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S ILVER AND G OLD : V ICTORIAN M ASCULINITIES OF THE N INETEENTH C ENTURY A MERICAN W EST BY E LIZABETH T. B ENNETT A Thesis Submitted to the Division of Social Sciences New College of Florida in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts in Anthropology Under the spons orship of Anthony P. Andrews Sarasota, Florida May 2012
ii P REFACE This thesis in its current state began as a series of seemingly disconnected interests. Attending a historical archaeology field school during the summer of 2011 Boomtown Saloons (2006) I came to realize that archaeologists can derive substantial informati on on class and social status from artifact assemblages of business establishments. A particularly helpful thesis by New College alumnae Lynn Robinson (2003) on the historical archaeology of brothels offered a similar model to the one proposed by Dixon for saloons: the analysis of the material culture assemblages reflected that gentleman frequented upper class establishments just as working class men relaxed in less genteel atmospheres. After analyzing the complexities of Victorian ideology, I discovered th at this pattern elucidates a central rule of propriety: to only associate with those Another conversation with a field school colleague, while cleaning and cataloguing artifacts inside our field archaeological research on masculinity. I was surprised to discover a subject area with comparatively little exploration. With all of these ideas in mind, I returned for my final year at New College. Early in t he fall semester, I came across the image depicted on the next page. As it had been posted on Tumblr, a microblogging website, I also had a chance to read
iii accomplish to intriguing. Among males, most comments featured either satisfaction or nts of the female bloggers, though, surprised me some of the other bloggers, I could not help thinking of Ron Swanson. Played by actor Nick Offerman, Ron has become a contemporary cult icon of masculinity and Parks and Recreation punched all of his Man Card, except for the huge face scar
iv are a fantasy. Ideal types are ideal types in theory, not reality 1 My interest in masculinity made me wonder: where did these expectations for men come from? Why are men consistently valued for physical strength, dangerously heroic feats of individualism, facial hair, drinking hard liquor, and various other character reputation. This thesis contains the results of my year long investigations on the prolonged influence of Victoriani sm on present masculinity, the realities of frontier settlement, the increasing effects of urbanization, twentieth centuries. Additionally, it gave ri se to a new academic interest that I plan to pursue further: how Victorianism came to pervade the culture of Western America, and to what extent. As this thesis will explain, consumerism provides a l culture, shaped as it was by supply and demand. A project always has at least one hurdle. One of these theoretical set backs came during a conversation with another field school colleague. While explaining to proclaimed anthropological archaeologist and a student of the 1 The responses of the aforementioned bloggers were paraphrased for better comprehension. To access the image and its comments, visit [ pinky swear.tumblr.com/post/14145840750 ]
v post should archaeologists study men? Why should anyone study m en? With this concern in mind, I realized an important detail. Any scholar of the social sciences will admit that men have always been included in conversations of humanity or have they? As this thesis will argue, recent scholarship has discussed the ide a uniform masculine archetype has proved persistent and enduring. Yet, the breakthroughs of feminism have clearly underscored that not all social ins titutions to change. None of this research would have been accomplished without the help of Anth ropology Department for guiding and augmenting my academic interests: Ayla Samli, Erin Dean, Maria Vesperi, Gabi Vail, Tony Andrews, and Uzi Baram. I am especially grateful to Tony and Uzi, who have been exceptional sources of academic and professional adv ice during my time here. I would also like to thank Emily Fairchild for taking the time to be part of my thesis committee. Additionally, this thesis would not have emerged without the help of multiple offices and individuals: Richard Goddard and Adams Stat Nevada State Historic Preservation Office and Comstock Archaeology Center; Tim Goddard (Michigan Technological University); Kelly J. Dixon (University of Montana); Ronald M. James (Nevada State Historic Pres ervation Office); Julia
vi Costello (PAR Environmental Services); Mary Maniery (Foothill Resources, LLC); Sue Wade (Associate State Archaeologist of California); and Michael Sampson (former Associate State Archaeologist of California). Finally, to my parents, Sherry and John to Andrew Schuster, and to all of my friends who provided me with the support I needed during my thesis year this is for you.
vii T ABLE OF C ONTENTS P REFACE AND A CKNOWLEDGMENTS i i T ABLE OF C ONTENTS v ii L IST OF F IGURES vi ii L IST OF T ABLES ix L IST OF M APS ix A BSTRACT x C HAPTER I: N EW D IRECTIONS IN G ENDER A RCHAEOLOGY 1 C HAPTER II: A N E XAMINATION OF V ICTORIAN M ASCULINITIES 1 6 C HAPTER III: S ACRAMENTO C ALIFORNIA AND THE G OLDEN E AGLE S ITE 3 8 C HAPTER IV: V IRGINIA C ITY N EVADA AND P IPER S O LD C ORNER B AR 71 C HAPTER V: W HAT S HOULD A RCHAEOLOGY D O W ITH M ASCULINITY ? 88 R EFERENCES 97
viii L IST OF F IGURES 3.1 The Golden Eagle Hotel in 1866 at the Corner of Seventh and K 45 3.2 The Golden Eagle Hotel, ca. 1910 1915 47 3.3 Buttons of the Gold en Eagle Site 53 3.4 Ceramics Assemblage of Feature 20 Golden Eagle Site 57 3.5 Ceramics Assemblage of Feature 8 Golden Eagle Site 57 3.6 Clay Tobacco Pipes, Golden Eagle Site 60 3.7 Glassware Assemblage of Feature 20, Golden Eagl e Site 63 3.8 Glassware Assemblage of Feature 8 Golden Eagle Site 63 3.9 Weighted Ceramic Decorative Types by Feature, Golden Eagle Hotel 68 4.1 74 4.2 Front East Profi 76 4.3 78 4.4 82 4.5 83 4.6 Crystal Quartz Sample and 83 4.7 84
ix L IST OF T ABLES 3.1 Distribution of Button Types, Golden Eagle Hotel 52 3.2 Distribution of Ceramics at the Golden Eagle Hotel 58 3.3 Distribu tion of Bottles and Glassware at the Golden Eagle Hotel 64 3.4 Size and Function of Buttons 66 L IST OF M APS 3.1 Historic Map of Sacramento, ca. 1873 43 4.1 Street Map of Virginia City Marking Various Businesses 72 4.2 Street Map of Virginia City Marking UNR Excavations 77
x S ILVER AND G OLD : V ICTORIAN M ASCULINITIES OF THE N INETEENTH C ENTURY A MERICAN W EST Elizabeth Bennett New College of Florida, 2012 A BSTRACT In addition to precipitating the rapid expansion and early s ettlement of a large new territory, the California gold rush facilitated an introduction of complex mandates for proper gendered behavior to the American West. Theories of masculinity within the social sciences have only been developed in recent decades. I n specific regards to anthropology, a reexamination of the male role slowly began in the 1980s, as a result of feminist scholarship a decade earlier. Within historical nineteenth c entury women have been well documented meanwhile, the a handful of scholars. aims to reconsider men through a gendered lens. Unlike women and other marginalized groups heterosexual men of Western societies have been historically
xi dominant in the archaeological record, yet their position in various societies has been largely assumed. As anthropological scholarship has redefined the role of women in revolutionary ways so must issues concerning men, masculinity, manhood, and manliness be likewise considered. This thesis will explore the establishment of Victorian ism in the American West, and will examine the influen ce of consumerism and material expression through an alternate perspective on masculine identities. ________________________ Anthony P. Andrews Division of Social Sciences
1 C HAPTER I N EW D IRECTIONS IN G ENDER A RCHAEOLOGY Man, wi th his superior physical strength, can better understand the more strenuous tasks, such as lumbering, mining, quarrying, land clearance, and house building. Not handicapped, as is woman, by the physiological burdens of pregnancy and nursing, he can range f arther afield to hunt, to fish, to herd, and to trade. Woman is at no disadvantage, however, in lighter tasks which can be performed in or near the home, e.g., the gathering of vegetable products, the fetching of water, the preparation of food, and the man ufacture of clothing and utensils. All known human societies have developed specialization and cooperation between the sexes roughly along the biologically determined line of cleavage. George Murdock, Social Structure (1949 : 7 ) A s a n evolving interpreta tion of ancient and recent times, gender archaeology has had a brief yet evocative history. sexes once described widely held assumptions among the anthropological community: male and female human beings, wit h prescribed duties neatly cycle of respective tasks (Watson and Kennedy 1998: 174 175). Popular interpretations of ancient societies, conveniently similar to that of the con temporary modern world prior to feminism, described daily routines as rigidly bound to sex without any consideration of individual agency. Nevertheless, the mid twentieth century saw the beginnings of theoretical and practical change. Within the span of a few decades, anthropology and archaeology broadened their initially androcentric foundations to encompass a more holistic approach to issues of gender and identity
2 Feminist A rchaeology Sex referring to the biological classifications of male and female, has been employed as a descriptive category in archaeology since its initiation into academia. Physical anthropologists and archaeologists would often make assumptions about the structuring principles of ancient societies based on Western projections of h eteronormativity. The broadly accepted theoretical model of Man the Hunter, which assumed a prehistoric concept of males as natural providers, produced an unwarranted estimation of male dominance as universal and continuous. During the 1970s and 1980s, the growing strength of feminism promoted a series of critiques on Woman the Gatherer women as the true providers of sustenance within the sexual division of labor. 2 Sex as the deciding factor of male and female ability soon underwent scrutiny as well. Sex and Temperament (1935) helped invalidate both individual disposition and male dominance as a univers al result of human biology. With the increasing opinion of sex as distinct from culturally expected conduct, social scientists borrowed the grammatical term gender to address these perceived distinctions between the sexes (Hays Gilpin 2008: 336; Joyce 2008 : 91). Margaret Conkey and Janet Spector famously critique professional 2 Ethnography and other forms of evidence have illustrated the activity of gathering a s providing the majority of sustenance and nutrition among modern egalitarian societies thus, many anthropologists and archaeologists prefer the terms gatherer hunter or gatherer fisher hunter rather than the original hunter gatherer
3 One issue of androcentrism they raise describes the tendency for archaeological sites featuring alle ged male activity to receive more funding than those with supposed female activity (1984: 19 21) Female archaeologists, seen as better suited for the indoor activities rather than the tougher conditions of fieldwork, were often openly encouraged to pursue work in laboratory analysis or museum. Additional early feminist critiques eventually specified the fundamental aims of gender archaeology: to correct androcentric bias, to critique existing structures of inequality within the profession, to locate women within the archaeological record, and to dispute underlying assumptions of gender (Johnson 2010: 125 ). One interpretation of particular importance by Tatiana Proskouriakoff (1961) identified the presence of elite women on Maya stelae, an indication that no t all societies governed themselves by strict concepts of sex and power. Another example of a later feminist perspective, Patty Jo Watson and Mary Kennedy (1998) effectively manipulate the sexual division of labor by suggesting women as the catalysts of fa rming and agriculture. Their work gives ancient women just as much hypothetical agency as ancient men to actively contribute to processes of human advancement. Gender Archaeology Shortly after the emergence of feminist theory to the social sciences, ide as surrounding gender progressed to a new level. Postmodern conceptions no longer limited gender within stagnant binary categories, but instead as fluid components of social identity liable to change. Elizabeth Prine, in her research on Native American
4 his Hidatsa tribe and their earthlodges, she finds archaeological evidence for the presence of Two Spirit people. Commonly referred to as berdaches by white settlers, Two Spirit people represent a purposeful reconstruction of gender for ritual purposes. Among the Hidatsa, young men instructed by dreams altered their lifestyles entirely to answer th miati a special class of holy women. Dressing in female attire and donning the culturally assigned tasks of Hidatsa women, miati effectively combine aspects of the masculine and the feminine in order to ritually change their gender. 3 More over, they experience rapid social advancement due to their direct connection with powerful deities. Prine, considering this noticeable route to power, suggests that this gender reassignment may have been a conscious decision for some male youths as an alt ernative path to adult authority (2000: 197, 201, 204 Two Spirit people challenges Western impressions of gender as distinct and fixed in favor of far more complex possibilities. Other crucial t heories to the advancement of gender definitions involve notions of performance, sexuality, and the body. Judith Butler (1990) directly opposes the modern concepts of sex as nature and gender as culture. Instead, she defines sex, gender, and sexuality as s 3 Miati as def ined by Prine refers to a biologically male berdache or Two Spirit person. Berdaches historically have been either biologically male or biologically female, but among the Hidatsa only miati have been officially recorded (2000: 197, 204).
5 ideas have a crucial impact on the study of gender: they dislocate heterosexual masculinity from male bodies and heterosexual femininity from female bodies. By this perspective, men and women perform gender along a continuum dictated by social pressure. Elaborating on the notion of gender performance, Joanne Entwistle (2000) views the body as a natural object limited by the constraints of culture and history. Addressing a common outer view of the body, Elizabeth Gr osz (1995) exterior which offers the potential for social control or social change. Carolyn White (2005) adds to the idea of personal adornment as a cultural advertisement, a m ethod particularly effective for historical archaeologists in obtaining a sense of individual identity during specific periods in time. By examining the body and personal adornment as forms of cultural communication, archaeologists can infer personal value Men, Masculinity, and Male Identity Through the extraordinary successes of the feminist approach within archaeology, its applications have inspired development into the sociocultural definitio ns of identity. In addition to issues of age, sexuality, and disability, gender archaeology strives to include a continuum of gender identities, many feel that men, masculinit y, manhood, and manliness require explicit attention. Historian John Tosh, in contemplating the reasons for this academic deficiency, recognizes the
6 (1994: 179). Natalie Zemo n Davis offers a counterstatement to this view, affirming should not be working only on the subjected sex any more than an historian of class can focus entirely on peasants masculinities a uniformly gender neutral spectator (Knapp 1998: 365; Tosh 1994: 180). Tim Yates provides artistic evidence of masculine differentiation within ancient Scandinavian society. Studying a sample of Bronze Age rock art, Yates disagrees with the former interpretations of various stylistic markers. Previous scholarship had sorted these drawings based on the following assumptions: male figures represented by weapons and overt genitalia; female figures represented by long hair, cup marks between the legs, and an absence of weapons and male genitalia. These conjectures had been justified by illustrations of intertwined phallic and no nphallic figures, a supposition of heterosexual intercourse. Yates, however, finds multiple oversights, such as various other representations of paired human and animal phallic figures. Additionally, long hair and cup marks, equally likely among phallic an d nonphallic figures, give no statistically valid indication of sex or gender. Instead, Yates asserts that the male armed figures with overt genitalia, oftentimes wearing helmets and with accentuated calf muscles, in fact represent an elite warrior class. These men, drawn larger than other human figures, indicate a more intimidating and valued type of masculinity. Yates successfully argues that by
7 eliminating heterosexual bias, the presence or absence of male genitalia does not necessarily create the same s exual categories presumed universal by Western society. Instead, Yates views these figures as illustrating the importance of a warrior cult to prehistoric Scandinavia society ( Joyce 2008: 86 90 ). An additional interpretation of male sexuality, Rosemary Joyce (2 000) focuses on male youths as the public sexual objects of adult Maya men and women. Paintings recovered from Classic Maya pottery display ball court scenes, with the Maya el ite presumably owned decorated pottery, Joyce identifies these paintings body of young male athletes symbolized beauty. Not only do these pictures represent overt performa nces of masculinity, they also signify sexual desire as a public reality rather than Western conceptions of sex as a private affair ( cf. Foucault 1979). summarizes previous ways it has been discussed within academic circles: 1. anything men think and do; 2. anything men think and do to be men; 3. some men inherently or by ascription other men; 4. masculinity considered anything that women are not. [1997: 386] Ma men and male bodies, as well as its implied neutrality without a feminine comparison, reiterates the limitations of gender perspectives prior to postmodern theory. Hegemonic mas culinity the dominance of an ideal type of male performance
8 promote a manhood of achie girls to obtain womanhood habitually involve natural processes of maturation, such as menstruation and pregnancy, rath er than public displays of bravery or courage. A few cross cultural examples of achieved manhood include deep sea diving without safety equipment among the Greek men of Kalymnos, stoic circumcision rites of certain East African groups; and high expectation s for community and economic to its ideal form of male archetype as the Big Impossible, an ap t allusion to 13, 17). That many male individuals fail to cross these thresholds of manhood, that they may never receive acknowledgment as a true man, makes the inherent connection of men with mascul inity even more problematic. In this way, masculinity seems like a cultural fantasy rather than a realistic expectation ( MacInnes 1998 in Beynon 2002: 2). Studies of men, masculinity, manhood, and manliness will help shed light on gender as a social chi mera, an impossible and complex collection of characteristics male identity with balance or fairness, Tosh emphasizes its relevance to feminist field of power in which women have lived is studied, the
9 addressing men and masculinity explicitly, scholarly research utilizes a more effective framework in recognizing divers e gender realities of the past and present. Within historical archaeology, Victorian America has emerged as one of the spheres the division of home and workplace as a result of industrialization. Before shift to a market economy, the male head of household assumed an individual responsibility as the breadwinner for his family. With business affairs increasingly 111 113). Although many co nsider the doctrine of separate spheres as a limitation of objectively. Comparing the ceramic assemblages of two middle class families in t women from different economic positions placed similar social meanings on the ritual aspects of family meals and afternoon teas. In terms of tableware, both the lower middle class and upper middle class households served meals on paneled ironstone. Since the two wives presented food on similar tableware, Wall infers a shared expression of the family meal as a
1 0 like sa nctity. Concerning teaware, Wall finds that the women of each household most likely held tea parties for different reasons. The lower middle class household lacked evidence of expensive teaware, instead representing more common types that matched the irons tone tableware. In this case, Wall attributes the serving of tea as part of the family meal, or for gatherings with close friends and family members. In contrast, the wealthier tableware. Wall sees this as an indication of social competition through conspicuous consumption; by observances such as afternoon teas, the wealthier wife could acquaintances. De spite receiving criticism for her portrayal of some women as active contributors to the development of the separate spheres, Wall accurately conveys the symbolism embedded in Victorian material culture. The Victorians credited the home environment as one o moral character (Praetzellis and Praetzellis 2001: 646). Creating a suitable domestic placed a great amount of meaning onto various household items. An excellent study of genteel household furnishings, Kenneth Ames describes the design and class implications of mid nineteenth century hall stands, hall chairs, and card receivers. ucial liminal space in Victorian homes, as
11 40), Ames further mentions that the hallstand, a n imposing and expensive object, would immediately imply a great deal of wealth and social status. Therefore, the Victorian hall complete with a hallstand would leave a guest of lesser status feeling relatively uncomfortable, unlike a well to do guest who would feel more or less at home ( 1978: 36, 38, 40 ). In the analyses of both Wall and Ames, currents of elegance, personal nobility, and social competition all contribute to the ceremony of daily life. Another perspective of the separate spheres, Margaret Purser (1991) reveals century American West. Disproving the stereotype that Victorian women always remained confined to their opposed to the much shorter distances required for callers in the Northeastern cities of New York and Boston, the women of Paradise Valley, Nevada would make regular visits to Grass Flats, California a distance of more than three hundred miles mobility and degree of freedom these women had in frequently traveling such a great distance imply the cult of domesticity as perhaps less constraining than more popular interpr etations. Purser made a further distinction along the lines of gender: although men also practiced visiting, they generally did so at public places courthouses, saloons, general stores, and newspaper offices while women exclusively visited private home s anywhere from days to weeks. Although implying that respectable
12 women still operated between the realms of one domestic space to another, regionally patterns of mobility help combat the notion of Victorians as helpless enactors of confining cultural mand ates. The study of brothels and prostitutes, pioneered by Donna Seifert (1991b, et al. 2000) as a sizeable subfield of historical archaeology, represents the first group of working women to migrate west. Brothels as both households and businesses interest archaeologists for a number of reasons: the similarity of their clientele, services, and artifact assemblages to that of saloons (Spude 2005); the relative prosperity of New England prostitutes compared to their working class neighbors (Seifert 1994); in addition to the interior atmosphere of many brothels as reflective of middle class decorative styles (Costello 2000, 2002). Widespread evidence of prostitution during the Victorian era reveal one of its many social paradoxes: while the adherence to male pu rity, sexual constraint, and copulation as limited to the marriage bed upheld a proper and genteel reputation, Victorian men also heeded the medical opinion of doctors advising them against total celibacy. Thus, prostitutes at specific times for certain me n provided acceptable outlets for private eroticism. resolve the misconception of American Victorianism as a cultural ideology specific to the Eastern United States. As research fr om historians and archaeologists throughout this thesis will suggest, Victorianism maintained a pervasive sphere of influence well into the twentieth century. As the tastemakers during an age of materialism, the Victorian ruling class consequently controll ed most major channels
13 of production and consumption. Rather than the American West remaining a legendary arena of debauchery and violence, it would seem even more unlikely had f the Wild West as a historical legitimate legacy find it crucial to eliminate conceptions of popular culture from academia (Hardesty 1990; Schuyler 1990; Dixon 2007), Robert Schuyler identifies one of the consequences to this movement: by delegitimizing t hese exaggerations, it strips the American West of a regional heritage entirely (1990: 7). By way of a solution, Donald Hardesty offers a new a more accurate narrative wage earners, women, minorities, urbanization, an d industrialization rather than the mountain men, cowboys, Indians, prospectors, gunfighters, and outlaws that have previously clouded scholarly work (1990: 4). While new research concerning the Counterclassic West has promoted the study of real indiv iduals and communities beyond the frontier, the lived realities of Victorian men represent a gaping absence in the search for identities of the recent past. The investigations of all male residences, although significant, often housed groups of transient m en with few material possessions to leave behind. The study of saloons and brothels as businesses catering to an exclusively male clientele represents a strong potential model for male oriented consumerism (Spude 2005). Catherine Holder Blee, after extensi vely comparing the development of Skagway, Alaska to other industrial towns, comments that single men required a large variety of public services: boarding houses or hotels as lodging, restaurants for food, saloons
14 for socializing, and brothels for sexual relief. In stark comparison, the married man had all his basic needs lodging, food, social interaction, and moral enlightenment within the centralized location of the home (1991: 300, 302). The promising research of Adrian and Mary Praetzellis (2001) a ddress race and nationality as two of the many social barriers preventing individuals from achieving the Victorian archetype of True Manhood in nineteenth century San Francisco Praetzellis and Praetzellis, upon discovering evidence of Victorian consumer i tems in the office of a Chinese businessman and in the residence of an African American porter, conclude that their advantage the Chinese business man by attracting w ealthy clients and the African American porter by purchasing high class goods as a form of resistance. campus indicates a promising course of action by studying the impact of all male alliances on masculine identity. The studies mentioned in this chapter illustrate that numerous factors, including but not limited to class, race, nationality, and age, all effect expressions of gender in the archaeological record. For the purposes of this thesis, Anglo American masculinities of the contemporary past will be seen as the result of historical, cultural, and social factors limited by the expression of masculine behavior towards an ideal of True Manhood. It will argue not only t hat Victorian men traveled west, but that they comprised the majority of Eastern migrants single and married men who aimed to secure the most important facet of male competence: monetary capital.
15 In the next chapter, the history of Victorianism and indus trialization in America, as well as their affects on masculine cultural expectations, will be specifically addressed.
16 C HAPTER II A N E XAMINATION OF M ASCULINITIES IN V ICTORIAN A MERICA itain and Ireland lasted from 1837 until her death in 1901. These years serve as convenient markers for a period in time known as the Victorian e ra. The culture of Victorianism itself, however, would have an enduring sphere of influence. Its international reach extending to other English speaking nations such as South Africa, New Zealand, and Australia, it would specifically influence the political structure and decisions of the United States well into the twentieth century. It would also mark a series of f undamental transformations for this precocious nation of revolutionaries: the firm adoption of a market economy, the rise of industrialism, significant technological advance, a visibly emerging middle class, geographic expansion, a newly placed value on in dividualism, development of the traditional nuclear family, and the largest armed conflict on United States soil ( Howe 1976 : 3 ; Hughes 1990: 54). Along with these crucial changes, American Victorianism developed a unique brand of cultural ideologies, simil ar yet distinct from its mother tradition of British Victorianism. These self Americans of New England and the Deep South represented the social aspirations of many middle and upper class individuals. In examining issues of masc ulinity pertaining to the nineteenth century American West, the first task must clarify the historical and cultural climate of Victorian America, in addition to relevant notions of class and gender.
17 As early as Aristotle and the ancient Greeks, distinct social areas for the two sexes have ordered and structured many different civilizations. During the Industrial Revolution, America as a nation seemed to embrace the notion of the separate spheres more than any other Western society. With the transition of the workplace from the family household to the world at large, propriety called for a new emphasis on sexual distinctions justified by Christian theology and the belief of inherent ll successive generations of women with the same punishment: the reproductive burden occupy themselves with the less strenuous tasks of childrearing, housekeeping, and mo purpose: not only did it protect women from their emotional lack in judgment, it also pri estesses of the Victorian home, they collectively apologized for the wrongdoings betrothed acted as the most certain indicator of her purity and moral behavior, and addition ally ensured the order and prosperity of the sacred household (Tocqueville 1955: 212). This intense ideological fear of chaos without order creates and defines the role of Victorian masculinity. Charged with upholding their position for the good of moral P rogress, men received their cultural mandates in opposition to those of women. If proper women exemplified piety, purity, submissiveness, and domesticity,
18 thus men rose to the expectations of righteousness, economy, sobriety, and hard work. Arguably the mo st central theme of American Victorianism, upholding Progress mandated allegiance to a strict moral code among its members (Praetzellis and Praetzellis 2001: 646). With these new responsibilities, men had both the freedom and duty to leave their moral home s in exchange for the conflictingly amoral workplace, embracing their God given strengths of aggression and rationalism. divisions of the private feminine and the public masculi ne. Alexis de Tocqueville In no country has such care been taken as in America to trace two clearly distinct lines of action for the two sexes and to make them keep pace one wi th the other, but in two pathways completely different. American women never manage the outward concerns of the family or conduct business or take part in political life; nor are they, on the other hand, ever compelled to perform the rough labor of the fie lds or to make any laborious efforts which demand the exertion of physical strength. [1955: 223] America Tocqueville suggested this system as a unique and fair arrangement. Nevertheless, another obser ver of American society maintained the opposite opinion. Frances Trollope, Englishwoman and wife of a struggling barrister, lived in the United States from 1827 to 1830. Unsuccessful as a business owner in
19 Cincinnati, she moved back to England and began wr iting to support her family. Domestic Manners of the Americans published in 1832, expresses her opinions of the detrimental themes within American society, including this strict separation of the sexes. Unlike Tocqueville, Trollope found the treatment and confinement of American women as the downfall of their civilization. Although Trollope found American women beautiful, intelligent, and well possessed in their manner, what is far worse, they want grace. They want it in sitting, they want it in standing, they want it in expression, in accent, in tone. This is felt at every moment and scene, as it were, to neutralize every charm. Were they graceful, they would, from the age of fifteen to eighteen, be beautiful creatures indeed. They marry very early; once married, they seem to drop out of sight or out of court, out of all competition with the blooming race that are following them [1949: 413] society, alienated especially fro m other men and oftentimes from other women as an not equal the nations of Europe in refinement till women become of more importance among Tr need of reprimand, similarly condemnable to the American cultural denial of slavery and inequality. Perhaps even more intriguing, Trollope expressed a noticeable degree of horror at the public b ehavior of working class American men. According to Trollope, if American women modeled the cult of domesticity, then men belonged to the cult of divine leisure: This age, I think, let the march of mind be never so rapid, be at considerable distance in poi nt of time from that in which a glass of gin cock tail, or egg nog, receive their highest relish from a mouthful of chewed tobacco, where
20 the absence of ladies is thought favourable to the enjoyment of perfect comfort, and where unrestrained spitting is th e emblem of unshackled freedom. [1949: 421 422] and whiskey radiates quite consistently in her writings. Besides these more flavorful habits, Trollope expressed many detai led criticisms of masculine behavior while attending the theater in Cincinnati: the inappropriate removal of coats, the rolling of shirt sleeves to the shoulder, incessant spitting, a pervasive smell of whiskey and onions, sitting with heels aloft, and app lause in the form of raucous yells and foot stomping rather than polite clapping (1949: 133 134). Compared to British society, (1949: 420). America in response made Trollope the most famous and well hated author in the nation. She was caricatured on stage, in prose, and in cartoons. When sarcastic response (1949: ix). Nevertheless, none other than M ark Twain publicly With the expectations for True Manhood and True Womanhood in Victorian America introduced, the following discussion will clarify certain issues specific to that of me n, masculinity, manhood, and masculine identity relevant to the time period, including that of boy culture, apprenticeship, marriage, and definitions of Victorian insanity.
21 The D evelopment of the Victorian M an John Ruskin, a leading critic of the Victor ian era, stated a concern of his regarding education during a lecture at Rusholme Town Hall, Manchester in 1864: It happens that I have practically some connexion with schools for different classes of youth; and I receive many letters from parents respect ing the education of their children. In the mass of these letters I am always struck by education befitting such and such a station in life this is the phrase, this the object, always. They never seek, as far as I can make out, an education good in itself; even the conception of abstract rightness in training rarely seems reached by the writers. But, an educ which shall enable him to ring with confidence the belled doors; which shall result ultimately in establishment of a double belled door to his own house; in a word, which sh all lead to advancement in life; this we pray for on bent knees and this is all of young boys from relatively genteel homes. The mother, the moral conscious of most Victorian boys, closely oversaw his development into a man. Clearly from an early age, boys experienced great pressure regarding their eventual competency the achievement of a financially secure and respectable occupation that would sec ure both a proper house and a proper wife. Upon the arrival of the Industrial Revolution, boys found themselves in an odd situation. From birth to around six years of age, children enjoyed more or less similar treatment: male and female infants wore the s ame type of gown or smock and received the same affections from a gentle and attentive mother, who believed this period of early infancy as the most important stage for establishing moral character. Raised by a feminine role model, the nineteenth century t ook fathers and husbands
22 far away from their families: the incredible success of the rail system meant that men now traveled vast distances for business. For boys in rural areas, this meant more s place; but among urban male authority in all its villainous forms (Rotundo 1990: 16, 27). Unlike that of his sister, who remained close to the home and to female found mobility allowed him to explore an entirely ne w world. Lawyer and author Henry Dwight Sedgwick, for example, 17 ). Boys of a similar age group made the same s established a network of competition and comparison among white, middle class male children. It also constituted as a sphere distinct from those of their mothers and fathers. Each day, boys would leave their gentle, moral homes for the excitement of spon taneous play: they cultivated these shared activities in backyards, streets, parks, playgrounds, orchards, fields, and forests anywhere that concealed them from the reaches of parental authority (1990: 15 17). In this new atmosphere, older boys taught ne w recruits the rules of masculinity. Success within this counterculture required younger boys to immediately reject the feminine identity of their upbringing, thereby gaining the respect of their peers and increasing their rank. All of the activities that occupied
23 their time, especially those that emphasized physical skill, served as a series of tests or trials. Punishment existed as a masculine rite of passage: one such game, called s in his lower regions with a hard ball to win the respect of his peers, the victim in question had to endure this challenge without showing any sign of pain (1990: 16, 22). By these various tests and dares, the members of boy culture taught each other h ow to appear tough and aggressive, a trait they would later use in the adult world of men. Activities such as hunting, trapping, and fishing taught boys how to control and dominate nature. Fighting, whether friendly or hostile, taught them mastery over oth er individuals. Boy culture, then, a spontaneous system of constant comparison and internal ranking, inadvertently prepared them for their future as adults (Rotundo 1990: 17). Around their mid teens, boys found the counterculture of their childhood less a ppealing; instead of railing against adult male authority, young males suddenly saw the advantages of its power. They also became interested in girls as future wives, causing the once treasured pastimes of their youth to seem comparatively juvenile. As the importance of boy culture faded, males typically began their slow ascent to manhood by leaving the homes of their upbringing for their first apprenticeship, occupation, or marriage (1990: 30 31).
24 Apprenticeship: An Institution in Decline The Industria the nineteenth century, economic setbacks and technological advances profoundly affected the path to adulthoo d for working class youth. In particular, the printing industry underwent a massive crisis of masculinity during the nineteenth century. Printing, before the turn of the century, had employed a prestigious class of scholarly craftsmen. As cultured intellec tuals of the working class, the patient and laborious techniques of hand typesetting allowed printers to acquire a developed sense of proper grammar, and a relative knowledge of key topics, such as law, medicine, history, and theology. As with many craft b ased livelihoods, a boy learned a thorough knowledge of the art through apprenticeship. Successful training provided the new printer with a family wage, manly independence, and competence (Baron 1990: 152 154). Once an apprentice completed his training, his occupation became both his identity and personal property. As a whole, certified printers enjoyed the status of their occupation as a manly and respectable trade; enjoying a relatively high working class wage, they could provide their families with bot h financial stability and good social standing. Another important aspect of the industry, standard practice ensured a a father could take additional pride in providing for the next generation of his lineage as well. Unions,
25 most of which required an apprenticeship as the criteria for certification, controlled both the definition of competency and the apprenticeship syst em, maintaining these 154 155, 162 163). Alas, the onset of capitalism in the 1830s dramatically jeopardized the on and location of the workplace shifted away from home and family, printers found work under white collar professionals in offices or firms. At first, these employers found the apprenticeship system agreeable. A lengthy period of training, typically betwe en five and seven years, offered mutual advantages: for the employer, free skilled labor; for the apprentice, an appropriate amount of time to emotionally prepare for manly am ount of hierarchy and rank to characterize the workplace, allowing certified well as a comparative reaffirmation of their masculine identities (1990: 152, 154 155). Yet cap italist production strategies and societal values soon challenged the fathers, no emotional qualities of respect and obligation guaranteed commitment. Additionally, the ge due to or independent of these sentiments, the printing industry underwent a
26 noticeable divide in managemen system guarantee of total competence as opposed to others who desired to reduce the cost of labor. Thus, when older apprentices heard of large city firms willing to hire heir masters after only learning a few skills in favor of reduced wages. As this occurrence graduated into a tendency, the entire system of ly viewed apprentices as threats to their positions and wages. Given the task to train them without additional compensation, a dissatisfied foreman or printer would oftentimes neglect the apprentice supposedly under his tutelage. Deprived of any form of gu idance, apprentices became even less competent within the trade (1990: 153 155). Union leaders, as overseers of the apprenticeship system, experienced a reasonable amount of embarrassment. Dissatisfied union printers and a flooding of ated a substantial flaw in the apprenticeship system, at risk of producing a whole generation of inadequate printers without knowledge or loyalty to union standards. Worse still, these young boys without formal training endangered both their masculinity an d future prosperity, as reduced wages would not properly support an entire family. Organizations such as the National Typographical Association and the National Typographical Union, founded in 1836 and 1850 respectively, began formulating solutions regardi ng the number of apprentices, the length and method of training, and the requirements for competency (1990: 152 153, 155 156).
27 adversarial than the declining effectiveness of the a pprenticeship system. The successful invention of the Linotype machine changed the business entirely. Regarded today as a huge advancement, in 1894 it meant the demise of typesetting as a craft. At first, unions attempted to protect the job security of the ir members, attesting that only fully apprenticed printers qualified as operators. However, these attempts proved ineffectual, as mastery of the device took only a matter of days. In its first year, 266 Linotype machines installed in New York City replaced 480 printers; by 1908, unemployment of printers in New York State had reached 21.6 percent. Virtually overnight, printing transformed from an esteemed art to a technical science. Many union printers, unable to work the new machines or to meet production s tandards, found themselves forced into retirement. Some union men attended courses at typesetting schools, reduced to a boyhood level of ineptitude. had only learned simp le tasks, the Linotype effectively replaced them as cost efficient labor. Thus, the inadequately trained worker found that in reality, he had never been a printer at all (1990: 155 156, 158). Those who managed to stay in the printing business hardly recogn ized their profession. With the apprenticeship system largely replaced by vocational programs and on the job training, union men needed another way to establish competence. They determined that the ineffectiveness of many former apprentices had been a resu lt of biological ineptitude. Thus, unions began requiring physicals and other tests
28 to help gauge the masculine aptitude of boys prior to industrial training. Union men occupatio 1990: 162). Due to these restrictions, union leaders found it in creasingly more difficult to attract desirable candidates. The advent of vocational training schools had made the typesetting occupation a common skill of minimum wages. No longer capable of providing a man with a family salary, printing had lost its respe ctability as manly work. As a final blow, limitations based on program participation and biological traits prevented fathers from providing their union leaders, contradicted effectively proving that because not all boys can be printers, thus not all boys can become men through apprenticeship and consequently, not all boys can be men (1990: 161 163). Charles Dickens in Grea t Expectations associates the demise of apprenticeship with an ideological change: for Pip, following his adoptive brother in law Joe into the blacksmithing business means losing his chance with Estella, an upper class girl and the subject of his affection s. Simply put, in order to win her meant becoming a gentleman (1980: 107 108). Many young boys at the onset of Victorianism probably felt this same inclination against the work of their fathers, preferring instead to climb several rungs of the social ladde r. This concept of class
29 and standing indicates an important change in America: the self made man who transcends the class of his birthright by creating a new identity through individual perseverance. The printers, men whose occupation defined their mascu line identity, exemplify self made manhood: professional achievements rather than their place at the head of the household, exemplified their character (Rotundo 1993: 3). Their collective loss of masculinity points to the dangerous game of self made manhoo d: Made Man embodied economic autonomy. This was the manhood of the rising middle class. The flip side of his economic autonomy is anxiety, restlessness, loneliness. Manhood is no longer fixed in land or small scale property ownership or dutiful service. Success must be earned, manhood must be proved and proved constantly. [Kimmel 2006: 17] Thus, the rise of industrialism, along with the creation of separate spheres, simultaneous ly implied masculinity as an elusive reward, gained one day and lost the next. Marriage, Sexuality, and Genteel Definitions of Insanity The well known Victorian taboo against pleasure seeking lusts and sexual desires, exemplified by such euphemisms as th e language of the flowers, derives appetites, like brute beasts that have no understanding, procreation of children (Stocking 1987: 197, 199 200). While an expectation for continence spoke for both the sexes, lust presented itself as an inherently masculine trait. Christian men, although for the most part discoura ged from hedonism in all its
30 forms, occasionally and quietly exerted their authority as the dominant, more mobile sex. While married women rarely involved themselves in extramarital affairs, doctrines of muscular Christianity allowed men certain privileges To sustain a vigorous masculinity, many Christian men during the Victorian period committed themselves to physical health. Young bachelors, transient workers, and the occasional married man away from the attentions of his wife listened carefully to their played a crucial role: without its relief, other social ills such as psychosis and violence could occur to the detriment of public safety (Blee 1991: 302 303). Female sexuality, in comparison, had to remain chaste within marriage so as to remain a true determination of male parentage and virility (Stocking 1987: 202). The married Victorian moral circl e and thus could serve as viable substitutes without the weight of a guilty conscious. Nevertheless, society would not turn a blind eye forever. The widespread social maladies of prostitution, infanticide, abortion, and venereal diseases such as syphilis i nstigated a social rebellion of married women against the double standard. As Michel Foucault suggests in The History of Sexuality (1976), the significance of Victorian sexuality lies in its repression: through a complete denial of its expression, sexualit y became redefined as a constant source of unspoken tension, and thus assumed a central role regarding notions of proper gendered behavior. An unfortunate consequence of Victorian ideals, many men and women experienced an ideology created out of its unatt ainability. Within a cultural context
31 constructed by numerous contradictions, what became of those who did not emulate such archetypes as True Manhood and True Womanhood? Among those individuals with loving families, many stayed for a time at asylums in th e hopes of a return to proper, sometimes gendered, behavior. Asylums offer an intriguing explanation of social values by highlighting cultural definitions of the unusual and unacceptable. According to a study of the inpatient records associated with the Al abama Insane Although official procedure under Alabama law dictated both a lay commitment, seven thousand commitment records at Alabama Insane Hospital before 1900 indicate that family members non medically diagnosed their relatives in most cases. As no specialized training in mental dise ase existed prior to the nineteenth century, physicians rarely disagreed with distressed families as a matter of business strategy. In actuality, many patients, rather than suffering from serious psychological illness, instead provoked social concern (1990 : 54 55). The common sentiment surrounding mental disorders believed that these derangements manifested differently within the sexes. Among physicians, y came from domestic frustrations. Descriptions of such as the various manias related to menstruation, menopause, and postpartum
32 psychosis. Grief, another mental symptom common to women, usually seemed common description of female mental affliction, generally serves as a euphemism for spousal abuse. All three types of feminine psychosis rested on the woman as a passive entity: that a female must allow for her husband to act upon her sexually, must then bear his children, and must also express a penchant for the emotional rather than the rational (1990: 57 59 ). Men, on the other hand suffered fro m no such biological hardships, but rather from the consequence of personal choices Family members of a disturbed male described his circumstance ese conditions deal with either the excess or lack of competence. This perception refers back to the crisis of masculinity during the nineteenth century printing industry, when the Linotype machine forced printers of the old system into retirement. Some of those craftsmen, stripped so abruptly of their hard earned manhood, may have ended up at such an institution. For the overnight incompetent as a family man, his own reputation as an upstanding gentlemen further affected the wellbeing of his wife and child the incompetent is a father, then these conditions are almost sure to breed criminal could save the child of an incompetent father from public shame and degradati on. Undisciplined sexual habits constituted another symptom of male psychosis. Family members who discovered evidence of a male relative masturbating became
33 highly alarmed for more reasons than just shock. The importance of both public and private male re the potential for infertility and further indicating a dangerous loss of masculine control. Simple (Hughes 1990: 5 7). By the late 1890s, it became more clinically diagnosed as general paresis. Originally regarded as a condition caused by a weakness in character, Dr. Peter Bryce, superintendent of the Alabama Insane Hospital from 1861 to 1891, defined the condition in this way: Found to prevail most among men, and at the most active time of life, from thirty five to forty, in the majority of cases. Habitual intemperance, sexual excesses, overstrain in business, in fact, all those habits which tend to keep up too rapid c erebral action, are supposed to induce this type of disease. It is especially a disease for the fast life and fast business in large cities. [ 1990: 60 ] public sphere, as well as the stress of upholding personal, professional, and moral responsibilities. 4 Addiction appeared as a common condition among both men and women. Once addictions remained mired in the domestic setting. Men frequently demonstrated mixed dependencies, relying on alcohol in addition to substances including opium, 4 General paresis neuropsychiatric disorder of the brain and central nervous system that develops in the later stages of syphilis; characterized by dementia, progressive muscular weakness, paralysis, and seizures.
34 morphine, and cocaine. The association of a male dependency with alcohol located the source of his addiction in the pu blic sphere: with drunkenness discouraged, men nevertheless enjoyed an acceptable amount of social drinking in the amoral ly competitive arena of homosocial leisure Women, on the hand, who lacked an outlet for social drinking, instead develop ed private add ictions to opium or morphine a menstrual pain and postpartum discomfort (1990: 59) Until recently, this knowledge of imbibing as generally inappropriate for women explained the popularity of bitters and patent medicines. The work of Catherine Holder Spude (ne Blee) on a variety of households in Skagway, Alaska uncovered a different story. Among family households, Spude found evidence of both drinking and temperate assemblages. F or assumption suggests that women who abused patent medicines often drank alcohol as well, within the pr ivate auspices of the home (Blee 1991: 295; Spude 2005: 95). Material Culture and the Migration West As indicated by Ames (1978) in his study of hallway artifacts, Victorians treated their material culture as symbols of class and morality. As part of the material culture, architecture and the concept of divided space demonstrate the Victorian ideal of aesthetics over pragmatism. As Ames elucidates, a house with a hallway provided the luxuries of privacy and exclusiveness. The front part of a typical Victor ian house
35 featured lavish parlors and the more public view of private family life for those allowed entrance. The back part of the home, rarely mentioned, kept the more s, the idea of a one room living space meant squalor and indecency; the use of rooms with specific purposes and functions, though, meant opulence. Like their ideas of society, the household exemplified the importance of order and structure. Wall (1991) il comparisons of tableware and teaware: material items within the house present role also invited a certa in amount of competition through dcor and fine taste. John Starrett Hughes, in his discussion of the Alabama Insane Hospital, discusses plans of architecture specific to asylums. The Alabama Insane Hospital, built in accordance to the Kirkbride Plan, central hallway, preventing the sexes from socializing inap propriately so as to avoid patients became reimmersed in their childhood upbringing: treated respectfully by a nurturing staff, patients engaged in constructive work tasks such as sewing for women and outdoor physical labor for men. Psychiatrists believed that this nonintrusive method of order and discipline would encourage mental rest, and would
36 propriety, they moreover eliminated those seen as potentially harmful (e.g., competition, independence, and aggression). In fact, success within the asylum barely correlated with th e outside world, suggesting a subtle critique of Victorian society, as men and women received virtually the same treatment and were expected to behave similarly when in the presence of doctors and staff (1990: 60 63). The asylum, with its function of the i nstitution as home, indicates the importance of the family household to Victorian societies: as a place for daily moral reeducation that men and children could safely reenter from the competitive environs of the outside world. Additionally, the institution alization of individuals displaying an apparent lack of competence and discipline illustrates the significance of those qualities to the overarching custom of gentility. Thus, white middle and upper class men had to maintain varying degrees of duty, discip line, competence, competition, and individualism in order to uphold a respectable image for themselves and their families. Part of this image required both an appreciation and a rejection of the feminine: to oppose it in the competitive arena of commerce, only to reenter it daily effete, and effeminate indicate the importance to masculinity of discarding any traits associated with women at the early age through boy culture and all male association (Gilmore 1 990: 11 ). Arrival to the Western frontier, however, would greatly challenge these definitions of masculinity for many Victorian men of the mid nineteenth century. As
37 the next chapter will briefly discuss, many residents of the East Coast found themselves in a land devoid of women and of genteel society, yet also plentiful in its freedom from cultural restraint and social expectation. Before the transcontinental railroad, California offered a redefinition of masculine iden tity. The case studies to follow, by interpretative methods of historical archaeology, will explore the mosphere by the late nineteenth century, as well as how the arrival of Victorianism affected the region as a whole. From Cali Lode to the Comstock of Virginia City, evidence of Victorianism will open a window into the lives of late nineteenth century men and masculine identity.
38 C HAPTER III S ACRAMENTO C ALIFORNIA AND THE G OLDEN E AGLE S ITE I w anted the gold, and I sought it; I scrabbled and mucked like a slave. Was it famine or scurvy I fought it; I hurled my youth into a grave. I wanted the gold, and I got it Came out with a fortune last fall, And someho w the gold isn't all. 1993: 1 ) 5 In December 1848, a strange contagion began spreading throughout the metropolises of the East Coast Although benign in nature, it nevertheless caused a distinct change in the beh avior, ambition, and character of many formerly even minded individuals One of the countless observers Neufville Tailer, newly of New York City. Twenty one years old and employed as a dry goods clerk, Tailer had fully embraced t he world of white collar professionalism. In his diary and young men are enticed away from their business haunts, and daily occupations, for the sak e of acquiring the filthy lucre (Rob erts 2000: 17). While Tailer could not the assurances of a solid career and steady income. Like a number of his oriented occ upation had in turn deeply engrained friends, and career well before such grandiose visions of the 5 Originally published in 1913.
39 18). Since Tailer serves as a resolute represen tative of the newly formed American middle class, it comes as altogether more surprising that the California gold rush occurred within the Victorian Era. Many perspectives of this event in American history combine fact with fiction A frequent portrayal pa ints the niner who heroically b attl es Indians and wild animals at every turn on his journey through the Wild West. Yet when he finally arriv es to the p romised l and of California he has undeniably lost all sense of propriety and appr opriate behavior Doomed to a tragic fate, he drinks and gambles until the fateful day a gunman shoots him d ead at high noon on a n empty street bordered by false front frame buildings. This image, although both exciting and tragic, exemplifies the error of scholars and show business executives al ike. Instead of focusing on the daily routines of life in the American West, the region as a whole has instead been shoot outs, gambli the region solely by this narrow set of assumptions, evidence of Victorianism anywhere near places of such inherent lawlessness and violence would seem discrepant at best. Nevertheless, historical records and archaeological evidence in addition to other sources of information have supported a more historically accurate representation : Victorianism in Gold Rush California, instead of opera ting on the margins of society, dominated Western culture socially, econom ically, and materially. As discussed in the previous chapter, financial competency represented one of the integral values of Victorian manhood in order to gain the social standing of a respectable gentleman, a man had
40 to first earn enough capital for bot h his family and for the material aesthetics demanded by such a reputation. Unlike Tailer, who in 1848 had already resigned himself comfortably to a life of gradual advancement, numerous others found themselves unsatisfied by these turn of events. News of gold in California, then, and the Victorian ideal. This chapter will focus on the Golden Eagle Hotel, and its development from a humble frontier accommodation to an upscale urban establishment as indicative of social change and assimilation. The Mother Lode and Sacramento On January 24, 1848, an unsuspecting James Marshall of New Jersey came across a sizeable deposit of gold in the tailrace of Johann The timing valuable coincidence. Unofficially, nearby Native American, Spanish, and Mexican groups had known about gold in the Sierra Nevada mountain range long before 1848 (2000: 18 19). Nevertheless, gold in California firmly justified the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo as both a peaceful negotiation and as a wise investment for the United States. While Western inhabitants began to stake their claims straightaway, Eastern fference initially delayed national excitement. They had heard of such discoveries before: Lumpkin County, Georgia in 1829; and Chilton County, Alabama in 1830. Besides the considerably closer proximity of these two previous
41 rushes to that of the distant C alifornia wilderness, most Americans generally disapproved of quick wealth. Mining, after all, involved the vulgarity of physical labor an activity undignified for any self respecting individual. Present at as well t hose already in high economic circles did Almost a year later, the federal government finally triumphed over these cultural misgivings. On December 5, 1848, President James K. Pol k addressed Congress, confirming the fantastical yet firm existence of abundant gold deposits in California. The announcement further revealed that the first shipment of gold to Washington, stamped as GENUINE would be dedicated as war medals to veterans o f the Mexican America n War (2000: 20). In one day the amoral and destructive notion of California gold became a tangible symbol of heroic patriotism and financial success begins to take shape. Rather than middle class men running away from embedded cultural values, they instead brought Victorianism with them to frontier settlements Susan Lee Johnson, by studying the cultural history of the Southern Mines region, finds that men rarely prospected by themselves, instead living in groups of two to seven men who shared domestic responsibilities. Men of the Victorian era found themselves cooking, sewing, washing clothes in nearby streams, gardening, and taking care of sick miners activities usually associated with their wives. Some men even seemed proud that they had learned to do such chores although women, whenever present,
42 always received praise for doing them better justice (2001: 100, 107, 110, 116, 122 123). Johnson makes another crucial obse rvation of race relations and notions of gender oftentimes overlapping: whenever white men had the opportunity, they often delegated domestic tasks to Chinese or African American laborers as viable Prior to the com pletion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869, wide ranges of consumer products found themselves in short supply. Nonetheless, San Francisco and Sacramento soon emerged as the two major centers of commerce for the Pacific Coast Sacramento originally be gan as a supply center for the Sierra mines, eventually transitioning its service to farming communities of the Central Valley once flush times came to an end in the 1 8 50s. Sacramento received merchandise from San Francisco, Europe, Asia, and the East Coas t (A. Praetzellis et al. 2010 : 116). As the material culture from the excavations in the J/K/6/7 block will reveal, Sacramento within only a few decades surpassed its frontier beginnings in order to accommodate new signs of a developing urbanism (see Map 3 .1)
43 M AP 3.1 Historic Map of Sacramento, ca. 1873 (adapted from Sacramento History Online 2003 ) The Golden Eagle Hotel Daniel E. Callahan owner of the Golden Eagle Hotel, serves as a fitting example of the middle class man traveling west in s earch of better prospects. Callahan came to Sacramento from Wisconsin in 1849 by ox team and wagon with his wife Rebecca and two sons, George and William. Upon arriving in Sacramento in September after a six month journey, the Callahan family originally ma de their modest camp at the corner of Fifth and M, living like the majority of Eastern newcomers in a canvas covered structure. On September 19, 1850, Callahan
44 purchased a parcel of land on Oak Avenue. Despite these initial accomplishments, the Callahans s uffered tremendous losses during the flood of 1850. Soon after this, Callahan began prospecting in the mines. Successful enough in his endeavors, in February 1851 Callahan bought an adjoining lot to the east of his Oak Avenue 6 parcel which fronted K Street gradually built and renovated (Davis 1890: 453 454; Pitti 2010 : 1). On his first two pieces of property, Callahan built his first accommodation business. Called simply y featured a simple canvas covered structure that operated as both a bar and hotel. Due to its proximity to the transient single men on their way to the central mining distric t. Nevertheless, Callahan had much larger aspirations for his fledging enterprise In 1851, he contracted with the firm of Grant and Voorhies to construct a wooden frame building river Pitti 2010 : 1, 9). business forever. Fires often signaled the demise of early frontier towns almost became one of the standing structures. Nevertheless, the city soon recovered 6 In the late 1900s, city officials discovered that Sacramento had, in fact, three Oak Avenues. The Oak in 19 76 as Merchant Street (Alcal 2007: 26 27).
45 F IGURE 3.1 The Golden Eagle Hotel in 1866 at the Corner of Seventh and K ( Pitti 2010 : 3) proprietor In June of 1853, Callahan mortgaged a portion of his prop erties for $1,000; with this money he then purchased another adjoining parcel. Now with even more land, Callahan built the Golden Eagle Hotel. This time, Calla han constructed a hotel built to last out of brick and marble lime plaster, featuring a prominent granite private entrance to the upstairs rooms, parlors on the second and thi rd floors, and a dining room described as serving (2010: 1 2). This new solid and enduring hotel, conforming to Victorian architectural tastes, was further credited with stop ping the
46 spread of another fire in 1854. Callahan would continue to renovate and add additions to his refined hotel, as its reputation became rapidly one of sophistication and comfort. In 1855 he extended his property on ce again, and by 1856 the hotel feat ured the capacity for 200 guests. The Daily Alta California named the Golden 2010: 2). Callahan did not fully transform the Golden Eagle for almost a decade due to matters of a much larg er, city wide concern. Due to the consequences of rapid urbanization and poor city planning Sacramento had ga ined a nefarious reputation as a stinking city. Constant flooding during the 1850s and 1860s became a noticeable problem. Destruction and confusio n caused by floods in 1850 and 1852, in addition to the Great Fire of 1852, mandated the reestablishment of property boundaries. By the 1860s, though a far more serious concern arose regarding public health. In December 1861 and January 1862, more floodin g created pools of stagnant water and contributed to a variety of numerous unsanitary conditions. With the population of Sacramento ever increasing due to its proximity to the Sierra Nevada mine s, disease developed into a crisis, specifically the smallpox epidemic of 1862 and 1863. In order to ameliorate these conditions local physicians and concerned citizens began planning municipal, large scale solutions. One such priority, the establishment of an official sewerage and drainage system, required a major alteration of a graduated southeastern slope that would channel waste to a main ditch ( 2010 : 2). As a member of this urban planning movement, Callahan
47 F IGURE 3.2 The Golden Eagle Hotel, ca. 1910 1915 ( Pitti 2010 : 5) willingly complied with city ordinances. Between 1866 and 1868, he had laid the fill necessary to elevate the portion of his hotel on Seventh Street and by 1870 had raised the back portion of his lot as well. During this period he enlarged the hotel for a final time, extending it to the northwest corner of Seventh and K in 1867. Two years later, in 1869, with both the Italianate faade and the paving of K Street completed, the four story Golden Eagle Hotel had finally assumed a stately, elegant air, as had its su rrounding environs ( 2010 : 2 4). By this time Sacramento had successfully outlived its beginnings as a gold rush boomtown. With the majority of claims having been many businesse s within the central business district. Gone was the Horse Market, which in 1862 had been deemed by the public as morally reprehensible and
48 offensive, to such an extent that the Sacramento Bee on December 16 demanded the ir business in a proper and decorous manner and et al 2010 : 127). The supposedly rough behavior and obscene language of the traders, presented in Hollywood westerns as the expected condu ct of Gold Rush characters, had officially contained a reading room, billiard room, bar, an d a dining room at which guests were served Franco American cuisine at long tables ( Pitti 2010 : 4). eventually led to an unstable fiscal situation. The price of renovations, in support of Besides elevating the hotel as part of the city wide street raising mandate, Callahan had additional ly increased expenses for levees fire and police protection. 7 Des pite mounting difficulties, Callahan managed to survive financially until the 1870s. During the summer of 1873, Ouallahan & Company sued him for non payment; and on March 28, 1874, John Breuner filed a complaint concerning an overdue loan Other creditors soon followed suit. Consequently, Callahan filed for bankruptcy on April 18, 1874; on August 14 th of the same year, Creed Haymond and Jo Hamilton purchased the Gol den Eagle Hotel at auction for 50,800 dollars on behalf of the Odd 7 Callahan had also allegedly been involved in various business dealings, including speculation in the Comstock Lode. Based on surviving financial records, costs relating to the Golden Eagle comprised the majorit y of his debts (Pitti 2010: 4).
49 Fellows Bank ( 2010 : 4, 7). Although no longer the owner of the Golden Eagle Hotel Callahan maintained his reputation as a respectable family man with many friends Becoming a successful politician he retained the position of Count y Treasurer for seven years (Davis 1890: 73) 8 Ex cavation and A rtifacts Archaeological excavations at the Golden Eagle site, conducted by the Anthropological Studies Center of Sonoma State University in 1979, lasted from July 9 to August 14. As stipulated in their contract with the Redevelopment Agency o f the City of Sacramento, the purpose of these investigations aimed to locate items of cultural and historic al significance, as well as to determine National Register eligibility (A. Praetzellis 2010 : 49 ; Praetzellis et al. 2010 : i). The total deposits of the site date approximately between 1857 and 1878. Several businesses are represented by the collection, with the Golden Eagle Hotel and Oyster Saloon the significant contributors ( Praetzellis et al. 2010 : i). For the purposes of a coherent ana lysis, this chapter will primarily focus on artifact assemblages directly associated with the Golden Eagle Hotel. Feature 20 and Feature 8 both contain artifacts connected to the Feature 20, a brick lined pit in the refuse between 1857 and 1860, with the lowest variability within artifact classes 8 No historical records available to the author reveal any information about Mrs. Callahan or her involvement in the Golden Eagle Hotel as a business. This lack of acknowledgment provides an n the past, with specific regards to female activities or accomplishments.
50 compared to the other analyzed areas Feature 8, a wide squat shaft adjacent to Feature 20, contai ns some items was filled, circa 1870. It was most likely used as a drainage sump until the raising of caused its abandonment. Prior to its association with the blacksmith, it may hav e been used in connection to the Golden Eagle Hotel as early as 1861 ( 2010 : 115). Buttons, ceramics, clay tobacco pipes, and glassware associated with these two features will now be described and analyzed. Buttons Of the 200 buttons recovered from the Go lden Eagle site, 24 came from Features 20 and 8. U nless otherwise noted, the vast majority were opaque and undecorated. Feature 20, associated with the restaurant of the Golden Eagle Hotel, yielded a tota l of 20 buttons, while Feature 8 yielded 4 buttons The button assemblages of these two features revealed two different compositional materials, three types, and various sizes ( Carpenter 2010 : 1 4, 10). Ceramic Buttons In 1840, Richard Prosser of Birmin gham, England, patented an inexpensive and industria l method for ceramic button production. Due to their low cost and abundance, they became rapidly la mode in both England and France. The trend method in 1841; however, it did not rise to popularity in the States until the 1860s ( 2010 : 6).
51 Ceramic dish buttons are a type of agate small agates, however, probably accompanied either infant clothing or lingerie Dish buttons have a concav e center, flat back, and slightly rounded sides. Concerning the two relevant areas, Features 20 and 8 yielded 16 and 2 dish buttons 3.3 (2010: 2, 4, 7, 13). Dish knob bu ttons are a variation of the dish buttons described above with the back of the button convex rather than flat In the middle of the concave face is a small raised knob. Buttons having this knob only appear in larger sizes, and most likely indicate a devia tion in the manufacturing process. From Feature 20, 3 four hole dish knob buttons were recovered For an example of the ceramic dish knob Shell Buttons Before the 1850s, the manufacture of shell butto ns had been a craft industry During the nineteenth century, Birmingham, England replace cottage industries with the technologies of mass production The finest shell buttons were made of white Macassar shell s from the East Indies, while more affordable sh ell s came from Manilla, Bombay, and Alexandria. Pearl buttons succeeded all other shell buttons in terms of cost and refinement developed, pearl buttons remained quite costly. Fortunately for United Sta consumers, Union blockades during the Civil War forced the establish ment of
52 domestic shell and pearl button manufactories in the Southern United States Shell buttons accompanied both formal In large matching quantiti es, shell buttons indicate with virtual certainty the presence of women since shell buttons served as decorations on the waists and bodices of Victorian gowns. A shell button of the shallow inkwell type, recovered from Feature 20, has a concave center wit h four holes. For this example of a shell inkwell type, see 9 T ABLE 3.1 Distribution of Button Types, Golden Eagle Hotel Material Type and Variety Method of Attachment Size in mm Feature 20 Feature 8 Ceramic Dish 3 holes 6 8 1 0 Dish 4 holes 9 11 14 2 Dish 4 holes 12 14 1 2 Dish Knob 4 holes 15 17 3 0 Shell Inkwell 4 holes 6 8 1 0 (adapted from Carpenter 2010 : 4) 9 Although the majority of shell buttons prior to the 1850s were manufactured in Britain, the examples represented at the Golden Eagle site, including the one inkwell type in Featu re 20, were of a French variety not introduced to America until 1855. Since Feature 20 dates between 1857 and 1860, it is doubtful that these were domestically produced (Carpenter 2010: 10).
53 F IGURE 3. 3 Buttons of the Golden Eagle Site (adapted from Carpenter 2 010 : 13b )
54 Ceramics Ceramics are an important dating tool due to their relative durability, and serve as i mportant indicators of economic and social status Due to their direct the ceramics from Features 20 and 8 provide a good sample of high end restaurant ceramic wares for the period 1855 to 1870 Three broad categories represented by the Golden Eagle ceramic collection include earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain (M. Praetzellis 2010 : 1). Earthenware as a category describes a wide variety of pottery types that due to low firing temperatures cannot be classified as either stoneware or porcelain. Earthenware pottery typically appears opaque; as a porous, water absorbent material, it must be glazed before utilized for such activities as food preparation, food storage and serving ware. The Golden Eagle ceramics collection features both crude and more advanced examples of earthenware. The majority of potsherds and ceramic restaurant represent more refined types of earthenware, although basic varieties were also recovered. Examples of the latter include one fragment of common pottery (Feature 8), a yellow ware Rockingham handle (Feature 20), and a yellow ware mixing bowl (F eature 8). Common pottery, porous, it typically consists of local and unrefined clay colored red, buff, or brown At nineteenth century sites, fragm ents of common pottery oftentimes represent flowerpots, bowls, and crocks. Yellow ware, another basic form of earthenware, features a pale yellow or cream color coated with either a
55 clear or yellow glaze. Mixing bowls circa 1830 and 1900 represent the most common form of yellow ware vessel. The handle in Feature 20 differs from the mixing bowl recovered from Feature 8 as an example of a Rockingham glazed vessel with variegated brown coloring Both the mixing bowl and vessel associated with the recovered han dle may have been locally made, as by 1872 Sacramento had at least one pottery producing Rockingham glazed yellow ware ( 2010 : 2, 8 11, 32 33, 35). creating affordable earthenware imit ations as a more durable substitute for porcelain. Categories of refined white earthenware within the Golden Eagle collection include pearlware, white improved earthenware, and opaque porcelain. Pearlware, introduced to the United States in the 1780s, was the common American tableware by 1810. White improved earthenware, a n even more durable form of imitation porcelain, had largely replaced pearlware by the 1840s. It represents a type of pottery well suited for frontier conditions, and was widely produced i n the nineteenth century Opaque porcelain, the most refined type of white earthenware, oftentimes appears as grayish white in color and displays a crystalline structure when viewed in cross section. Vessels of refined earthenware within the Golden Eagle H restaurant collection include plates, ewers, dishes, saucers, cups, bowls, flatware, a toy teapot, and a cosmetic jar lid ( 2010 : 2 4, 7, 32 35). Stoneware, another type of ceramic within the Golden Eagle collection, ranges in color anywhere from bu ff to brownish black, and is typically fired between 1100 and 1300 degrees Celsius. Generally sedimentary in composition, its working
56 properties vary considerably, although a vitreous enamel and non porous quality are common characteristics. Concerning Eur o American varieties of stoneware, vessels are typically coated with a salt glaze on the exterior and slip. Due to its density and superior durability, stoneware was commonly used for shipping and storage purposes. Throughout the eighteenth, nineteenth, an d twentieth centuries, stoneware regularly contained alcoholic beverages such as beer and ale (Society for Historical Archaeology 2012). Stoneware associated with the hotel restaurant includes a crock lid (Feature 20) as well as a crock, bottle, jug, and o ther miscellaneous fragments (Feature 8). Although the crock lid from Feature 20 covers the crock of Feature 8, it was not officially determined by the investigative team whether the two artifacts in fact belonged as one crock and lid unit, or if it was si mply a coincidence ( 2010 : 12, 33, 35). Porcelain represents the finest and most expensive type of pottery in the collection during this time period. Produced by firing kaolin and feldspar at 1400 degrees Celsius, characteristic properties of porcelain incl ude a hard, dense, translucent white vessel which appears granular when viewed in cross section. Euro American porcelain evolved from the original blue and white of the Chinese tradition. Employing instead a clear glaze, Euro American porcelain during the nineteenth century was primarily produced in England and France. Examples of porcelain vessels include plates, dishes, platters, saucers, and miscellaneous fragments ( 2010 : 14 15, 33 34).
57 F IGURE 3.4 Ceramic Assemblage of Feature 20, Golden Eagle Site (M. Praetzellis 2010 : 65) F IGURE 3.5 Ceramic Assemblage of Feature 8, Golden Eagle Site (M. Praetzellis 2010 : 6 6 )
58 T ABLE 3.2 Distribution of Ceramics at the Golden Eagle Hotel Feature 20 Provenience/Group Form/ Decoration Sherds (Vessels) Opaque Porcelain small plate ewer/multi sided oval dish/molded /molded 7 (1) 22 (2) 11 (1) 3 Porcelain small plate oval dish platter plate miscellaneous 11 (1) 4 (1) 7 (1) 29 (4) 8 Stoneware crock lid 10 (1) White Improved Earthenware painted/blue print saucer /paneled small oval platter/molded cup/multi sided hollow/molded bowl/octagonal plate/multi sided small plate deep plate saucer plate oval dish miscellaneous flatware 1 31 (4) 18 (3) 8 (1) 3 (1) 7 (1) 23 (1) 40 (10) 34 (4) 46 (8) 124 (11) 44 (4) 174 Yello w Ware handle/Rockingham 1 Feature 8 Provenience/Group Form/Decoration Sherds (Vessels) Common Pottery unknown 1 Opaque Porcelain ewer/multi sided ewer /molded miscellaneous 2 (1) 18 (2) 1 5 1 7 Pea rlware toy teapot cosmetic jar lid lidded vessel/multi sided 1 2 (1) 7 (1) Porcelain cup/multi sided cup oval dish small oval platter serving dish/molded head plate 5 (4) 1 40 (18) 3 15 (1) 14 (6)
59 small plate saucer/paneled /lattice work miscellaneous 2 ( 1) 3 1 21 Stoneware bottle crock jug miscellaneous 3 (3) 32 (2) 1 7 White Improved Earthenware /red print pitcher/blue print /blue print small plate/multi sided saucer/paneled plate/mult i sided cup/multi sided plate/molded miscellaneous/molded lidded vessel/molded deep plate plate small plate oval dish small dish oval platter cup miscellaneous (mainly plates) 2 2 (1) 6 14 (9) 11 (4) 1 2 6 (1) 14 (7) 8 (2) 3 (2) 2 (2) 2 (2) 9 (1) 29 (9) 2 9 (5) 11 (4) 29 (14) 2 (1) 4 (3) 3 (1) 155 (w/ 11 marks) Yellow Ware mixing bowl 19 (2) ( adapted from M. Praetzellis 2010 : 32 35 )
60 F IGURE 3.6 Clay Tobacco Pipes, Golden Eagle Site (adapted from Elling 2010 : 12b, 13b) Clay Tobacco Pipes A speci alized type of ceramic artifact historic clay tobacco pipes are a useful dating tool for pre nineteenth century contexts Harrington (1978) was one of the first to recognize that the stem hole diameters of English clay tobacco pipes follow a consistent de creasing trend over time Useful as this technique has been for eighteenth century sites, the trend has not proved similarly consistent for either nineteenth century sites or pipes of non English manufacturing. P opular as early as the 1620s, stem hole diam eters stem hole becomes too small, it renders the pipe nonfunctional. After 1780, stems became shorter and diameters inconsistently large. A similar irregularity corresponds
61 obacco pipes. Originally, hand manufacture of pipes had ensured a high degree of reliability Unfortunately once pipes became a mass s either disappeared entirely or were plagiarized. latter although once the initials of an individual mass production made it instead a type of pipe unconnected to any one pipemaker ( Elling 2010 : 1 3). Although currently unreliable for dating nineteenth century archaeological sites, clay tobacco pipes may be indicators of consumer patterns and societal pretensions. Clay tobacco pipes recovered from Features 20 and 8 represent different varieties of all white ball clay composition Pipes associated with the Golden Eagle and one plain stem (h) from Feature 8; one roulette pipe bowl fragment and matching stem (e) (d) mark (g) four plain stems, one plain oar shaped stem (l ), and one plain baseball bat shaped stem (n) from Feature 20 (2010: 9 11) Items demarcated with lower case letters are depicted in Figure 3. 6
62 Glassware Feature 20, also containing a large amount of glassware, shares a significant amount of types and varieties with Feature 8. The repetitiveness of glassware types correlate s with that of a restaurant enterprise. Feature 20 cont ains a large number of wine bottles, stemmed go blets, and bar tumblers, while Feature 8, in addition to stemmed goblets, has large amounts of olive oil and brandied fruit condiment bottles (M. Praetzellis 2010: 18, 29) For photographs of the two glassware assemblages, see Figures 3.7 and 3.8 for a det ailed distribution of these artifacts, see Table 3.3
63 F IGURE 3.7 Glassware Assemblage of Feature 20, Golden Eagle Site ( Armstrong 2010 : 22) F IGURE 3.8 Glassware Assemblage of Feature 8, Golden Eagle S ite ( Armstrong 2010 : 21)
64 T ABLE 3.3 Distribution of Bottles and Glassware at the Golden Eagle Hotel Description Origin Feature 20 Feature 8 C ONDIMENTS brandied fruit 18 116 pickle 1 0 olive oil France (poss.) 0 13 capers Mediterranean 1 0 Worcestershire sauce England 0 4 peppersauce San Francisco 2 0 peppersauce 6 11 relish 0 4 A LCOHOLIC B EVERAGES ale (stoneware) Scotland 0 3 porter/ale (glass) U.K. and U.S.A. 3 8 wine/champagne France and Germany 10 4 whiskey/spirits 0 0 S ODA W ATER soda/mine ral water U.S.A. 0 0 soda/mineral water (stoneware) Germany 0 0 soda/mineral water (glass) 0 3 M EDICINE bitters U.S.A. 1 2 medicine U.S.A. 0 1 medicine 16 5 P ERFUME /T OILETRIES 0 2 ( Armstrong 2010 : 2)
65 Analysis of a H otel R estaurant A ssemblage Due to the similar types and amounts of glassware recovered at Features 20 and 8, both areas resta urant. The glassware and buttons recovered fr om both features serve as feasible indi class patrons. Concerning glassware, condiment bottles for brandied fruit and olive oil not only represent more mundane reflect various trade networks in the western U.S. that had been established by the late nineteenth century. Brandied fruit bottles in particular, most likely imported to Sacramento from France by way of San Francisco, preserved a particularly prestigious food item. One such menu item a t two dollars a serv was one of the more popular and expensive dishes in 1850s California Sacramento most likely had established trade networks for foodstuffs with England (Worcestershire sauce) and with the Mediterranean Basin (capers) as well ( Armstron g 2010: 1 2, 6). Alcoholic beverages indicate unique preferences among particularly distinct classes and social groups. With evidence of English port and ale, as well as wine and champagne from France, it might seem easy to assume that these refined variet ies directly relate to personal preference. However, with no archaeological evidence of other spirits or local American brews, there are at least two alternate explanations. First, historical records reveal that Callahan bought whiskey and brandy by the ba rrel, containers considerably less durable than bottles. Additionally, although local and inexpensive brands may not have been featured on the menu, they still could
66 T ABLE 3.4 Size and Function of Buttons Range in mm Typical Use Feature 20 Feature 8 6 8 dress shirts lingerie infant garments 2 0 9 11 shirts 14 2 12 14 dresses vests pants (fly) 1 2 15 17 dresses vests suspenders 3 0 18 20 coats 0 0 21 23 overcoats 0 0 (adapted from Carpenter 2010 : 2) have been served in more general types of glassware such as tumblers or stoneware bottles Even with these considerations, English porter and ale rarely appear on the same menus as local brews, and are consistently higher in price English stouts ranged between seventy five cents and on e dollar, compared to a glass of American beer for five cents ( Armstrong 2010 : 29 30 ; Society for Historical Archaeology 2012 ). Advertizing more costly beverages no doubt attract ed customers who c ould afford such tastes. Buttons provide economic and demogr aphic information for historic sites. Buttons and ceramics seem to have been used to communicate social standing, whether actual or desired. Bone buttons were oftentimes cut to look like wood, just as glass buttons were made more opaque to imitate porcelai n. The majority of buttons from the Golden Eagle site seem English or French in origin, as the American button industry did not become firmly established until the late 1800s ( Carpenter 2010 : 3). Concerning the Golden Eagle Hotel, a total of 16 buttons
67 mea sured between 9 and 11 mm in diameter. A shirts, this majority indicate s a principally male population. Multiple matching examples of these buttons further suggest that many of these men were solitary. As it was customary for women at the time to mend clothing and remove buttons from unwanted attire, matching buttons indicate a discarded garment, buttons and all, by a single man without assistance (2010: 2, 11 12). Despite a predominately male population, there are some in dications of women within the restaurant context. Two buttons, one ceramic and the other mother of pearl, represent the two smallest buttons recovered from Feature 20, with diameters measuring between 6 and 8 mm. These buttons are equally likely to have assumption, as Callahan raised his own children at the hotel until 1874 and friendly atmosphere (Davi s 1890: 454 ; Pitti 2010: 7 ). Evidence of pipe smoking further indicates the presence of masculine activities within the restaurant of the Golden Eagle. With no two varieties of pipes the same it points to the overwhelming amount of brands, as well as the importance of personal preference and individual taste It was quite common to regularly discard clay tobacco pipes due to their tendency to break easily and their inexpensive replacement Since all of the pipes associated restaurant were of this cheap all white ball clay variety it may not have been an essential indicator of social status to smoke a particularly refined type of pipe. Especially in frontier times, more
68 F IGURE 3.9 Weighted Ceramic Decorative Types by Feature, Golden Eag le Hotel (M. Praetzellis 2010 : 7 6 ) costly pipes such as Meerschaums or those with detachable stems may have been used infrequently to prevent loss or damage ( Elling 2010 : 14 15). Rather than have been an individual trademark of preference and style. disclose a wise business collection reveal s a high ly repetitive assortment o f types, with white improved earthenware
69 chiefly represented, followed by a decent proportions of opaque porcelain and a small amount of stoneware as illustrated by Figure 3. 9 Although of quality composition, the majority of dishware represented was undec orated. This was most likely due to the frequent and various changes in taste during the Victorian Era the safest way to please everyone was to simply serve them with at least an imitation of fine serving ware. Decorated ceramics had little to do with co mmunicating status for certain commercial enterprises; rather the most effective strategy invite s a certain type of person into any given establishment preferably one with both prospects and capital. The Golden Eagle Hotel establishes a likely scenario for how, when, and by whom Victorianism came to dominate the material culture of Western America. By asserting their needs for specific types of consumer items, newly transplanted Victorian Americans transformed the West by controlling the channels and res ults of clientele from transient men to more respectable individuals and families, signify a change in Sacramento itself most likely caused by assimilative pressure of the later, dominant group ( Praetzellis et al. 2010 : 110). R ather than many of the middle class came instead with the memory of these consolations in the front of their minds. As technology became more advanced and trade networks more elaborate, W estern America enjoyed many of the same amenities as Eastern cities
70 a bar and drinking establishment in Virginia City, home to the next great rush in American history.
71 C HAPTER IV V IRGINIA C ITY N EVADA AND P IPER S O LD C ORNER B AR The "city" of Virginia roosted royally midway up the steep side of Mount Davidson, seven thousand two hundred feet above the level of the sea, and in the clear Nevada atmosphe re was visible from a distance of fifty miles! It claimed a population of fifteen thousand to eighteen thousand, and all day long half of this little army swarmed the streets like bees and the other half swarmed among the drifts and tunnels of the "Comstoc k," hundreds of feet down in the earth directly under those same streets. Often we felt our chairs jar, and heard the faint boom of a blast down in the bowels of the earth under the office. The mountain side was so steep that the entire town had a slant to it like a roof. Mark Twain, Roughing It (1990: 228 229) throughout the American frontier from 1861 to 1867 Samuel Clemens, during his time as a popular writer for the Terr itorial description above observes rather than sensationalizes, and furthermore hints to the flush times. This chapter will closely Bar in Virginia City, Nevada, a widely going clientele to gather prior to and confines of Victorian genteel society at the prosperous and cosmopolitan boomtown of Virginia City.
72 M AP 4.1 Street Map of Virginia Cit y Marking Various Businesses (Dixon 1999: 19) The Comstock Lode and Virginia City In the early 1850s, a handful of amateur miners began searching what has become known as the Virginia Range, a ridge that runs parallel to the eastern slope of the Sierra N evada mountain range. These men were hoping to find deposits from the great Mother Lode of the California gold rush. Unbeknownst to them, by 1859 the United States would experience its first and most lucrative silver rush, which in its entirety would yield hundreds of millions of dollars, and was largely responsible for the rapid growth and economic success of both Nevada and San Francisco. One of the few rush towns to boom twice, the Big Bonanza of 1873 yielded 166 million
73 dollars in the span of five short years (James 1998: x, 1, 108). Due to its abrupt reputation for wealth, Virginia City experienced the typical characteristics of the overnight urbanization, an exponential increase in population, and a makeshift society marked by ethni c diversity and a highly unbalanced sex ratio. Mining boomtowns exhibited a host of societal dichotomies: the wealthy and the poor, the amateur and the professional, the prostitute and the married woman, the white and the minority. Because these groups wer e more conscience of their coexistence compared to the more gradually planned cities of the East, Virginia City provides a unique study of sociocultural and gender relations. The Comstock Lode, as with other precious metal booms that marked the Gold Rush era, attracted two main groups of people: miners (either amateur, professional, or corporate) lured by promises of fortune; and business owners who provided the miners with necessities and entertainment. This continuous system of labor and leisure depicts a uniquely direct relationship between the mine and the boomtown which demanded a constant cycle of economic exchange. Saloons were the necessity of leisure activities. They were a highly competitive type of business: in order for a saloon to stay open for any amount of time, a proprietor appealed to his desired clientele with a unique atmosphere and a shrewd, personable barkeep. With over 100 choices in drinking establis hments, one had to have an exceptional business model in order to survive more than a few months (Dixon 1999: 10 11).
7 4 F IGURE 4.1 (adapted from Dixon 1999: 16) r John Piper clearly had a knack for business. Emigrating with his brothers from the Germanies, Piper opened the doors of his Old Corner Bar as early as 1861. original locatio n at the southwest corner of B and Union to the fancier northwest making talents. At some point during the 1860s and 1870s, John Piper constructed his first opera house
75 seems to have rewarded his efforts: the business magnate served as Mayor of Virginia City during the 1860s and County Commissioner by 1873. Unfortunately Business Block survived. Piper decided to build his new opera house at his B Street block behind the brick business building conta ining the Old Corner Bar. The men in the offices nearby, but also as a gathering place for the theater going elite before and after performances (1999: 10, 12, 14 15). Pipe establishment of Virginia City during another fire in 1883 which had spread from the northeast corner of the opera house, destroying both buildings. Piper, despite the reported loss of 35,000 dollars during the 1883 fire, successfully reconstructed a third opera house by acquiring salvaged lumber from outmoded mine buildings. ball on March 6, 1885, histo rical records and recent excavations indicate that the bar Places.
76 F IGURE 4.2 10 ( adapted from Dixon 1999: 2) 10 southeast corner of the opera house (Dixon 1999: 1).
77 M AP 4.2 Street Map of Virginia City Marking UNR Excavations (Dixon 1999: 25) Excavations and Artifacts archaeological summer field school for 1997 and 1998. The data presented in this chapter comes from the field excavations of 1997. Over 10,000 artifacts were found in relation to the Old Corner Bar; hence, this section will focus on specific items th at gathering place of Virginia City.
78 F IGURE 4.3 (Dixon 1999: 179) Unique artifacts Coral and seashells were found among shards of thin broken glass; th eir context indicates either a display case or aquarium, the latter of which became widely popular among Victorian households and businesses during the 1850s (1999: 78 79) A cribbage board, nearly intact, was reco vered from the c ellar ; it measures 3 by 3 b y 11 inches, hand carved from soft volcanic tuff. Although it was recovered in the cellar area, it may have fallen from the b ack room during the 1883 fire (1999: 80 81). Part of a Meerschaum pipe was also recovered from the cellar area. The diameter of the bowl measures 1 inches with an opening of 1 inch; the length of the bowl
79 1 inches, and depicts a hunting scene featuring a man, a dog, and a mythical creature with the face of a dog and the body of a human. Both the man and the creature appear to wear clothing with ammunition belts across their waist and carry bags on their shoulders; the creature seems to be barefoot while the man wears boots. The pipe was found near a number of other artifacts, including cushion springs, a rectangular cast iron stove, and pages from a text written in both Latin and English (1999: 80, 82 83) veneer, and an ebony piano key were discovered in the northeast portion of the site, (1999: 84) A collection of quartz crystals was found in the cell ar area, contained i n two deteriorated wooden boxes (1999: 84, 86 87). A minimum approximation of 20 stoneware Selters bottles (1800 fragments) were collected during the 1997 field season, mostly from the western portion of the S ELTERS /N ASSAU mark. Selters refers to the Selters Well in Nieder Selters, a village famous for its mineral springs in the Duchy of Nassau, Germany. The Selters bottles had an approximate capacity of 11 fluid ounces (1999: 88 92) Two nearly intact yellow ware spittoons were recovered, one from the cellar and the other from pre sumably the saloon space The first spittoon, a Bennington/Rockingham type, has a basal diameter of 12 inches, a height of 10 inches, and a depth of 5 inches with an opening of 1 inches. The second spittoon is a smaller version of the first and has a basal diameter of 8 inches, a height
80 of 8 inches, and a depth of 3 inches with an opening inches in length 11 Fragments of a similar vesse l indicate a third spittoon larger in size than the first two, with a basal diameter of approximately 15 inches (1999: 92 95) A stoneware carbon water filter was also found in the cellar area. When recovered its lower portion was intact but its upper hal f (the lid) had broken into 59 separate fragments. A field school participant was able to successfully restore the filter for display and study. The vessel has two side handles, a lid, and an opening for either a tap or faucet. The body of the stoneware wa ter filter measures 18 inches; with the The water filter has a slightly top heavy hour glass shape, with a basal diameter of 10 inches and an upper diameter of 12 i nches. Due to its provenience and the original condition of its lid upon discovery, it has been deduced that the water filter of 1883 (1999: 97 102) Clay Both a clay pi pe stem fragment and a clay bowl fragment represent a minimum of one clay tobacco pipe disposed of at the Old Corner Bar. The pipe bowl fragment marked on either side (1999: 136) Metal Spent ammunition found at the site included four .22 shorts, a shotgun shell with a diamond shaped headstamp, a 40 44 brass rifle shell, a 10 gauge centerfire shotgun 11 Correspondence with opera house staff revealed that the small spittoon had been removed for display, so its exact context remains unknown (Dixon 1999: 93).
81 included one .22 cartridge and four .44 revolver cartridges (1999: 145) Wood Two particularly interesting sections of molding were recovered during excavations: one between the east and west portion of the saloon with gray paint, and another on the surface of the eastern portion featuring burgundy paint (1999: 154 155) Pape r An entire panel of wallpaper was found along the north wall of the bar. It was revealed that the wallpaper had been changed on five separate occasions, with a new design placed over the old one. The patterns ranged from floral and maroon with gold leaf h ighlights and velvet to blue, orange, and yellow geometric designs also featuring gold leaf highlights (1999: 159 160) Burned pages from at least two books were found throughout the site. Pages found in the front room are written in English, and seem to concern the topic of Great indiscernible, seem to feature both Latin and English text. This book due to its provenience was likely another artifact that fell into the cellar from the back room during the collapse in 1883 (1999: 159)
82 F IGURE 4.4 (Dixon 1999: 79)
83 F IGURE 4.5 (Dixon 1999: 82) F IGURE 4. 6 Cr (Dixon 1999: 86 94 )
84 F IGURE 4.7 Two Wallpaper Samples, (Dixon 1999: 160) Analysis of a Saloon Assemblage Besides the obvious fact that the aforementioned assemblage c ontains a large number of male atmosphere and ambiance. As to the method of applying theory to material artifacts, in material culture we are concerned at least as much with how things make people as (2010: 42). The influence an object has upon a person, in addition to the decision a person makes in using a specific object, reflects much on their personal and cultural preferences. As mentioned in Chapter II, this idea becomes particularly important when considering Victorian material culture, as the Victorians firmly believed in the environments and divided spaces that they purposefully created.
85 T he artifact collection of the Old Corner Bar thus far presents illuminating details of its patrons and their leisure activities. A large part of their material culture has origins or connections to Europe, including but not limited to the Meerschaum pipe, Selters bottles, the clay pipe, and the stoneware carbon water filter. The Selters customers. Besides the dismal quality of Virgin both purified and Mineralwasser helped the middle class maintain privileged distinctions from the working class, a particular preoccupation between the years of 1820 and 1860 (Dixon 1999: 92, Bederman 1996: 11). Other examples that indicate an environment attractive to the aspiring elite include the presence of a display case or aquarium, a piano, a somewhat sizeable collection of quartz, spittoons, fragments of wood molding, and books. Any new inventions or devices pertaining to scientific curiosity enjoyed wild popular ity during the Victorian era. Aquariums in particular became immediately fashionable after their conception in the 1850s (Dixon 1999: 186). The quartz crystal collection, perhaps collected while prospecting for silver and gold, and books on worldly subject s imply the hobbies of a person or persons involved in scholarly interests. Additionally, the use of spittoons indicates a cleaner, more respectful environment compared to a saloon that would cater specifically to a lower or working class clientele. The va rieties of different choices in wallpaper entail a concerted effort of the owner in keeping pace with the changing styles of the day. Another subject related to the spittoons besides cleanliness indicates the clear popularity of tobacco use, a favored p astime of the American male. A lack of ash
86 trays indicate that the spittoons may have served a dual purpose, as the Old Corner Bar had been known for providing the finest brands of cigars, as advertized by such Virginia City newspapers as the Territorial E nterprise, Gold Hill News, Daily Stage, and Virginia Evening Chronicle (1999: 95). The quality of these cigars may also explain the small amount of pipes found at the site, and may further suggest that pipes were more popular among the lower classes (with the Meerschaum as a notable exception). The cribbage board represents an example of gambling enjoyed as a leisure activity; and despite its clear refinement, the presence of ammunition indicates the influence of the American gun culture of the Western fron tier and Victorian America in general. The Old Corner Bar, a German drinking establishment of refined tastes and an upscale ambiance, seemed to attract a specific type of male patron: a group of educated men who in their leisure time enjoyed drinking, sm oking, spitting, and gambling. An edition of The Footlight on February 20, 1878, praised the saloon and business and it fully deserves it. The wines, liquors, and cigars are of such an excellent quality, that gentlemen are actually tempted out almost against their will Earning a solid masculine reputation during the Victorian era was akin to a balancing act: men were expected to succeed in the aggressive competition of the workplace, participate as the master of the domestic household, and enjoy free time with other men. During an era when most men were defined by their profession, the saloon and other all male clubs served as a place to
87 networ k in moderate relaxation while still retaining their public identity and respectability; their self control and sense of decorum in these areas largely defined their ranking within the hierarchy of their male peers. The presence of these upscale items indi cates the careful construction of a genteel atmosphere for the exclusive enjoyment of sophisticated gentlemen, in sharp contrast to the sparse and raucous bars delegated to either the working class or exiled outcasts suffering from failed prospects.
88 C HAPTER V W HAT S HOULD A RCHAEOLOGISTS D O W ITH M ASCULINITY ? often to seize upon sinners whose blameless life has placed them above suspicion, and turn them upside down before the community, so as to show people how the smoke of the Pit has been quietly blackening their interior. That would destroy the cult of character. William Dean Howells, A Modern Instance (1882 : 629 ) Unlike the majority of his intellectual contemporaries William Dean Howell recognized the central trait of Victorian hypocrisy. As a realist author, Howell attempted to depict life as objectively unromantic and mundane quite unlike the more typical literary style of the day, which idealized characters and emphasized audience would understand fully the meaning of character as a subject. Clearly kept secret could no longer escape criticism. The inherent hazar the beginning by a society that had lied to itself, creating an unrealistic cultural members maintained rigid s elf control, only then would society stay intact. Order, in essence, meant everything. The only trait more important, character, required an implacable genteel faade, the perfect outward simulation of acceptable behaviors both publicly and privately. Will iam Dean Howells in the 1880s foreshadows the As evidenced by the above excerpt from A Modern Instance religion held considerable weight in reaffirming Victorian values. A white, hard working family
89 man of Protesta nt faith represented the ideal member of the exclusive elite. Many fraternal organizations, including the Masons, Odd Fellows, and Knights of Pythias, shared these same requirements (Coben 1991: 139). However, the influence of Evangelical Protestantism wea theories of evolution and natural selection roughly a decade earlier had aroused a widespread crisis of faith. More liberally minded religious leaders tried to employ s new origin of humankind as an exceptional species of animal led intellectual masses to doubt for the first time the Proponents of tradition became terrified of this new develo pment: the loss of religion to them meant the loss of proper societal order. Thomas Henry Huxley, known as (Stocking 1987: 190). By replacing religion with science as the determinant of structural order, religious values as logically rational came increasingly under scrutiny. A few decades before the crisis of faith, a handful of women had already becom e dissatisfied with the current state of affairs. In 1848, coincidentally the same women did not share this same discontent. Enculturated by prevailing societal values, the y still felt distinguished by duties of the home, compared to their less fortunate sisters of the working class who could not rely on the earnings of a
90 successful husband. Hundreds of women and a small group of men traveled to Seneca Falls, New York for th e first conference on 92). Since the vast majority of Americans had not yet seen a cause to upset their relatively comfortable lives, early feminists fought not only the widespread traditional ideologies binding them to permanen t domestic contracts as the property of their husbands, but further experienced vehement disapproval from their friends and families, including other women who had fully assimilated to the cult of domesticity. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, one of the most influe ntial leaders of first wave 91). However, the lessening conviction of religious mandates d irectly attacked one of previously ensured a family created from pure intentions, it had additionally prolonged the established, separate worlds of home and work. In Victoria n society, the physical household nurtured a family just as a church cared for a community (1991: 3). It comes as no surprise, then, that women, wives, and mothers gradually found themselves resenting their cloistered existence, dutifully supporting the sy mbols of patriarchy that kept their roles stagnant. The 1860s saw the firm emergence of feminism as a contender to popular values, and the rate of divorce rose accordingly. The migration of African Americans out of the South came as another shock to Vict orian tenets. Emancipation and the Reconstruction Era had not improved the
91 lives of most former slaves conversely, it had instead caused the development of a recognizable, contemporary racism. Before the Civil War, slavery had prevented Victorianism from given authority. Since the colonial predecessors, the South became known as the most truly Victorian region in America by employing successf ul ethnic subjugation for the cause of economic efficiency. Results of the Civil War, in which the removal of slavery meant the legal classification of African Americans as human beings, caused much resentment among white majorities afraid of what the intr communities and families would mean. To escape lynching and other forms of violence, African urban areas. Here, the Harlem Renaissance sparked the beginnings of black intellectualism. The introduction of jazz in the 1920s particularly shook Victorian pretensions as classical music had not so long ago reigned as synonymous with acceptable taste, it caused great confusion when those within the classical realm hai Klan during the same decade in response to The Birth of a Nation (1915), as well as (Cobe n 1991: 70, 73 79; Haraway 1994:83). interest (Coben 1991: 74). Victorianism had only existed because of its members by perpetuating an attitude of self confidence, a belief in dida cticism as a way to
92 mold the masses into proper, structured behavior. Due to the emergence of progressive opinion, younger generations found these social changes far more vital than the restricted opportunities of their childhoods. The need for change of A by the 1930s Victorianism and American M aterial C ulture Historical archaeologists studying questions of inequality oftentimes aim to determine why, when, and how artifacts have become unevenly distributed (Carson 1978, in Praetzellis et al. 2010: 109). The class, occupation, and personal preference of an individual coupled with the availability, function, or aesthetics of an artifact often produce tangible patterns of evidence. Studies within the context of Western American sites provide ample potential to document the dispersal of consumer culture depending on availability and preference. Archaeological analyses help confirm that the communication of genteel values depended on t control of supply and demand. Conspicuous consumption, one of the most significant behavioral trends of the Victorian era, gave meaning to artifacts in a way that determined social status as well as personal beliefs. Promoting elegance and implied wealth instead of pragmatic functionalism, presents a major scenario of cultural reaffirmation. Concerning archaeology, artifact inventory comparisons with similar assemblages can further induce implications of economic position and social status b ased on the presence of certain items. An issue with Victorianism, along with other
93 ideologies reliant on a consumer culture, rests in its socially complicated mandates. Simply maintaining a wealthy and genteel exterior did not represent or guarantee inclu sion to high society. Archaeological interpretations of Victorianism by Mary and Adrian Praetzellis (M. Praetzellis 2010 ; Praetzellis and Praetzellis 2001 ) have contributed a ead of a popular culture that accepted everyone regardless of class, Victorianism did not represent the majority of nineteenth and twentieth century Americans rather, Praetzellis and Praetzellis propose that gentility operated more frequently as a model of propriety, in which individuals borrowed certain symbols of fashion while still 648) Pertaining more specifically to her work at the Golden Eagle site, Mary Praetzellis compared the ce ramics collection connected to the hotel restaurant with the ceramic assemblages of two distinct households, the homes of the Menefee and Hannan families. In terms of similarity, the ceramic assemblages from both households represent a higher frequency of identified similar tastes in preference consequently affected by relative economic position. The Menefees, a family of farmers wh o moved to California after the Civil War, owned earthenware imitations of fine pottery. The Hannan family, meanwhile, supported by the owner of a successful Sacramento saloon, owned porcelain originals (2010: 68 between domestic
94 assemblages shows the aspiration for genteel decoration without direct assimilative pressure. In the process of this thesis, business assemblages emerged as the most appropriate sites in which to interpret how consumer culture reinforces gender. Artifacts from the Golden Eagle Hotel effectively illustrated the introduction of Victorian values to California, including an upper middle class etiquette surrounding the demand for high priced food and drink. Other items, such as glassware, ceram ics, and clay tobacco pipes, indicated that certain artifacts do not necessarily reflect social status. Daniel Callahan, the owner of the hotel, shrewdly chose white refined earthenware and undecorated porcelain to avoid the rapidly changing trends of the day while still maintaining quality pieces for specific occasions. The relatively inexpensive cost of clay tobacco pipes, in addition to the innumerous brands available, reduced the importance of any particular pipe, indicating that perhaps the act of smok the established widespread gentility of Virginia City, Nevada, would serve as one explanation for the longtime success of the German and Opera House. Jo hn Piper, perhaps due to his European origins, offered a luxurious saloon to a primarily male clientele. The minute number of pipes found at the bar, except for the fine Meerschaum, indicates that perhaps in Virginia City clay tobacco pipes had been replac ed by cigar smoking as an appropriate habit for the arenas of power, as well as an American desire to emulate European refinements.
95 Comparing both case studies illustrates a change in Victorianism from one mining rush to the next: by the time of the Comstock, the American West no longer operated as a series of isolated frontier communities, but instead exemplified the values and tastes of a dominant culture, reaffirming the social structures it implied. The purpose of this thesis, to further the study of men and masculinities within historical archaeology, proposes a recommendation for future analyses. Studies of hegemonic masculinity, as asserted by John Tosh, help clarify the atmosphere of power that women and other marginalized groups have had to navigate throughout history, making an informed scholarly knowledge of the masculine world indispensable to discussions of gender identity and power (2006:179). However, Matthew Johnson (2010) mentions a valid concern caused by Barbara Voss (2006) warn against the tendency to study categories of gender separately as men, women, and other (Tosh 1994: 179; Johnson 2010: 42; Hardesty 1994: 131; Voss 2006: 123). Considering the concerns of various scholars and the future of historical archaeology, this thesis supports a holistic study of gender and larger social processes in shaping both past and present identities. While studies of femininity, masculinity, and sexuality are undoubtedly crucial to anthropology as a subject, the time has come for a new archaeology of identity, one that can effectively encompass the various social constructions created by th e location of power. The American West as a region holds great potential for such archaeological projects, but researchers must keep in mind how and why it exists today. The California gold rush
96 as a historical event catalyzed the movement of men and famil ies to the American West. Beginning as a capitalist epic in the quest for riches and societal advancement, self made masculinity settled the American West and represents the majority of evidence recovered from nineteenth century Western sites. Scholars mus t understand the influence of Victorian hegemony in order to truly comprehend the cultural trauma associated with the demands for social change in later decades. Thus, a focus on male power in the American West will elucidate its influence on other social processes, and will help locate the beginnings of institutional change.
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