Regency was compiled by Maximilian in an effort to control which representatives from which European courts could influence his rule. 59. MacDonald, "Margaret of Austria and Brou," 13. Being born in the Netherlands made Margaret preferable as a "princesse naturelle," and Max's earlier stint running the territory had been met with great resistance thanks to his aggressive taxation; the unrest even resulted in his being held prisoner in Bruges for a brief period in 1488.
32 mercantile policies by using her potential marriage to keep Henry VII amenable to her dem ands. She simultaneously spearheaded a financial campaign to aid her father in his expensive war against Guelders, thereby increasing the emperor's dependence on her. Her growing independence was becoming evident to both the Empire and England, as demons trated in a letter from Henry VII in 1508 informing Margaret that, should they become married, he would be content to allow her to remain in the Netherlands to rule at her pleasure. This same year, Margaret achieved international repute by successfully ne gotiating the Treaty of Cambrai with France on behalf of M aximilian, Charles, and Ferdinand of Aragon. 60 At this point, Margaret had amassed an impressive political record and it became clear that her diplomatic achievements would continue to eclipse the prospect of remarriage. Finally, in February 1509, Margaret made a definitive announcement. Brou, which until this point had been designed to accommodate only the tombs of Philibert and his mother, would now serve as her own burial place as well. The d eclaration to memorialize herself alongside her Savoyard husband put an end to all pretenses that Margaret might agree to be remarried by making it clear that she was committing herself to the legacy of the house of Savoy, she was by extension denouncing h er integration into any other European dynasty. Henry VII died two months later, and Margaret pursued her redesigning of Brou unobstructed. Margaret was intimately invol ved in the designing of Brou. The church as it stan ds is a quintessential example of the Netherlandish G othic architectural style. However, this is vastly different from how it was originally envisioned, and its current appearance belies its disparate stylistic evolution. T he metamorphosis of Brou is a 60. Atreed, "Gender, Patronage, and Diplomacy," 15.
33 fundamental testament to the ways t hat Margaret curated and cultivated her visual legacy. When Margaret first began laying Brou's plans, she was working with an architectural team that hailed from France, headed by the preeminent artisans Jean Perral and Jean Lemaire. These men were acti vely patronized by the French court, and it is likely that their recommendation or acquisition came by way of Anne de Beaujeu, the former Regent of France, with whom Margaret had kept in correspondence since her childhood. 61 However, several years into the original contract, Margaret overhauled the project and replaced her entire French entourage with a Flemish one. This switch is perhaps the most telling of Margaret's aesthetic decisions, and it illustrates how the duchess' s political role as a Burgundian Hapsburg loyalist during the Italian Wars was inextricable from her role as a creative patron. At the t urn of the sixteenth century when Brou was undergoing its first phases of construction, the Gothic vogue was quickly being replaced by a preference for the new, classicizing styles of the Italian masters. The Italianate mode, in the classicized Renaissance style, departed from the complex and irregular profiles of medieval buildings and opted for symmetry and order based on the antique model. While the se novel ideas were adopted internationally, the French court was particularly interested in commis sioning monuments in this style one char acteristic example bein g the Palace at Fontainebleau (Fig. 20 ) and its own artists began emulating the Itali anate with vigor. At the time of its conception, Brou was intended to be built in th is aesthetic vein. Margaret's original architect, Jean Perral, said of the plan: 61. Ibid., 6.
34 "I made and reworked my designs in the manner of things antique that I had seen in Italy in order to fashion a bundled bouquet of all beautiful flowers, which I showed to Lemaire." 62 Margaret was no stranger to the Italianate style. Savoy's location on the Alpine border of France made it a standard stop on the voyages of diplomats coming bot h to and from Italy. Before she hired Perral, the duchess was in correspondence with the Italian architect Pietro Torrigiano 63 Her father Maximilian had also married Bianca Maria Sforza of Milan, strengthening Margaret's ties to art of the northern I talian courts. 64 T hese initial inclinations toward Italian influence make the eventual firing of her building team and their replacement w ith Flemish craftsme n all the more significant. The change was not simply a stylistic revision but was a drastic visu al antithesis to the Italianate Margaret's new team consisted of Louis van Boghem and Jean de Roome; van Boghem significantly altered the skeleton of Perral's building plans and de Roome designed completely new tombs. 65 Both men were from Brussels. Va n Roome was well known within the Low Countries and his body of work makes it clear that he was proficient in both Italianate and Flemish building modes; Margaret specifically desired the northern option. Even so, she makes clear her familiarity w ith the popular manner by aesthetically quoting Italianate influence in key elements of Brou's sculptural program. The most recognizably "classical" element s of the church are located on Philibert's tomb ( Fig. 21 ) 62. Quoted in Kavaler, "Margaret of Austria," 129. 63. Ibid. 64. Gelfand, "Regional Styles," 95. 65. Ibid., 152.
35 which exhibits several Italianate traits. The inclusion of these motifs project s Margaret's knowledge of cultural trends but also emphasizes her choice to largely eschew them in preference for the Netherlandish fashions. The seeds of Brou's transformation into an exhibition of the Flemish aesthetic a re rooted in the event s of the Italian Wars, which were arguably the preeminent political conflict of Margaret's career. At the time of Margaret's marriage to Philibert (1500), Maximilian I was arranging the Treaty of Trente, which would pacify French Imp erial relations until the War of the League of Cambrai. Congruently, around 1508, the first League of Cambrai had just united the Imperial and French crowns in a joint effort against Venice. As such, Brou's original French plan would not have caused any political friction when it was first conceived in 1504. Unsurprisingly, t his alliance was shortly dismantl ed By 1513 Maximilian I had turned against Louis XII, realigned himself with Henry VIII, and joined the Holy League. 66 These are the same years tha t witnessed Margaret's firing of Lemaire and Perrel and their replacement by van Boghem and de Roome. By 1515 both French monarchs, Anne of Brittany and Louis XII, had died and the European powers were struggling towards the Treaty of Brussels. At this point Margaret's new team was well underway on the Flemish plans. This gradual dissolution of French Imperial relations between 1500 and 1513 was in all likelihood the motivation behind Margaret's reactionary preference for the Netherlandish Gothic style. 67 66. For a detailed account of the invasions of Italy, se e Cecilia M. Ady, "The Invasions of Italy," in The New Cambridge Modern History vol. 1 c. 1493 15 20 ed. G.R. Potter ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957), 343 67. 67. Carpino, "Conjugal Love," 42.
36 The rejection of the French aesthetic was a combative gesture, an insistence on a Burgundian presence in the culturally French region of Savoy. The building styles of the Spanish court were also influential in developing the aesthetic that Brou would ul timately adopt. Margaret of Austria's time in Spain (during and after her marriage to John, Prince of Asturias) was spent as a member of Queen Isabella's inner circle, a position that made her privy to affairs of the queen, including her ardent architectu ral patronage. Artistic exchange between the Iberian peninsula and the Netherlandish states had strengthened since the mid fifteenth century. This emulation was sponsored in large part by Isabella of Castile, whose interest in the arts outweighed her husb and's. 68 The queen spearheaded a series of innovative commercial reforms that suspended tolls and granted tax exemptions to northern artists willing to immigrate to Spanish workshops. 69 The Spanish monarchs were particularly interested in northern building styles, which they pursued most fervently in their mortuary building projects. During Margaret's time in Castile, several of Isabella's important funerary projects were underway or nearing completion. The most influential of these for the Burgund ian duc hess was the monastery of San Juan de los Reyes in Toledo, in its final stages of cons truction during Margaret's years in Spain. It was built by Hannequin of 68. John Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Mona rchs (Hoboken: Wiley Publishers, 2001), 279. The kingdoms of Aragon and Castile were managed by their respective sovereigns. At Isabella's royal chapel in Castile, she is documented as having no fewer than 223 paintings and 370 tapestries, the majority o f which were by northern artists or executed in Flemish styles. Isabella's court painter from 1496 until her death was John of Flanders. 69. Belozerskaya, Rethinking, 178.
37 Brussels and Juan Guas of Brittany, and was intended to celebrate the Castilian Aragonese marriag e and memorialize the sovereigns after their deaths. 70 Margaret would see the structure, with its heavily Flemish inspired ornament and northern architects, as a thematic prototype for her own funerary complex, also a conjugal memorial. Beyond this, there are distinct formal relationships between San Juan de los Reyes and Brou, most apparent on Margaret's tomb, which quotes motifs from San Juan's transept crossing. Generally speaking, decorative trends within Spanish and Netherlandish building tended to o verlap, and several of these commonalities can be identified at B rou. For instance, the tomb of Juan II at the Miraflores monastery, raised by Isabella and completed in 1488, feature s an effigy that resemble s those of the Burgundian dukes at Champmol ( Fig 22 ) 71 I n turn, Margaret of Bourbon's tomb at Brou ( Fig. 17 ) shares certain qualities like its position in a recessed niche, framed by an arch with hanging tr acery with the tomb of Prince Alfonso at Miraflores ( Fig. 23 ). Ba l u strades on the faades of Bu rgos cathedral (where Margaret was married) ( Fig. 24 ) and Seville cathedral ( Fig. 25 ) feature geometrically repetitive tracery akin to those on Brou's west front, as well as atop its jub and along its second story gallery ( Fig. 26 ) The ogee arch windows on the second story balcony of Brou's faade resemble the arches that make up the cloister of San Juan de los Reyes ( Fig. 27 ) ; both are bisected and articulated by trefoil crowns with flo rid tracery at their points 70. Edwards, Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, 280. 71. Jean H. Marijol, The Spai n of Ferdinand and Isabella (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1961), 317.
38 Each of these examples can point to Mar garet's knowledge of the Spanish mode. Even so, it is important to resist simplifying the relationship between Spanish and Burgundian architecture to an exact importation of Flemish archetypes into Spanish buildings, or vice versa. There were ce rtain ele ments of domestic Iber ian styles such as the Muslim motifs of the mudjar that were never abandoned, even at the height of Burgundian emulation. 72 Instead, the exchange was more built around a mu tual interest in the elaborate decorative schemes characteri stic of the final p hases of Gothic construction. As discussed, t he popularity of this mode was quickly being replaced by the classicizing styles of the French and Italian courts. By embracing a highly ornate decorative program, Margaret was not only asse rting her native aesthetic but implying solidarity with the Spanish against French cultural influence. c. The Monument The mausoleum at Brou has often been understood as a bereaved widow's tribute to the memory of her beloved husband. The very nature of Brou makes this inherently true, and by all accounts Margaret and Philibert's marriage was a happy one, despite its brevity. 73 However, categorizing Brou as a conventional widow's memorial is a major over simplification. Upon examination the visual cons truction of the church reveals a complex iconographic schem e that accompli shes multiple symbolic ends. Pervasive references to Margaret and her heritage laud her as a successful international diplomat 72. Edwards, Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, 279. 73. Atreed, "Gender, Patronage, and Diplomacy," 4.
39 and legitimize her Burgundian roots while the sensiti ve inclusion of Savoyard imagery ensures the fulfillment of Brou's conjugal purpose. i. Faade and Tower The church itself features a central nave flanked by double aisles (fig. 28 ) The main body of the church is halved by a stocky transept crossing tha t displays an elaborate choir screen, or jub The eastern end of Brou is arranged around the central choir, with a chapel located at each of the four corners. The chevet exhibits a rich glazing program and serves as a visual backdrop for the three tombs located at the east end The west faade ( Fig. 29 ) has a triangular profile of three distinct levels The first level of the central section is occupied by a semicircular portal with a rounded trefoil molding. The second is a balustrade and balcony, ac cessible on the interior from the second story gallery, with a central pointed window flanked by two narrower, blind windows. The uppermost level is a gable that exhibits a profile reminiscent of the ogiv al trefoil; its hub is a rose window with three rad iating triangular windows. Flanking the center face are the two aisle fronts, which each consist of a narrow pointed arch window topped by a gable connected to the nave by a flying buttress. The entire front is characterized by its extensive ornamentatio n, in particular its elaborate tracery, proliferation of crockets (small decorat ive protrusions on molding, usually flora), and sculptural program. The tympanum's archivolts are a showcase of Margaret's person al iconography ( Fig. 28 ) Included are : Margu erites or daisies; the cross of St Andrew, patron saint of Burgundy; a P and M entwined in a Savoy love knot; and an object variably called a palm
40 (in reference to the virgin martyrs) or a plume (commemorating Margaret's achievements in the arts and diplo macy). 74 The proliferation of secu lar imagery on the sacred front hints at Brou's propagandistic nature. The t ympanum ( Fig. 30 ) features a sculptural scene of Margaret of Austria and Philibert II presented to Christ by their patron saints, St Margaret of Antioch and St Philibert of Tournus A statue of St Nic h olas of Tolentino figures on the trumeau, and Saints Peter and Paul appear on the jambs. Atop the trefoil that juts through the second story balustrade is a figure of St Andrew bearing his cross. St. Andrew was the patron saint of both the Burgundian dukes and their Order of the Gold en Fleece. As such, the prominent central position of Andrew on the main front makes a strong statement of Mar garet's Burgundian heritage. Andrew, along with the ty mpanum's symbolic ensemble, serves to inaugurate visitors to the church's true natu re : a monument commemorating its Burgundian patron and her legacy. The north transept portal is a simplified version of the front portal, and is dedicated to St Augustine, in reference to Brou's men dicant order. The south portal attaches to the cloister and is dedicated to St Monica, patron saint of widows. Sculptures of the saints are no longer extant. Just east of the south tran sept is the church's tower Though the fe ature no longer exists, the tower was once topped with a stone dome depicting the crown, globe, and cross of the Holy R oman Empire. Margaret herself requested the design, rejecting van Boghem's original plan for a plain wooden spire, ensuring that the mon ument would be immediately recognizable as an imperial edifice as well as a ducal one. 74. MacDonald, "Margaret of Austria and Brou," 36.
41 ii. Nave The church's interior is essentially halved by the choir screen in the transept crossing; this compartmentalization is a functional choice as well as an aesth etic one as it separates Brou's public from its private spaces. The public spaces accessible to visitors the nave, aisles, and jub itself are sequestered from the private spaces of the chapels, choir, and chevet, which were reserved for Margaret's court or Brou's Augustinian canons The nave ( Fig. 32 ) is composed of four aisles and topped by a balustrade and clerestory. The support piers that line the nave are made of a complicated composite of colonnettes; these are vertically continuous and form the fo ur cornered star vault of the ceiling. i i i. Chapels & Oratory Four main chapels extend from the corners of the choir known as the chapels of Margaret of Austria, Gorrevod, Montecuto, and Apollonia. Margaret's chapel ( Fig. 33 ) is dedicated to the Assum ption of the Virgin and is the most elaborate of its counterparts. The molding throughout the chapel is adorned with the "P M" entwined monogram. The north window is richly glazed with a scene o f the Coronation and Assumption of the Virgin This featu re window ( Fig. 34 ) is compositionally conventional, but the iconography betrays that its religious sentiment is interwoven with Margaret's personal agenda. At the bottom of the window, the figures of Margaret and Philibert kneel before
42 the Assumption. P hilibert is unmistakably a prince of Savoy, his outfit emblazoned with his familial red and white cross. Margaret, by contrast, denies her dependence on any one court; her cloak displays the heraldry of France, Spain and S a voy the houses she joined durin g her betrothals and marriages. 75 By attaching these arms to regalia she presents them as badges earned and effectively reverses the typical ideas of solemn mourning associated with widowed women. Instead, she wears them as testament to her international experience and as validation of diplomatic prowess. Being as they appear in her private chapel the cloak also provided Margaret with personal affirmation for the hurdles she had overcome during her life, and seems to visually echo her motto: Fortune, I nfortune, Fort Une The Changes of Fortune Make One Strong. The sculptural focus of the chapel is its ornately carved alabaster altar piece dedicated to the Seven Joys of the Virgin ( Fig. 15 ) It is designed like a miniature four story Gothic church, with the Assumption featured in the central compartment and the other six Joys occupying the surrounding chapel like niches. The altar is topped by three large alabaster statues. The Virgin occupies the middle, and is flanked by Margaret of Antioch at left an d Mary Magdalen at right. The appearance of the Magdalen among this triad is telling. The Virgin and St Margaret are natural inclusions, being the object of the chapel's dedication and the duchess's name saint, respectively. The Magdalen, however, is a somewhat idiosyncratic addition, being not particularly relevant to the chapel's theme. The implication is that the Magdalen held deep personal significance for Margaret, emphasized by the fact that the chapel was designed for her private worship. 75. MacDonald, "Marg aret of Austria and Brou," 55.
43 It ha s been mentioned that t he Magdalen had an extensive history of significance for the Burgundian dynasty. She had been a vital part of Burgundian historical chronicles since the Valois dukes of the fifteenth century, who themselves drew on earlier apocrypha l narratives. The apocrypha in question the legend of the Christianization of France w as most famo usly recorded in Jacopo de Vora g i ne's Golden Legend of 1260. The Legend recount s that, after the death of Christ, Mary Magdalen was exiled from Palestine by imperial persecution. She and her company were forced into a rudderless boat and cast out to sea, expected to drown; but by divine intervention, their vessel sailed unmolested to the coast of France, at contemporary Marseille. From here, they disembarke d and the Magdalen spearheaded an evangelization campaign throughout Provence, converting the region's pagan prince and granting h im a child in a barren marriage. By performing this miracle, the Magdalen effectively founded and literally "conceived" t he f irst Christian kingdom in the Mediterranean region. The pagan rulers who were baptized by the Magdalen were the Burgundian forebears, and so the fifteenth ce ntury Valois dukes claimed the d uchy of Burgundy by semi divine right. 76 This notional inheritance was strengthened by the legendary translation of the Magdalen's relics to the Burgundian abbey of Vzelay in the eighth century, by a figure whom Voragine identifies as Gerard, Duke of Burgudy. During the Burgundian dynastic conflict, the Hapsburgs were eager to associate themselves with the Magdalen's spiritual bloodline as evinced by Maximilian's previously discussed commission of a 76. Haskins, "Burgundian Question," 104.
44 contemporary written history of Burgundy that began with and canonized the Magdalen legend. 77 The typical avenue of dynast ic assertion that i s to say, blood inheritance was denied to Margaret in the eyes of the French crown. Given this, Margaret would have taken great solace in the opportunities presented to her by the Magdalen. Spiritual inheritance, it cou ld be argued, pr evailed over earthly laws of agnatic succession For Margaret, t he Magdalen represente d a force that could override the weaknesses in her gender and as such the duchess associate d herself with the Magdalen wher ever she could; she appears thrice within Br ou, in Margaret's chapel, on her tomb, and in the chevet glass. The saint's pr esence on the altar of Margaret's private chapel presumably the foremost object of spiritual contemplation within the space helps to affirm their spiritual relationship. To the left of the altar, this claim is bolstered by a statue of St Andrew standing atop a pedestal engraved with Margaret's device. By attaching her arms to the figure of the patron saint of Burgundy, she creates an almost literal conflation of St An drew's Bu rgundian implications which reached back to the first Burgundi an kings of legend with the contemporary figure of the duchess. 78 Reiterated by the statue of the Magdalen, also laden with historical mythos, Margaret is styled as the spiritually descended hei r to the usurped dynasty. Margaret's chapel is also unique in that it ri ses into an upper story oratory, intended to facilitate Margaret's involvement with the services. The oratory, which was 77. Ibid., 107. 78. Ibid., 118.
45 for Margaret's private use features a walkway that emerges onto the gallery of the jub ( Fig. 35 ). Margaret designed this oratory jub arrangement in a conscious emulation of the architectural work of Margaret of York, her English godmother. Margaret o f York settled in Mechelen in 1477 where she purchased and e xpanded several civic properties, including what would become Mechelen Palace (now a theatre) where she shared residence with the younger Margaret. One prominent feature of Mechelen Palace was a private walkway that connected Margaret of York's apartments to the parish church of St Peter across the road. The walkway ended in another double story oratory opening onto the jub The two women's close relationship makes it extremely likely that the younger Margaret was familiar with, and probably utilized, t his architectural device. The Brou walkway, though smaller in scale, was a quotation of the structure prototyped by Margaret of York. 79 It is possible to interpret this feature as more than a simple aesthetic inspiration. Considering the role her godmoth er played in the church's formation, it is not unfounded to propose that Margaret was paying homage to the woman who actively supported the usurped York dynasty until her death, helping to validate Margaret's own contested Burgundian loyalties i v Jub T he jub, or choir screen ( Fig. 3 6 ) is composed of three segmented arches; the outside segments contain altars dedicated to Saints Nic h olas, Augustine, and Monica. The central arch opens into the choir itself, which is comprised of two ornate oak stalls. The face of the jub is covered in quintessentially Flemish tracery, with great visual 79. Atreed, "Gender, Patronage, and Diplomacy," 8.
46 preference given to the Brabantine be ll and the ogiv al trefoil. Curvilinear tracery continues in suspension under each arch, fortifying the Flamboyant impression of fr ee floating, sumptuous ornamentation. The balustrade molding features "P M" monograms along its base and strings of marguerites along its top. The arches are crowned with sculptural figures that are now believed to have originally belonged on the exterior of the church. 80 The choir screen served the purpose of dividing the church between its public and private spaces. The congregation would fill the space within the nave, and the monastic community would perform the rites and services from the choir and ap sidal end. The view from the nave would have been limited; the jub would have obscured most of the activity in the east end. Above the screen a discerning visitor might glimpse the top register of the chevet's glass program, which consisted of two hera ldic windows honoring the houses of Philibert and Margaret, and a scene of Christ Appearing to the Magdalen. Thanks to the walkway connecting Margaret's private oratory to the jub, the duchess could choose to observe the services privately, or present h erself dramatically above the elaborate choir screen. The theatrical staging of a public appearance would have served to both physically separate and symbolically elevate Margaret from the congregation. It would have been a valuable addition to Brou's li turgical experience, had the duchess lived to see it completed. v. Chevet 80. Macdonald, "Margaret of Austria and Brou," 44.
47 Through the choir at the east end of the church, the chevet rises the height of the nave with five bisected, pointed arch windows ( Fig. 37 ) The entire center window and the botto m halves of the adjacent windows are narrative, while the others are e mblematic and portray the coats of arms of the Savoyard and Burgundian genealogies. The window piers are decorated with crockets and Margaret's personal motto "FORTUNE, INFORTUNE, FORT UNE" runs along the molding below the glass. The glass program in the chevet is dedicated to the Resurrection ( Fig. 38 ) While this is a common trait among mausoleums, the manner in which the narrative is conveyed at Brou is unique. The top register of the center lancet window shows the appearance of Christ to the Magdalen outside of the tomb, otherwise known as the Noli me t angere ( Fig. 39 ). Below it is Christ's Appearance to his Mother ( Fig. 40 ) and in the two framing lancets are Philibert and Margar et with their patron saints ( Fig. 41 ) In case there was any confusion a s to which dynasty her church was celebrating, Margaret decreed that the Virgin window feature two coats of arms: not those of her and her husband, but those of the Hapsburgs and Marg aret herself. 81 A survey of other east end glass programs in churches cont emporary with Brou show s that typical Resurrection cycles were additionally illustrated with scenes of the Crucifixion, the lone risen Christ, the Last Judgment, or patron saint narr atives. 82 Brou's east windows, by contrast, reveal several discrepancies. Not only does Margaret choose a highly specific and abbreviated version of the cycle to portray, but she also opt s for an unusual arrangement: t he Virgin's window 81. Ibid., 53. 82. From the Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi: France as cited in Haskins, "Burgundian Question," 120. The survey considered churches in north eastern France, Flanders, Brabant, and Hainaut.
48 is visually subord inate to the Magdalen's. In the same way that the visual hierarchy of St Andrew on the west front foreshadows the entire monument's Burgund ian perspective, the superior position of th e Magdalen window reiterates the saint's pervasive role. 83 The Nol i me t angere is designed to convey that Brou's spiritual agenda is inextricable from its dynastic foundations ; Mary Magdalen is flanked on both sides by an extensive inventory of Burgundian, Imperial and Savoyard arms. Margaret also clarifies her intentions b y including her own image within the program. While this is not an anomaly among Gothic chevets, it serves the added purpose of diagrammatically uniting Margaret with the Magdalen. Considering the careful planning of the rest of the space, it can be assu med that this was not an arbitrary choice. What's more, this unconventional arrangement cannot be explained by a lack of space It would have been conceivable and probably expected for the outermost top windows to illustrate additional Resurrection scenes Instead, Margaret made the conscious decision to replace the traditional Biblical images with pol itical ones, indicating that she prioritized her dynastic assertion above creating a "complete" spiritual narrative. Combined with the windows' high vis ibi lity location, the identity of Brou church is again revealed to be squarely situated between Margaret's religious and political interests. Margaret's affinity with the Magdalen can be elaborated even further if one stops to consider her choice to highlight the Noli me tangere scene specifically. Christ's appearance to the Magdalen had a long exegetical history the origins of which were rooted in the implications of Christ choosing a woman as the first witness to his 83. Ibid., 120.
49 resurrection. 84 This privilege earned t he Magdalen the honorific apostola apostolorum or "apostle to the apostles The role was associated with a degree of authority and regard that was only fully recognized in the twenty or thirty years following the death of Christ. 85 In Christianity's inf ancy, women enjoyed a significantly greater degree of agency and equality than w ould eventually become accepted. In the Magdalen's time, she and other female disciples were allowed to occupy positions of esteem and authority; they could serve as evangeliz ers, deacons, community leaders, prophetesses, and teachers. 86 B y the time Christianity became widespread, however, it had departed fr om its egalitarian roots and had established the hierarchical systems that more or less eradicated the role of women in of ficiate positions. With this suppression, the Magdalen's identity as apostola apostolorum was minimized, and she became instead known for the sexual deviance and dramatic repentance attributed to her in Luke's gospel. In the twelfth century, a campaign to revive the interest in the Magdalen's apostolic function was spearheaded by the Abbey Church of Vzelay, located within the duchy of Burgundy. 87 The Provenal conversion myth popularized by the Golden Legend was likely born of an effort by Vzelay to boos t enthusiasm for their possession of the Magdalen 's relics, which would in turn sustain the church as a pilgrimage site. 84. Mary Magdalen is the only figure whose witness of the resurrection is affirme d by all four Gospels. In Mark and John, she is described as the sole witness, whereas Matthew and Luke propose that she was accompanied by other female mourners. 85. Susan Haskins, Mary Magdalen: Myth and Metaphor (New York: Riverhead Books, 1995), 84 86. Ibid., 83. 87. Ibid., 216.
50 This legend is the same one that Margaret of Austria would have been taught in the Burgundian Chroniques abr ges She would have bee n introduced to Mary Magdalen as the favored disc iple of Christ who embraced an active evangelical career. The period in which the saint exercised greatest agency were the years immediately following Christ's death, and the Noli me tangere represented the moment in which she was bequeathed these rights by divine authority. By featuring this iconic scene in Brou's glass program, and considering that her upbringing likely advocated the Ma gdalen's apostolic identity, Margaret was exhibiting the saint in her most empowered form By extension, the duchess was associating these same themes of ag ency and empowerment to herself. v i Tombs Brou is a funeral complex, and the three tombs would have been the spiritual and visual focus of the sacred space within th e church. The tombs were some of the first elements addressed by Brou's Flemish architectural team, and Margaret played an active role in their creation. The housings were designed in 1516 by Jean van Roome of Brussels and the effigies were made by Conr ad Meit from 1526 31. 88 Each tomb is unique, featuring a different stylistic program and visual profile. Margaret of Bourbon's is the most traditionally Gothic of the three ( Fig. 17 ) and it sits recessed in a niche along the south end of the central ais le. It s decoration relies heavily on the Brabantine bell motif and reverse curve tracery. The attending carved 88. Carpino, "Conjugal Love," 42.
51 figures are mostly hooded pleurants typical of Late Gothic, and are similar to those found on the tombs of the Dukes of Burgundy at Champmol mo nastery ( Fig. 42 ) Margaret of Austria's relationship to her mother in law, Margaret of Bourbon, plays an interesting role in contextualizing the young Margaret's place within the Savoyard artistic legacy ( Fig. 43 ) The dukes of Savoy preceding Margaret h ad followed a more or les s French trajectory, culturally speaking; after the importation of the Valois wives into the line around 1465, the artistic tastes and patronage of the dukes tended to mirror those of the crown. 89 The idea of Brou church was origin ally conceived during this period, a full generation before the Burgundian duchess upset the pattern of French dominance. The creation of a conjugal mortuary complex was first proposed by Ma rgaret of Bourbon, wife of Du ke Philip II of Savoy. After Philip suffered a serious hunting accident, Margaret of Bourbon vowed at his deathbed that, should he survive his injuries, she would build a mortuary complex at Brou in his honor Philip made a full recovery, but the vow was never fulfilled, and Margaret of Bo urbon died in 1483. It begs the question, then, why Margaret of Austria chose to take on this generations removed promise instea d of simply devising a new monument independent of the vow made by the mother in law she had never met Be yond the traditional explanations of Savoyard loyalty or conjugal love, an explanation can be found in a distant familial connection between the two women. Margaret of Bourbon and Margare t of Austria were both descended from children of John the Fearless, the second duke of Burgundy, making them first cousins twice removed; furthermore, Margaret of Bourbon was the sister of 89. Frdric Elsig, "Reflections on the Arts at the Court at the Dukes of Savoy," i n Artists at Court: Image Making and Identity, 1300 1550, ed. Stephen J. Campbell ( Cambridge: Museum Pu blishing Partners, 2004 ), 66.
52 Isabella of Bourbon (young Margaret's grandmother), making her Margaret of Austria's great aunt. For Margaret of Austria, whose power as a female soverei gn was rooted in her Burgundian ancestry, this blood relationship would have been profound. Her adoption of the Brou promise, t herefore, reveals itself to contain a dimension of Burgundian family loyalty. This may well be why Margaret chose to design her mother in law's tomb in the style of the dukes from whom they both descended. Philibert's tomb ( Fig. 21 ) rests in the central space of the choir, flanked by the tombs of his wife and mother. Formally, the freestanding profile is reminiscent of Philip the Bold's tomb at Champmol ( Fig. 5 ) 90 As with his mother 's pleurants Philibert's tomb design visually conflate s the identity of the Savoyard duke with that of one of the most beloved dukes of Burgundy, displaying Margaret's influence even within Philibert' s personal memorial. This reference also dissociates him from his French heritage, and suppresses the evocation of the French cultural traditions of his upbringing It is also tempting to speculate that, by extension, Margaret was calling attention to th e presence of a Burgundian familial c onnection through Savoy's male lineage This would have been characteristic of Margaret; because her own Burgundian right was maternal and thus contested, her commissions reflect an emphasis on patrilineal inheritance and the integration of the Hapsburg males into the Burgundian dynasty. 91 90. Carpino, "Conjugal Love," 45. 91. Beaven and Eichberger, "Family Members." See Margaret's paintings at Mechelen Palace. Her portrait collection is dominated by images of the Burgundian dukes and complimented by multiple portraits of Maximilian I dressed in the guise of Philip the Good.
53 Iconographically speaking, Philibert's tomb is the most classicizing feature of Brou, and reflects the current trends in Italianate design The upper effigy known as a gisant becaus e of its representatio n of the buried figure as still living, is presented lying on top of a black marble slab, attended by angels He wears heavily embroidered robes and a classically styled crown. The putti that top Philibert's tomb ( Fig. 44 ) are suspe cted to have been carved by an Italian assistan t to the chief sculptor, Conrad Meit. 92 The head of Philibert is inclined towards Margaret, whose own gisant returns the gaze. Philibert's transi or figure in death, rests in an open arcade at the bottom of the tomb. The arcade is supported by pillars that host figures of the siby ls. The effigy itself is nud e, and its demeanor is peaceful, depicted as if sleeping. This is also a departure from contemporary French customs, which tended to portray transis as post aut opsy corpses on the brink of decay. 93 Margaret's tomb is arguably the most important feature of the church ( Fig. 45 ) The tomb itself is significantly larger than either Philibert's or his mother's, underscoring Margaret's import ance as Brou's pat ron. It is structurally complex and resembles a free standing micro edifice, lending it visual magnificence desp ite its peripheral location. Its congruence with Brou's overall stylistic scheme mad e it the most visually harmonious with the rest of the chu rch. Flemish Gothic motifs dominate the tomb's monumental canopy, each side consisting of a large ogival trefoil arch crowded with floral tracery The decorative elements present on Margaret's tomb present her myriad familial connections; included are th e ribbon of Burgundy, the lion of Flanders, the imperial 92. Kavaler, "Margaret of Austria," 132. 93. Carpino, "Conjugal Love," 47.
54 eagle, and the cross of Savoy. 94 Also interspersed throughout the decorative program are Margaret's more personal devices, such as marguerites ( Fig. 46 ), love knots, and the interlaced "P M" monogram By featuring this all inclusive iconographic program, Margaret cre ated a structure that provided the most comprehensive view of her identity, without simplification. The tomb also alludes to Margaret's time in Spain. At San Juan de los Reyes, the trans ept crossing is dominated by fields of blind tracery and an i mposing heraldic system ( Fig. 47 ). A notably similar decorative pattern appears on the profile of Margaret's own tomb ( Fig. 48 ) Both complexes feature a trefoil arch surrounded by florid decor ation and flanked by ornate tabernacles, and both feature a marquee of text along the upper molding. The gisant effigy that looks towards Philibert depicts Marg aret around the age of her death ( Fig. 49 ) She is dressed in courtly regalia, wearing an erm ine mantle and a crown to match Philibert's. This royal presentation is another departure from conve ntion. Tombs featuring w omen in regal dress were common during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, but their popularity had since diminished in prefe rence for females outfitted as widows and wives. 95 This intent ional revival of outdated modes was another o f Margaret's typical strategies. S he was known to collect and commission devotional diptychs in the outdated styles of the old Valois dukes, thereby linking her with the powerful males of the Burgundian golden age. The deviant rejection of matronly dress in Margaret's effigy make s a similar point. Though she passively dons the widow's mantle 94. Ibid., 50. 95. Ibid., 51.
55 in many other parts of her collection 96 as in her we ll know n portrait by Bernard van Orley for example ( Fig. 50 ) the image of a mourning wife had no place in Margaret's iconog raphic program at Brou. By instead styling herself a ruler, she was commemorating her own achievements as an independent sovereign. Her d iplomatic accomplishments and the international renown she achieved because of them, were earned by her own efforts and were not granted via her association with a husband. This sentiment is also apparent in the arrangement of the tombs themselves; it wo uld have been standard for Margaret to have memoriali zed herself with her husband in a joint tomb, such as in the tombs of Joanna of Castile (her sister in law), Catherine de' Medici, or Anne of Brittany By isolating her sepulcher from her husband's, Mar garet literalizes the division of power between them. This fact coupled with the magnificence of her own tomb makes it abundantly clear that Margaret was the figure who bore the challenges of rulership and reaped the rewards of power, dignity, and comm e moration. Despite the tomb's self congratulatory nature, Margaret is careful not to overlook her role as a wife. The inclusion of deferential motifs of love such as the greyhound curled at her feet, representing fidelity, the profusion of "P M" monograms or the way in which her gisant gazes towards Philibert ensure that she does not overstep her position or posture herself superior. The transi figure at the base of Margaret's tomb is also laden with symbolic significance ( Fig. 51 ) Margaret is shown as ageless an d idea lized, wearing a simple chemise with the loosed hair of a maiden her bare fee t showing the injury which would 96. Barbara Welzel, "Widowhood: Margaret of York and Margaret of Austria," i n Wo men of Distinction: Margaret of York and Margaret of Austria, ed. Dagmar Eichberger ( Davidsfonds/Leuven: Brepols Publishers, 2005 ), 109.
56 lead to her death ( Fig. 52 ) 97 As with the gisant the choice to eschew widowhood in her immortal form conveys Margaret's reluct ance to associate her identity as "wife" with her legacy in posterity. Moreover, the exact visual attributes of this effigy are especially telling. As mentioned, it was extremely rare during this period for a transi to adopt the guise of virginal youth. 98 Since their introduction to funerary memorials in the early fourteenth century, transis had historically been depictions of the patron as a decaying, often disfigured and physically grotesque corpse. 99 Seemingly in direct contrast with this tradition, M argaret's effigy (like Philibert's) is shown in peaceful repose, with ageless qualities and no signs of decay. The figure itself is mostly nondescript, its outfit plain and without any iconographic designations. The focus of the entire transi seems to be its hair, which cascades down and over the shoulders in ringlets. Throughout the early modern period, notions and depictions of hair had taken on great iconographic significance In the Middle Ages, loose hair was a moral indicator: it symbolized a gir l's state of virginal innocence, and when she was married her status as a maiden was r itualistically revoked by her adoption of coiffed or covered hairstyles. Thus, loose hair on an adult woman became a sign of dubious morals, and by the early 97. Margaret died at age fifty, of either blood poisoning or gangrene, after cutting her foot. 98. For a history and e volution of the transi in tomb sculpture, see Kathleen Cohen, Metamorphosis of a Death Symbol: The Transi Tombs of the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Berkley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1973). 99. Carpino, "Conjugal Love," and Cohen, Metamorphosis See the tombs of Louis XII and Anne of Brittany, Francis I and Claude of France, and Catherine de' Medici and Henry II, all of which depict the patrons as stiff with rigor mortis; the French effigies are even shown with autopsy s uture lines.
57 Renaissance flowing hair had taken on erotic connotations. 100 In a religious context, freed hair was an emblem of the virgin marty rs. Margaret of Austria could have easily chosen a more traditional, or even personally recognizable, image for her transi Considering h er multiple marriages and failed pregnancy, it is unlikely that Margaret was seeking to make a case for her virginity. Such an implication would have been at odds with her agenda at Brou. Firstly, it would have downplaye d her devotion to Philibert, the s upp osed inspiration for the entire complex. By extension it would have also served to denounce her other unions which, as demonstrated in her private chapel, was not among Margaret's intentions. Instead, the transi as it appears would have been immedia tely recognizable as sharing its pr imary physical attribute long, unadorned hair with the saint to whom Margaret was so personally devoted: Mary Magdalen. Since the fourteenth century the Magdalen had been usually been depicted with long golden or reddis h hair, a trait made conspicuous by her widely accepted reputation as a reformed prostitute. The Magdalen's hair became a symbol of divine grace, a reinstatement of spiritual purity earned by her impassioned atonement and steadfast faith, a testament to t he powers of repentance. Margaret was not a stranger to depicting herself as the Magdalen. As discussed, her painting collection features many portraits en Madeleine one of these was created in no less than thirteen iterations, with the intent of being ci rculated throughout the European courts ( Fig. 7 ) 101 During Margaret's time, images of the Magdalen typically 100. Haskins, Myth and Metaphor 242. 101. Haskins, "Burgundian Question," 120.
58 appeared in one of two ways. The first is the pre conversion Magdalen, the prostitute, characterized by sumptuous dress and often depicted with he r hair elegantly coiffed or spilling out from an elaborate headpiece. This was the form that Margaret chose to adopt in portraiture, reappropriating the outfit with contemporary European fashions and adorned with jewelry from her personal collection. 102 Sh e was not alone in this choice; in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries it became increasingly common for noble women to commission en Madeleine portraits though the movement did not hit its full stride until the seventeenth century. 103 Playing the pre conversion Magdalen provided an opportunity for women of means to showcase their material wealth free from the guilt of actual vanitas Margaret had other, more personally relevant reasons for pursuing en Madeleines but the care she exhibits in displaying her own personal effects show that she was not exempt from the material appeal. The other common depiction of the Magdalen is her post conversion iteration, the repentant sinner who wash ed Christ's feet with her hair, foremost among his female followers. This Magdalen is depicted wearing modest robes, often carrying a jar of ointment, with her emblematic reddish gold hair loose and flowing. The adorned Magdalen was Margaret's pre ferred guise in her portraiture but such an image wo uld not have been appropriate for a funerary monument. Instead, the Magdalen that is proliferated throughou t Brou is the second woman. We have seen that 102. Ibid., 124. An inventory of Margaret's estate from 1493 describe "a large, lozenge shaped diamond, topped with a large pearl, pendant" that appears in most of Margaret's en Madeleines 103. Haskins, Myth and Metaphor 292. Women contemporary with Margaret who commissioned Magdalen portraits include: Isabella and Beatrice of Portugal, Isabella of Austria, and Louise of Brabant.
59 she appears in th e chevet 's Re sur r ection window and in Margaret's private chapel atop the altar Adding to this list she is also among the entourage of ten saints that are shown on the columns of Margaret's own tomb, her place being the south eastern pillar ( Fig. 53 ) While the saint's inclusion on the tomb is not in itself particularly suggestive, t he collective o rientation of the Magdalen figures is compelling. Considering their placements it is notable to observe that all three Magdalens are visible from two key vantag e points within the church The first is the center of the choir. Beginning in this position and facing east, the Magdalen occupies a prominent space in the glass program. Looking left into Margaret's chapel, she appears on the Altar of the Seven Joys in profile. Another quarter turn will situate the viewer towards Margaret's tomb, in which the Magdalen features on the nearest pillar. Even more cohesive is the view from the gallery of the jub providing an elevated view of the entire choir; this vantage point was de signed for Margaret's use alone, and offers a privileged visual synthesis of th e entire east end. From both posts, t he fluidity of this iconographic glance is significant in itself, creating a constellation of Magdalenian imagery that is difficult to ignore. What's more is that Margaret's recumbent effigy is included in both of the se sight line s Coupled with the fact that the transi 's hair is strikingly reminiscent the other Magdalens in appearance (with the exception of the tomb figure, identifiable instead by her unguent jar) and considering Margaret's history of uniting her ow n identity with the saint it seems feasible that Margaret herself orchestrated this spatial composition in a last, pervasive declaration of her spiritual descent from the Magdalen. By integrating this self
60 referentia l iconographic program into the physic al experience of the church, Margaret reveals the depth of her prowess as a visual strategizer.
61 Conclusion Margaret of Austria's funerary complex of St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou was the venue for a spra wling ideological campaign. It is, first and fo remost, a testament to the legacy of its patron. Margaret was born into a conflict that forfeited her dynastic right because she was female a disadvantage that threatened not only her immediate campaign but the wider validity of her independent sovereign ty. However, as the daughter of the Holy Roman E mperor, Margaret was also in a unique position to confront this challenge. Her means and influence equipped her with the too ls to overcome the limits of her position and her circulation throughout the inte rnational stage provided her with the experience, connections and expertise with which to utilize them. The volatility of her early life made her adaptable in the face of conflict, and the duchess epitomized her personal motto, "The changes of fortune ma ke one strong." By fervently utilizing the opportunities of artistic and religious patronage, Margaret surrounded herself with visual and material expressions of her own power and legitimacy. These visual declarations braced and complimented her work in the male dominated arena of political diplomacy, and enabled her to actively prove her virtues as a ruler by governing the Netherlands and involving herself with the aspirations of the Holy Roman Empire. In comparison to the rest of Margaret's patronage B rou is a unique endeavor, and this is exactly what makes it such a fascinating component of the collection. Unlike her expansive and diffuse Netherlandish patronage, Brou was not a composite, pieced together with objects from posterity or cultivated over generations, but it followed the same complex agenda. Brou was a single edifice that challenged Margaret to represent, in one venue, the multitude of virtues and pursuits that made up her identity and position
62 within her historical moment. It addresses M argaret herself: as a Burgundian loyalist, a constituent of the Empire, a childless widow, an independent sovereign, and a product of her international experiences and relationships. Simultaneously, it fulfills its purpose as a funerary monument and a con jugal memorial, paying deference to Margaret's husband and mother in law and articulating her own spiritual concerns. Of all her patronage efforts, I believe that Brou is the greatest testament to Margaret's abilities, both as a political figure and a mas ter of artistic curation. At once sophisticated and coherent, the iconographic program at Brou effectively synthesizes the perspectives and motivations of one of the sixteenth century's most formidable women.
63 List of Figures 1 Louis van Boghem, Church of St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Jean Luc Paill / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
64 2 Genealogy of the Valois Dukes of Burgundy, beginnin g with John II Wikimedia Commons
65 3 Map identifying the territories gained and lost during the life of Margaret of Austria. Wikimedia Commons
66 4 Claus Sluter, portal of the Champmol Monastery, 1483 8
67 5 Claus Sluter, tomb of Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 1390 1406. Muse des Beaux Arts, Dijon 6 Juan de le Huerta tomb of John the Fearless 1443 5. Muse des Beaux Arts, Dijon
68 7 Workshop of the Master of the Magdalen Legend, currently titled St Mary Magdalen identified as a portrait of Mar garet of Austria en Madeleine c. 1510. National Gallery, London (photo National Gallery)
69 8 After Joos van Cleve, Maximilian I in the Guise of Philip the Good ca. 1510. National Gallery, London ( National Gallery) 9 Michiel Sittow, Henry VII ca 1500. Na tional Portrait Gallery, London ( National Portrait Gallery)
70 10 Lanceloot Blondeel and Guyot de Beaugrant, Oak Mantlepiece Commemorating Charles V's Victory in Pavia, 1528 32. Franc de Bruges, Bruges (photograph Brugge) 11 Lanceloot Blon deel and Guyot de Beaugrant, Oak Mantlepiece Commemorating Charles V's Victory in Pavia, 1528 32. Franc de Bruges, Bruges (photograph IRPA KIK, Brussels)
71 12 Sainte Chapelle west faade, 1239 48. le e la Cit, Paris 13 Rouen Cathedral west f aade, thirteenth century. Rouen
72 14 Ulm Minster Tabernacle, 1417 (photograph Ethan Matt Kavaler)
73 15 Louis van Boghem, Altar of the Seven Joys of the Virgin in the chapel of Margaret of Austria, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograp h Caroline Rose / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
74 16 Louis van Boghem, detail of Altar of the Seven Joys of the Virgin in the chapel of Margaret of Austria, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Ethan Matt Kavaler)
75 17 Louis van Boghem, Jean van Roome, and Conrad Meit, tomb of Margaret of Bourbon, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Marc Tulane / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
76 18 Domien de Waghermakere and Rombout II Keldermans, Ghent T own Hall, 1518. Ghent
77 19 Genea logy showing the relationship between Margaret of Austria and Margaret of York (image by author)
78 20 Gilles le Breton, Palace of Fontainebleau, first half of the sixteenth century. Paris
79 21 Louis van Boghem, Jean van Ro ome, and Conrad Meit, tomb of Philibert II, Duke of Savoy, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Marc Tulane / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
80 22 Gil de Silo, Tomb of Juan II of Castile, 1489 93. Miraflores Monastery, Bu rgos 23 Gil de Silo, Tomb of Alfonso of Castile, 1489 93. Miraflores Monastery, Burgos
81 24 John of Cologne, Burgos Cathedral west faade, fifteenth century. Burgos 25 Pyeter Dancart, Seville Cathedral north faade, fifteenth century. Seville
82 26 Louis van Boghem, Gallery of jub 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Philippe Berth / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
83 27 Jan Waas, cloister of San Juan de los Reyes, 1477 1504. Toledo
84 28 Layout of St. Tolentin at Brou (image by author)
85 29 Louis van Boghem, Church of St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou west faade, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Philippe Berth / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
86 30 Louis van Boghem, Church o f St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou detail of archivolt, west faade, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Jean Luc Paill / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
87 31 Louis van Boghem, Church of St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou 150 8 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Jean Feuille / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
88 32 Louis van Boghem, Church of St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Caroline Ro se / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
89 3 3 Louis van Boghem, Jean van Roome, and Conrad Meit, Church of St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou view towards the chapel of Margaret of Austria, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Phil lipe Berth / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
90 34 Louis van Boghem and Nicolas Rombouts, window of the Coronation and Assumption of the Virgin in the chapel of Margaret of Austria, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Marc T ulane / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
91 35 Louis van Boghem, private walkway leading onto jub gallery 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Phillipe Berth / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
92 36 Louis van Boghem, jub (choir screen), 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Philippe Berth / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux ) 37 Louis van Boghem, view from choir looking towards chevet, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photogr aph Philippe Berth / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
93 38 Louis van Boghem and Nicolas Rombouts, chevet glass program, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Caroline Rose/ Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
94 39 Louis van Bogh em and Nicolas Rombouts, Noli Me Tangere window in chevet, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Caroline Rose / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
95 40 Louis van Boghem and Nicolas Rombouts, window of Christ Appearing to His Mothe r, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Jean Luc Paill / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
96 41 Louis van Boghem and Nicolas Rombouts, donor windows of Philibert (left) and Margaret (right) in chevet, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photographs Jean Luc Paill / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
97 42 Claus Sluter, tomb of Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 1404 10. Muse des Beaux Arts, Dijon
98 43 Genealogy showing the relationship between Margaret of Austria's and Margaret of Bourbon (image by author)
99 44 Louis van Boghem, Jean van Roome, and workshop of Conrad Meit, putti on tomb of Philibert II, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Philippe Berth / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
100 45 Louis van Boghem, Jean van Roome, and Conrad Meit, tomb of Margaret of Austria, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Philippe Berth / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
101 46 Louis van Boghem, Jean van Roome, and Conrad Meit, marguerites on the tomb of Margaret of Austria, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Philippe Berth / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
10 2 47 Jan Waas, transept relief at San Juan de los Reyes, 1477 1504. Toled o 48 Louis van Boghem, Jean van Roome, and Conrad Meit, detail of tomb of Margaret of Austria, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Marc Tulane / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
103 49 Louis van Boghem, Jean van Roome, and Co nrad Meit, gisant of Margaret of Austria, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Marc Tulane / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
104 50 Bernard van Orley, Margaret of Austria oil on panel, early sixteenth century.
105 51 Louis van Boghem, Jean van Roome, and Conrad Meit, transi of Margaret of Austria, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Caroline Rose / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
106 52 Louis van Boghem, Jean van Roome, and Conrad Meit, detail of tra nsi of Margaret of Austria, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Marc Tulane / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
107 53 Louis van Boghem, Jean van Roome, and Conrad Meit, Mary Magdalen on the tomb of Margaret of Austria, 1508 32. Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg en Bresse (photograph Caroline Rose / Centre des Monuments Nati o naux )
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