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Parents' Preference for Gender Stereotypes in Children's Books

Permanent Link: http://ncf.sobek.ufl.edu/NCFE004471/00001

Material Information

Title: Parents' Preference for Gender Stereotypes in Children's Books
Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: Abad, Carla
Publisher: New College of Florida
Place of Publication: Sarasota, Fla.
Creation Date: 2011
Publication Date: 2011

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: Gender
Stereotypes
Children's books
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Previous research has demonstrated that gender stereotypes are prevalent in preschool children and that books have the potential to challenge them. Recently, gender neutral and gender atypical books have increased in numbers; however, it is unknown whether parents would choose such books for their children. The current study explored parents� preference for children�s books in regards to gender stereotypes. Participants included 53 parents (47 women, 6 men) who were asked to complete a survey. The survey assessed how likely the parents would be to want each of their children to read stories that were either gender stereotypical, gender atypical, or gender neutral. Additionally, the survey included demographic questions and questions regarding the family�s reading habits. The results suggest that gender stereotypes do not influence parents� selection of books for their children. Different factors that might affect parents� choices of children�s books were explored and suggested.
Statement of Responsibility: by Carla Abad
Thesis: Thesis (B.A.) -- New College of Florida, 2011
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO NCF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The New College of Florida, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Local: Faculty Sponsor: Barton, Michelle

Record Information

Source Institution: New College of Florida
Holding Location: New College of Florida
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: local - S.T.2011 A11
System ID: NCFE004471:00001

Permanent Link: http://ncf.sobek.ufl.edu/NCFE004471/00001

Material Information

Title: Parents' Preference for Gender Stereotypes in Children's Books
Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: Abad, Carla
Publisher: New College of Florida
Place of Publication: Sarasota, Fla.
Creation Date: 2011
Publication Date: 2011

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: Gender
Stereotypes
Children's books
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Previous research has demonstrated that gender stereotypes are prevalent in preschool children and that books have the potential to challenge them. Recently, gender neutral and gender atypical books have increased in numbers; however, it is unknown whether parents would choose such books for their children. The current study explored parents� preference for children�s books in regards to gender stereotypes. Participants included 53 parents (47 women, 6 men) who were asked to complete a survey. The survey assessed how likely the parents would be to want each of their children to read stories that were either gender stereotypical, gender atypical, or gender neutral. Additionally, the survey included demographic questions and questions regarding the family�s reading habits. The results suggest that gender stereotypes do not influence parents� selection of books for their children. Different factors that might affect parents� choices of children�s books were explored and suggested.
Statement of Responsibility: by Carla Abad
Thesis: Thesis (B.A.) -- New College of Florida, 2011
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO NCF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The New College of Florida, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Local: Faculty Sponsor: Barton, Michelle

Record Information

Source Institution: New College of Florida
Holding Location: New College of Florida
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: local - S.T.2011 A11
System ID: NCFE004471:00001


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PARENTS' PREFERENCE FOR GENDER STEREOTYPES IN CHILDREN'S BOOKS BY CARLA ABAD A Thesis Submitted to the Division of Social Sciences New College of Florida in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts Under the sponsorship of Michelle Barton Sarasota, Florida May, 2011

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Acknowledgements I would like to thank my sponsor, Professor Michelle Barton, and the rest of my committee, Professor Steven Graham and Professor Wendy Sutherland. I would also like to thank the schools and forums that allowed me to send my survey through them and the parents who completed them. I am also grateful to all the professors and students in Senior Seminar and Professor Duff Cooper for his patience and help in running the statistics. In addition, I wish to thank Daniela Rizzo and all my friends and roommates for supporting me throughout the thesis writing process. Finally, I would like to thank my boyfriend and my parents for their continuous love, encouragement and support. Gender Stereotypes ii

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Number Acknowledgements ii Table of Contents iii Abstract iv Introduction 1 Method 53 Results 57 Discussion 65 Conclusion 69 References 70 Tables 76 Appendices 81 Gender Stereotypes iii

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PARENTS' CONCERN FOR GENDER STEREOTYPES IN CHILDREN'S BOOKS Carla Abad New College of Florida ABSTRACT Previous research has demonstrated that gender stereotypes are prevalent in preschool children and that books have the potential to challenge them. Recently, gender neutral and gender atypical books have increased in numbers; however, it is unknown whether parents would choose such books for their children. The current study explored parents' preference for children's books in regards to gender stereotypes. Participants included 53 parents (47 women, 6 men) who were asked to complete a survey. The survey assessed how likely the parents would be to want each of their children to read stories that were either gender stereotypical, gender atypical, or gender neutral. Additionally, the survey included demographic questions and questions regarding the family's reading habits. The results suggest that gender stereotypes do not influence parents' selection of books for their children. Different factors that might affect parents' choices of children's books were explored and suggested. ___________________________ Professor Michelle Barton Division of Social Sciences Gender Stereotypes iv

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Parents' Preference for Gender Stereotypes in Children's Books Even before a child is born we want to know its sex, and immediately after, we want to adorn the child so its sex is clear for everyone to see (Lober, 1994). There is an obsession with identifying sex, even of babies who, without the ruffly pink dresses and bows or blue shirts with trucks (see the first two pictures at the top of the page), would be impossible to categorize as "boys" or "girls" at first glance. Differentiating boys and girls becomes so important because people hold specific expectations depending on the sex of the children. Walking into any department store or toy store makes it easy to see how, from early on, children are exposed to different things based on their sex (see the last two pictures at the top of the page). Children of different sexes get different clothes, toys, books, and different messages through the media, their parents, teachers, peers and other family members. These factors, among many others, help shape children's view of the world, their expectations, their behavior, their goals, and their perception of how boys and girls should behave (Helgeson, 2009). Many studies have been conducted to explore the effect different factors have on children's development of gender identity and gender stereotypes. Books are one of the Gender Stereotypes 1

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many factors that have been studied. The present study sought to understand parents' attitudes towards gender stereotypes in the books their children read, assessing whether they prefer gender stereotypical, gender neutral, or gender atypical books for their children. To better understand the study, several terms will first be defined. Then, the development of gender will be explained through different psychological theories. A review of the research showing the importance and prevalence of gender roles will be followed by a review of the effect parents and peers have on children's identity development. The role of the media and books will also be explored and articles examining how parents choose books for their children will be presented to conclude the literature review. What is the Difference between Sex and Gender? Sex and gender are two easily confused terms; in order to understand the research on gender roles it is important to recognize the difference between them. Sex is based on the physical differences between males and females (Helgeson, 2009). Gender, on the other hand, refers to the behavioral, cultural, or psychological traits typically associated with being male or female (Rathus, Nevid, & Rathus, 2008). In other words, sex is based on anatomy, but gender is a complex concept that is based partly on anatomy, partly on the psychology of the individual, and partly on culture and tradition (Rathus et al., 2008). While sex is defined in the same way across cultures (Helgeson, 2009), gender differs because each society has its own ideas on how men and women should behave. The possession of a Y chromosome and testes, for instance, are features of the male sex; no Gender Stereotypes 2

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matter where you are in the world, if you have testes and a Y chromosome you are a male. On the other hand, wearing a skirt and being nurturing, in the United Sates, is associated with the female gender. However, wearing a skirt in other countries, such as Scotland, is not associated with the female gender (Helgeson, 2009). This particular study will focus on gender, not sex, because the interest of this study lies not on biology but on the social factors that affect and shape children's gender identity. What are Gender Roles and Stereotypes? Gender roles are complex clusters of ways in which males and females are expected to behave. Men are expected to be masculine and women are expected to be feminine, according to what that means in their individual culture (Rathus et al., 2008). In Western culture, some feminine qualities include being caring, expressive, polite, and helpful, while masculine qualities include being strong, independent, competitive, and stoic (Helgeson, 2009). Gender roles are strongly related to gender stereotypes. Stereotypes are fixed, conventional and often distorted ideas about a group of people (Rathus et al., 2008). Stereotypes can be positive or negative, true or false, but whether valid or not, they are a way of categorizing people. Stereotyping involves thinking about a person, not as an individual, but as a member of a group, and using previous knowledge about the group to form expectations about the individual (Gilovich, Keltner, & Nisbett, 2006). Accordingly, gender stereotypes are the features assigned to men and women in a particular society, features that do not depend on biological sex but instead depend on the social roles that men and women hold (Helgeson, 2009). Gender stereotypes are the ways in which people Gender Stereotypes 3

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are believed to behave due to their sex. Gender stereotypes are particularly powerful because gender is a category that is activated immediately upon meeting someone. Two common gender stereotypes are that women are very emotional and men never cry (Helgeson, 2009). The difference between gender roles and gender stereotypes is subtle, yet important. Gender roles are expectations, for instance, a good man is expected to be strong and masculine, however, some men will be strong and masculine while others will not. Gender stereotypes refer to the belief that because you belong to a particular sex, you will do certain things representative of your sex and will not do others that are not representative of your sex. For instance, a woman might be believed to enjoy shopping, regardless of whether she does or does not. Psychological Theories Now that gender roles and gender stereotypes have been defined and explained it is important to assess when and how they develop. Children are aware of gender stereotypes by the ages of two-and-a-half to three-and-a-half (Rathus, 2006). By the time children are three years old, they are usually aware of the stereotypical ways in which men and women dress and the types of occupations that are appropriate for each sex (Rathus, 2006). There are several psychological theories that describe how children acquire gender stereotypes. Social Learning Theory. The social learning theory suggests that gender role behavior, like all other behaviors, is learned through modeling and reinforcement (Helgeson, 2009). According to this theory, children construct gender role identity by Gender Stereotypes 4

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imitating the behavior of others in the social environment that surrounds them. At first children may imitate anyone's behavior but eventually they learn which behaviors should or should not be repeated through the responses they receive from the people that surround them. This theory suggests that children observe that men and women behave differently and then develop ideas about what behaviors are appropriate for men and women (Lightfoot, Cole, & Cole, 2009). Children also learn that boys and girls are rewarded for different kinds of behaviors by adults. Eventually, the children "choose to engage in sexappropriate behaviors that will lead to rewards" (Lightfoot et al., 2009, p. 306). The child chooses consistently to be a girl or a boy through their behavior, that is, behavior comes before self perception. According to the social learning theory, children's gender identity is shaped by parents, peers, siblings, and other adults in their lives, as well as by the gender stereotypes communicated through television and other media (Lightfoot et al., 2009). Exploring the claims of the social learning theory, a study was conducted to examine the influence of older siblings on the gender role development of their younger brothers and sisters (Rust, Golombok, Hines, Johnston and Golding, 2000). In this study, parents rated how often their children played with different toys, engaged in different activities and showed certain characteristics. The results showed that boys with older brothers and girls with older sisters were more gender stereotypical than same-sex singletons who were, in turn, more gender stereotypical than children with siblings of the opposite sex. Having an older brother was associated with more masculine and less Gender Stereotypes 5

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feminine behavior in both boys and girls, while boys with older sisters were more feminine but not less masculine and girls with older sisters were less masculine but not more feminine. This study suggests that siblings can affect gender-role development, providing evidence for the social learning theory. Cognitive Development Theory. The cognitive development theory was developed by psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg who suggested that gender typing is not the product of environmental influences (Rathus et al., 2008). Kohlberg proposed that children play an active role in forming their gender-role identity. Children form concepts about gender and then conform their behavior to those gender concepts. Thus, the child first identifies as a boy or a girl and then chooses the appropriate behaviors to match their gender identity. Cognitive development theory argues that the child is acting on the environment, not the other way around. According to this theory, there are three stages of development that lead children to form gender-role identities. By the age of three, children form a basic sex-role identity (Lightfoot et al., 2009). In this stage children form labels for "boys" and "girls" and apply them to themselves and others. By age four or five children achieve sex-role stability. In this second stage, children realize that sex roles do not change through time, that is, that boys can not grow up to be women and girls cannot grow up to be men. In the third stage, sex-role constancy, young children come to understand that their sex remains the same even if they change their outward appearance in some way. For example, children "know that even if they dress up as a member of the opposite gender for Halloween, they will not turn into a member of the opposite sex" (Lightfoot et al., 2009, p. 306). Gender Stereotypes 6

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Substantial evidence indicates that the development of sex-role identity follows the general sequence proposed by Kohlberg. For example, a study by Szkrybalo and Ruble (1999) examined children's sex category constancy through interviews with 195 children in preschool, kindergarten and first-grade. The results suggested that children achieve gender constancy for others in a linear manner such as Kohlberg proposed, however, their self gender constancy is curvilinear and depends on the kind of reasoning the children use to explain sex-category membership. Children's sex category constancy for themselves was found to depend on the kind of reasoning that children use at different ages to explain sex-category membership. Children who achieve pseudoconstancy do not have a stable view of sex because they rely on external appearances (e.g., "Even though I am dressed like a boy, I still have a girl's face"). On the other hand, children who achieve true constancy rely on a deeper awareness that sex is an innate essential quality of the self (e.g., "I was born a girl. I can never change"). Psychologists are still debating how the sequence interacts with the development of sex-role concepts and sex-appropriate behaviors. Current data suggest that children behave in gendered ways well before they attain sex-role constancy (Lightfoot et al., 2009). Gender Schema Theory. This theory incorporates aspects of both the social learning theory and the cognitive development theory (Lightfoot et al., 2009). Similar to Kohlberg's theory, the gender schema theory also proposes that the environment affects the child's understanding indirectly. The gender schema theory suggests that children develop gender schemas through environmental influences such as other's behaviors and the rewards and punishments to their own behaviors in order to organize their perceptions Gender Stereotypes 7

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of what being male and female means. These gender schemas are a cluster of mental representations about masculine and feminine objects, physical qualities, behaviors, and personality traits (Rathus et al., 2008). After they develop gender schemas they begin to guide their own behaviors according to the traits they consider appropriate to their own sex; for instance, a child might judge a doll to be an appropriate toy depending on their sex; if a child is a boy he might think the doll is not appropriate and ignore it, while a girl might think it is an appropriate toy for her and play with it. According to this theory, gender identity is sufficient to inspire gender-appropriate behavior (Rathus et al., 2008). Many studies support this theory; a study by Bradbard, Martin, Endsley, and Halverson (1986) found that children remember information pertinent to their own sex more than they remember information about both sexes or the opposite sex. In this study, 56 children between the ages of 4 and 9 were shown three boxes with different items in them, they were told that one of the boxes had things for boys, another for girls, and another for boys and girls. For example, if a child was a boy, the experimenter would tell him that the box contained things for boys, then would show him the pictures of the boys on the box, and tell him that the word "boys" was written on the box. The experimenter would then tell the boy that the box had things that boys like better than girls and would then show him the items in the box and tell him three things the object could do. The experimenter would do the same for the different boxes according to the label of the box, afterwards, the children were allowed to play with the objects for six minutes. All of the boxes contained items that were previously rated to be non-gendered, equally unfamiliar and interesting to children. A week later the children were asked to remember as many of Gender Stereotypes 8

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the objects in the boxes as they could. Results show that same-sex information was remembered more than both-sex or opposite-sex information. This study supports the gender schema theory, suggesting that children learn sex-typed labels because they provide useful information about what is for them and what is not for them. The gender schema theory differs from Kohlberg's theory in two ways (Lightfoot et al., 2009). This theory suggests that the children's developing schematic knowledge motivates and guides their gender-linked interests and behavior even before the onset of Kohlberg's stages. This theory follows an information processing approach, rather than stages, to describe how the cognitive and learning elements of the system work together. Despite the data supporting each theory, no single theory has been able to encompass all the information known about children's acquisition of sex-role identity (Lightfoot et al., 2009). Although all theories are different in some ways, they all support the idea that the development of gender roles and stereotypes is affected by multiple factors. These factors include parents, siblings, the environment, television, books, advertisements, magazines, teachers, peers, neighborhood, toys, social conditions, and the child's own conceptual development. Studies today still seek to understand the extent to which these factors affect people in regard to their gender and perceived gender roles. The Importance and Prevalence of Gender Stereotypes A lot of research has been devoted to studying how gender roles and stereotypes develop and the factors that affect them. In order to understand why gender roles and stereotypes have been deemed so important, it is necessary to understand how they are useful and how they affect people. Gender Stereotypes 9

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Stereotypes can be useful because they help people know how to behave in different situations (Helgeson, 2009). People use their knowledge of men and women to make everyday decisions, ranging from what color clothes to buy for a newborn to which greeting is appropriate for an individual of a particular gender. However, the danger of stereotyping is that it influences the perception and recollections of events in ways that can be harmful to men and women (Helgeson, 2009). Stereotypes can lead individuals to treat others differently when they should not; stereotypes can induce discrimination based on gender. Stereotypes might also influence behaviors towards others in ways that lead them to confirm the stereotypes. Gender stereotypes can influence behaviors and beliefs. In fact, sometimes gender stereotypes are so ingrained in identities that they influence important life decisions. Skills and Occupations Because the world of work is central to human life, it is important to understand how individuals' beliefs about and interests in occupations develop. These beliefs are inuenced by many factors which are affected by the relation between gender and work. Many occupations in American culture still remain strongly gendered (Liben, Bigler, & Krogh, 2002). One of these occupations is computer science. Computer science is a promising career, yet only 22% of computer science graduates are women (Cheryan, Plaut, Davies, & Steele, 2009). A study by Cheryan et al. (2009) found that undergraduate women were less likely to be interested in a computer science class if the classroom was decorated in a stereotypically masculine way. Participants were told they were participating in a study for the Career Development Center about technical jobs and internships. They were first Gender Stereotypes 10

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taken to a classroom and were asked not to pay attention to the objects in the class because it was shared with another group. After a minute, they were asked to fill out a questionnaire regarding their feelings towards computer science. The women in this study were found to be equally interested in computer science as men when the classroom was non-stereotypical, that is, when it included objects that were not stereotypically masculine, such as nature posters, art, water bottles, healthy snacks, coffee mugs, general interest books and magazines. However, when the environment was male stereotypical included Star Trek posters, comics, video game boxes, soda cans, junk food, electronics, computer parts, software, and technical books and magazines women showed less interest in computer science than men. A possible implication for this study is that women feel disconnected from stereotypically masculine settings; such feelings may discourage women from participating in stereotypically male activities, such as computer science. Gender stereotypes have also been shown to impact an individual's performance levels. A study by Shih, Pittinsky, and Ambady (1999) found that when Asian American women were made aware of their gender, their math performance declined, in line with the stereotype that women are not very good in math. Yet, when Asian American women were made aware of their ethnicity, their math performance improved in line with the stereotype that Asians are highly competent in math Participants included 46 Asian American undergraduates; they were randomly assigned to one of three groups: femaleidentity-salient, ethnic-identity-salient, or control. Those in the female-identity-salient group were asked to indicate their gender and to answer questions related to their gender identity (e.g., whether their dorms were in coed or single-sex floors). The women in the Gender Stereotypes 11

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ethnic-identity-salient group were asked to indicate their ethnicity and answer questions related to their ethnic identity (e.g., what languages they speak at home). In the control group, the participants were not asked to indicate their gender or ethnicity, and they were asked questions unrelated to either identity (e.g., how much they would be willing to pay for cable television). After completing the questions, the participants were given a quantitative test that consisted of 12 math questions and were told they could work on the test for 20 minutes. Finally, they were asked to complete a set of questions indicating their SAT scores and how talented they were in mathematics among other things. The results show that the women on the Asian-identity-salient condition had the best scores on the math questions (an average of 54% correct) while those in the control condition had intermediate scores (an average of 49% correct) and those in the female-identitysalient condition had the worst scores (an average of 43% correct). Despite the fact that no significant differences were found between the women's reported quantitative SAT scores, there was a significant difference between the math test scores of women in the ethnicity salient condition and those of women in the gender salient conditions. The results of this study demonstrate the great effect stereotypes can have on performance; implying that stereotypes have the potential to either hinder or aid performance. Similarly, a study by Forbes and Schmader (2010) demonstrated that diminishing commonly held gender stereotypes can lead people to perform better in certain domains. This study experimented with the commonly held belief that men are better in math than women. Forbes and Schmader were able to show that retraining college women to associate their gender with being good at math led to an increased working capacity and Gender Stereotypes 12

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an increase in math performance. Women who moderately identified with math, that is, women who were not positively identified with math nor negatively identified with math, were asked to complete a personalized implicit association test. In this test, women were presented with a computerized categorization task in which they had to categorize words that they either liked or did not like and words as being either math or language related. The test was manipulated so that "I like" and "Math" were on the same key. A day later they were asked to complete several tests to measure math effort, memory and math strategy. The women who were retrained to have positive math attitudes were shown to perform better in math and have an increased working capacity; this was true even when faced with a situation that would normally induce stereotype threat such as having a male researcher tell them that they would be taking a test designed to diagnose their natural mathematical ability and then asking them to indicate their gender. It was also found through this study that retraining women to have more positive math attitudes increased their math motivation. Forbes and Schmader's study suggests that gender stereotypes may have the ability to influence performance levels and motivation, leading women to perform worse in math than they are actually capable of. Their study also implies that the negative effects of stereotypes can be reversed through training. Not only can gender stereotypes hinder performance, they can also lead students to remember performing worse at school than they actually had. Chatard, Guimond and Selimbegovic (2007) conducted a study in which they assessed student's beliefs in gender stereotypes, asked them to recall their past testing scores in math and the arts, and then compared them with their actual scores. The more boys believed in gender stereotypes, Gender Stereotypes 13

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the more they underestimated their scores in the arts. Girls who had higher gender stereotype beliefs were more likely to underestimate their math scores. This research implies that both men and women misremember facts about their own lives to make them consistent with gender stereotypes. Another possible implication of this study is that gender stereotypes are so ingrained in people's minds that they can lead people to believe that they are capable of doing what society expects of their gender rather than what they, as individuals, can do. The importance of occupations and career choices has already been mentioned, and it has been suggested that gender stereotypes can affect these important life choices. Although children are far too young to decide an occupation, their views on occupations are still widely influenced by stereotypes; t here is considerable research showing that even young children associate different occupations with men and women and aspire to occupations that are consistent with the stereotypes for their own sex (Liben et al., 2002). One of the many factors that may create or sustain occupational stereotypes is language. An experiment by Liben et al. (2002) was designed to test how children interpret occupational titles as either gender specific or gender neutral. The children's gender attitudes were first assessed and then they were categorized into two groups, either a low or a high stereotype group. In the first study, the children ranged from age 6 to 11. First, the children were read occupational titles and then they were asked whether the titles could be used for men, women or both. Results showed that children did not fully understand that gender-neutral titles (e.g., firefighter) apply to both genders. It was also found that children were most likely to believe that occupational titles with weak Gender Stereotypes 14

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masculine suffixes (e.g., postmaster, teacher) were more suitable for both men and women than other types of titles. The children denied that titles with strong masculine suffixes (e.g., policeman or fireman) could be used for women. Children who were classified as low-stereotype believed that more titles were applicable for men and women than high-stereotype children. It was also found that the older the children, the better they could differentiate masculine and feminine markings. In the second study, children were 6 to 10 years of age and were shown pictures of men and women doing the same and different jobs and were asked to say whether they did the same things and whether they could be called the same. For example, they were shown pictures of a male doctor and a female doctor and were asked if both could be called "doctors" and whether they both did the same things. The results from the second study revealed that children believed that people in shared job settings have different titles simply because of gender differences. A possible implication from this study is that children's goals might be affected by gender stereotypes; if children think certain jobs are for men or women solely based on their title, they might be discouraged from learning the skills that will ultimately lead to that occupation. Also studying children's views regarding gender and occupations, Trepanier-Street, Romatowsky, and McNair (1990) conducted a study in which third and sixth grade students were asked to write continuations to four story starters one about a male mechanic, one about a female mechanic, one about a male nurse, and one about a female nurse over four sessions throughout 2 weeks. The stories were rated to determine whether the children maintained the character in the assigned occupation, developed the Gender Stereotypes 15

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character in a gender-stereotypical or non-stereotypical way, or changed the protagonist's gender. The students had the least difficulty maintaining characters in genderstereotypical roles. All boys and the younger girls had the most difficulty maintaing a character in role when the character's sex did not match the occupational gender stereotype. The protagonist was usually developed according to the gender stereotype, except for girls who developed the male nurse as stereotypically female. Some children even changed the sex of the protagonist in order to conform to gender stereotypes. With such clear perceptions of what kinds of careers men and women ought to have, it is possible that children might close themselves to potential career opportunities from a young age. Recall of Gendered Information. The previously mentioned studies have shown that gender stereotypes affect adults and children, influencing their views on careers, behaviors and even their own memories. The following studies will show that gender stereotypes are so ingrained in children that cross-gendered information can be difficult for them to understand and remember. Signorella and Liben (1984) were interested in children's ability to remember gender stereotypical or atypical information. They examined how different aged children with different levels of formed stereotypes recalled gender-schema consistent or inconsistent pictures. Kindergartners, second graders, and fourth graders participated in this study. The children were first tested to determine how stereotyped their genderrelated attitudes were. After several weeks they were shown 40 pictures including gender traditional, non-traditional, and neutral pictures. After 5 minutes, the participants were Gender Stereotypes 16

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asked to name as many pictures as they could remember. The highly stereotyped children were able to recall significantly more traditional than non-traditional pictures while less stereotyped children recalled significantly more non-traditional than traditional pictures. However, the rate of recall was low so a second study was performed with fewer pictures and three series of study/retention/recall sequences instead of only one. The second study only tested first graders since no grade differences were found in the first study. The results of the second study revealed, once again, that highly stereotyped children recalled significantly more traditional than non-traditional pictures. However, no difference between the recall of traditional and non-traditional pictures was found in less stereotyped children. This study suggests that the more stereotypical beliefs a child holds, the harder it is for them to remember and perhaps even accept gender atypical information. A similar study by Daly, Salters, and Burns (1998) examined the differences in recall abilities according to gender in three story types. Eight and eleven year olds were presented a different story each week for a period of three weeks. One story had a strong male protagonist, another had a strong female protagonist, and the third had a strong female character and a weak male character. The children were asked to write down as much as they could remember from the story immediately after reading and again a few days later. Boys remembered more when the story had a violent male protagonist. Girls performed better at remembering the story with a female protagonist and performed better than the boys with the gender atypical story. This study not only suggests that girls are better at remembering gender atypical information, but also suggests that boys and Gender Stereotypes 17

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girls are more likely to remember stories in which protagonists are of their same gender and behave in gender stereotypical ways. In a similar study, Frawley (2008) assessed children's recall of gender-consistent and gender-inconsistent information as well as how children misremember and distort gender-specific information. Seventy-two first and fourth graders were presented with two books with illustrations on two separate days. At each session, the story was presented as the participants heard an audio-taped reading. Either immediately after hearing the story, or one day later, the participants were asked to retell the story and answer specific questions related to gender in the story. Afterward, the researcher told the participants which distortions they had made and asked them questions. Distortions occurred equally in both the immediate and delayed recall conditions. The children were found to misremember or reinterpret gender-inconsistent gender information. Children also distorted gender information to make it consistent with gender stereotypes. It was also found that children were convinced that their recollections for gendered information were correct even after the researcher told them otherwise. This study not only shows that children have more difficulty remembering gender inconsistent information, but also shows that they are quite positive that what they understood could not have been otherwise. Children's gender stereotypes are so salient that they will unconsciously use them even in instances where gender is not mentioned. A study by Arthur and White (1996) examined how children assign gender to gender-neutral animal characters. Participants included 60 children enrolled in preschools and elementary schools; there were 10 boys Gender Stereotypes 18

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and 10 girls in each of three age groups: 4-5, 7-8, and 10-11 year olds. The children were shown pictures of bears who were identical except for size engaged in subtle genderstereotypical activities or gender neutral activities. The children were then asked to make up a story about the bears in each picture. The made up stories were then analyzed to see what gender the child had assigned to the bear. If the assignment of gender was not clear, the experimenter asked the participant to name the bear, provide another name, or specify gender. The youngest group, of four to five year olds, assigned the bears with their own gender most of the time. The oldest children, however, were influenced by gender stereotypes. Bears who were involved in adult-child interactions were assigned female labels more often that bears who were alone or noninteracting. The most gender stereotyped children were the oldest children tested in this study, the 10 to 11 year olds. Summary. The studies mentioned so far have shown that gender stereotypes are salient in adults as well as children. Stereotypes have been found to influence people's interests, views, behaviors, memories, and recall abilities. These studies have also demonstrated that children who hold more gender stereotypes find it harder to remember gender atypical information. It has also been suggested that girls can remember gender inconsistent information better than boys. The Role of Others Now that the importance and prevalence of stereotypes has been suggested, it is important to understand the different factors that shape children's gender identity. People, of course, are a big factor. Children are exposed to their parents, siblings, friends, teachers, peers and all other sorts of people who teach them, if not through words then Gender Stereotypes 19

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through actions, how men, women, boys, and girls should behave. Several studies have explored how people influence children's stereotypes. Family. A study by Roopnarine (1986), for instance, examined the reactions of mothers and fathers to the gendered activities of their 10, 14, and 18 month-old children. The participants included 32 children and their parents. Each child was taken to a playroom and was observed with each parent separately for 8 minutes, one after the other, in randomized order. The playroom had a couch, a wooden stove, two child-sized chairs and a table, kitchen utensils, children's books and puzzles, stuffed animals, blocks, dolls, puppets, and trucks. The children's play was coded, as well as when the parents attended to the play of the children, gave them objects, ridiculed them, or physically prohibited them from using the objects. The results showed that girls were more likely to play with dolls than boys in the presence of both mothers and fathers. Fourteen and 18 month olds were more likely to play with kitchen utensils than 10 month olds when mothers and fathers were present. Overall, girls were more likely than boys to offer toys, especially dolls, to their parents. Parents were more likely to attend to the block play of sons than of daughters. Parents were also more likely to attend to 14 and 18 month-olds' play with trucks and kitchen utensils than 10 month-olds. The results also indicate that fathers were more likely to attend the doll play of 14 and 18 month old girls than that of boys, and were more likely to give dolls to 10 and 14 month old girls than boys. Mothers and fathers were equally as likely to attend to the activities of and offer toys to their children. Mothers and fathers did not differ in the amount of punishment given to sons and daughters. Overall, the findings suggest that the sex of the child, not the sex of the parent, Gender Stereotypes 20

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tended to affect the play between child and parent. These results imply that there is a difference in the treatment boys and girls receive from their parents, which might influence children to behave in different ways. Similarly, a study by Raag (1999) was designed to examine the influence of familiar others and stereotype knowledge on children's toy choices. Participants included 50 girls and 57 boys between the ages of four and five. This experiment consisted of two studies. In the first study, the children were taken to a play room with a dish toy set and a tool toy set. The children were not allowed to touch the toys at first and were either told that the dishes were for girls and the tools were for boys, they were given genderstereotyped information about something unrelated, or they received no additional information. Then they were allowed to play with the toys for three minutes. After playing, the children were asked what they thought familiar others would say if they played with cross-gendered toys and whether they would think it was good, bad, or did not matter. The results showed that the gender-stereotyped information given to children who thought no familiar person would think playing with cross-gendered toys was bad, had no effect on the amount of time they spent playing with the dishes. Girls who perceived that one or more familiar others would think cross-gendered play was bad played more with the dishes when gender-typed information was given than in the other two conditions. Boys played with dishes the longest when no gender-stereotyped information was given, they played at an intermediate time when unrelated genderstereotyped information was given and they played the least with the dishes when gendertyped information was given about the toys. Gender Stereotypes 21

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The second study was exactly like the first with only one exception, the children's gender stereotype awareness was measured. In this study, only the data from the children who were given gender-stereotyped information about the toys were analyzed. The results showed that, for girls, once the effects of gender stereotype awareness were removed, there was no relationship between the perception of others' thoughts about cross-gendered play and the time spent playing with cross-gendered toys. For boys however, the perceptions of others on cross-gendered play affected the amount of time playing with cross-gendered toys, regardless of their awareness of gender stereotypes. This experiment suggests that children are aware of the expectations for their gender and that these expectations influence their behavior. It was also implied that boys are more sensitive than girls to the opinion of their loved ones regarding what is appropriate for their gender, perhaps because the expectations for boys are stricter than those for girls. Using the data from the previously mentioned study, a smaller study by Raag and Rackliff (1998) focused on the children's perceptions regarding their fathers feelings towards cross-gendered play and how those perceptions influenced the children's play. Participants in this study included 28 girls and 33 boys of about 4 to five years of age. The procedure of this study was identical to that of the previously mentioned study by Raag (1999). However, this study focused more on the interviews with parents and specific aspects of the interviews with children. The interviews revealed that parents did not classify the dish set or the tool set as "girls' toys" or "boys' toys". The parents were also found to believe that toy companies would not market the tools for "for girls" or the dishes "for boys". One parent believed children in general would not like the tools, while Gender Stereotypes 22

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the remaining 60 thought children would like the tools. However, all 61 parents stated they believed children would like the dishes. Interviews with children reveal that boys and girls were both equally familiar with toy tools and toy dishes and highly likely to state that they liked the tools and dishes. All children reported thinking their mothers would think that it would be "good" or "doesn't matter" if they played with gender stereotypical toys, while all but two of the children reported that their fathers, babysitters, daycare workers, siblings, would think playing with gender stereotypical toys would be "good" or "doesn't matter". All but one of the children reported that their best friend would think it would be either "good" or "doesn't matter" if they played with gender stereotypical toys. Interestingly, there was no relationship between the children's gender and whether they thought their daycare workers/babysitters, siblings, and best friends would think cross-gendered play was "good", "bad", or "doesn't matter". However, boys reported that their fathers would think playing with cross-gendered toys was "bad" more often than expected by chance and that it was "good/doesn't matter" less frequently than expected by chance. Contrastingly, the opposite was true for girls' responses. When looking at the children's play behavior, boys who thought their fathers would think crossgendered play was "bad" played more with the tools and less with the dishes when they received gender stereotyped information. Only one of the five of the boys who received gender stereotyped information stated that he did not like the dishes, three of them liked the dishes, and one was not sure. In fact, in the condition where the tools were labeled as "for boys" and the dishes were labeled as "for girls", none of the boys who believed their fathers would think cross-gendered play was "bad" ever touched the dishes, yet only one Gender Stereotypes 23

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of those boys stated he did not like the dishes. This study further supports the idea that gender roles are stricter for boys than girls, and suggests the possibility that fathers influence these differences. The studies by Roopnarine (1986), Raag (1999), and Raag and Rackliff (1998) suggest that parents treat their children differently according to their gender, that children are aware of the different expectations and are influenced by them. It is also suggested that boys believe the expectations their fathers have for them are strict and their behavior is influenced by those beliefs. Teachers. Outside of the home, away from parents and family members, teachers spend a lot of time with children; thus, it is important to understand how children are influenced by their teachers. Teachers have been found to treat children differently according to their sex (Martin, 1998). Martin (1998) observed five preschool classrooms three times a week for eight months. Participants included 112 three to five year-old children and 14 female teachers. Through observations, it was found that schools produce gendered bodies, that is, that boys and girls are taught to use their bodies differently. For instance, teachers were found to be more likely to manage girls and their clothing (e.g., rearranging clothes, tucking shirts, fixing hair) putting "girls' bodies under the control of another and call[ing] girls' attention to their appearances and bodily adornments" (Martin, 1998, p. 499). When playing dress-up, sometimes the teachers tied girls together by the sleeves for fun, further constraining their bodies. Teachers were also found to reprimand girls for relaxed bodily movements and comportment. Although teachers rarely told the boys that always played with blocks to choose a different activity, Gender Stereotypes 24

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they encouraged girls to sit and participate in table activities. Despite the fact that boys' play was usually noisier, girls were told to be quiet or to repeat their request in a quieter and nicer voice about three times more often than boys. When girls were in disagreement with another child, the teachers usually asked the girl to quiet down and solve the problem nicely; although boys were also asked to solve problems by talking, this usually happened in intense arguments and they were never instructed to talk quietly. Teachers gave more instructions to boys about how to use their bodies because they were less likely to follow instructions than girls. However, the kind of instructions boys and girls received were different: boys were told to stop doing something rather than asked to change a bodily behavior while girls were told what to do with their bodies rather than to stop doing something. Teachers were also found to physically direct boys a lot more than girls. Thirty-five percent of physical interactions between teachers and boys were to discipline them, compared to 15 percent for girls. This observational study implied that teachers are constantly teaching children how to behave while providing subtle messages about the different ways boys and girls ought to behave. Other studies have explored the role of teachers and peers combined. A study by Fagot (1977) examined the reactions of peers and teachers to the gendered and crossgendered behaviors of 106 boys and 101 girls in preschool classrooms over a six year period. Each child was observed once every five minutes in a predetermined order, their behaviors and the consequences of their behaviors were coded. There were 120 separate observations on each child, with a total of 40 hours of observation for each child. Spot checks on reliability were run throughout the study. Four feminine activities were Gender Stereotypes 25

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observed: art activities, play in kitchen, play with dolls, and dress up. Masculine activities included building blocks, carpentry, transportation toys, and outdoor sandbox play. The results suggested that boys who tried feminine activities faced fairly negative consequences. In the cases of doll play, dressing up, and kitchen play, the boys received significantly less positive peer reinforcement and, in the case of doll play and dressing up, significantly more peer criticism. When dressing up, the teacher gave more negative comments to the boys. Boys involved in art activities were reinforced by teachers, perhaps because teachers consider art to be a task-oriented academic behavior rather than a feminine activity. Boys who showed cross-gender preferences consistently were criticized five to six times more often than the other children by peers and received only a quarter of positive peer feedback. Teachers' behaviors towards these boys were not found to be different. Contrastingly, girls who tried masculine activities did not receive negative feedback by their peers and only rarely by their teachers. Although girls did not receive as much positive feedback for masculine play as boys, at worst they were ignored and allowed to continue playing. These findings suggest that boys and girls are treated differently when it comes to cross-gendered play, such play is more acceptable for girls than for boys. Although this study is fairly old, more recent studies, such as the previously mentioned study by Martin (1998) suggest that boys and girls continue to be treated differently by teachers. Martin (1998) and Fagot (1977) examined the ways in which teachers encourage differences between boys and girls as well as the judgement that children undergo when Gender Stereotypes 26

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they deviate from the gendered standards. These studies suggest that teachers and peers encourage different behaviors in boys and girls. Peers. As Fagot's (1977) study suggests, children expect their peers to follow gendered expectations, and those who do not, face criticism. The role of peers on gendered behavior has been further studied. A study by Serbin, Connor, Burchardt, and Citron (1979) examined the effect of peer presence on the toy choices of three and four year olds. Participants included 26 girls and 36 boys. All the children participated in three conditions: solitary, same-sex peer, and opposite-sex peer. Each child was taken into a small room containing a row of six toys, three male stereotypic and three female stereotypic. The toys included plastic soldiers, small dolls and doll furniture, miniature fire trucks, a tea set, toy airplanes, and an ironing board and iron with clothes. The order of the toys alternated. In the solitary condition, the child was told that s/he could play with any of the toys while waiting for the experimenter to come back into the room in order to draw and then return to the classroom. The child was then left alone for three minutes. In the sameand opposite-sex conditions another child was present at a desk in a corner of the room, drawing a picture. The child was asked to play with the toys while waiting for a turn to color once the experimenter came back into the room. Meanwhile, the peer was asked to pay attention to the drawing and let the other child play by him/ herself for a little while. The order of the conditions changed and the children were assigned to the six possible orders randomly. The three experimental conditions were presented three to five days apart. Observations were made from behind a one-way glass mirror. The results suggest that play with cross-gendered toys was higher for both boys Gender Stereotypes 27

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and girls in the solitary condition and lowest in the opposite-sex peer condition. The solitary and opposite-sex peer conditions differed significantly, however, the same-sex peer condition did not differ significantly from either the solitary or the opposite-sex peer conditions. Thus, the results imply that the presence of opposite-sex peers reduced the likelihood for children to play with cross-gendered toys. However, it was also found that cross-gendered play increased gradually over trials, suggesting that children might begin to explore toys initially considered to be inappropriate if given enough time to do so. Overall, the findings suggest that peer presence, as well as the sex of the peers, influence children's gendered play behavior. Once again, it is important to note that this article is over 30 years old and attitudes towards gender roles may have changed since then, however, as the following studies will demonstrate, these findings do not seem to be outdated. A study by Albers (1998) also examined peers' reaction to cross-gendered behavior. Albers' (1998) study was designed to explore how children discriminate playmates based on the way they dress and to assess whether children associate gendertyped play with gender-typed clothing. Participants for this study included 40 boys and 41 girls ranging in age from five to ten. Two groups were created, a group with five to seven year-olds and a group with eight to ten year-olds. First, the children were shown six photographs of males and females wearing either a masculine, feminine, or neutral outfit in random order. The photographs were first tested on 30 adults to ensure they were perceived as masculine, feminine, or neutral. The attractiveness of the individuals in the photographs was controlled by choosing siblings who looked very similar and the color Gender Stereotypes 28

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and style of the clothes were also controlled. First, the child was asked to look at all of the photographs and then chose which of the children in the photographs s/he would prefer to play with. Then the child was shown the six activity cards placed in random order. The cards showed a black and white silhouette of a child playing with masculine, feminine, or neutral toys; the sex of the child in the cards was unidentifiable. The masculine toys were trucks and tools, the feminine toys were dolls and cooking sets, and the neutral toys were puzzles and books. The child had to correctly identify what the pictures represented and then rate the activities according to their own preference from most preferred to least preferred. Then the child was shown one of the six photographs with the different outfits and was asked to indicate the sex of the person portrayed in the photograph and to rank the activities portrayed in the photographs according to that individual's preference, from most to least preferred. The results suggest that stereotypic clothing had an effect on children's desirability to play and perceptions of activity preference. Regardless of the clothing worn, the girls preferred female playmates; however, the desirability to play with the masculine, feminine, and neutral females varied. The feminine female was the most preferred by females aged five to ten and seven to ten. However, girls aged eight to ten showed no preference among the masculine, feminine, or neutral playmates. The boys between ages five and ten as well as five to seven, preferred the neutral male more than the masculine or feminine male playmates. The eight to ten year old boys ranked the neutral and masculine males significantly better than the feminine males. In contrast to the girls who preferred female playmates regardless of clothing, the boys ranked the masculine female as a better playmate than the Gender Stereotypes 29

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feminine male. As for the activities, children usually linked the stereotypically dressed males and females with traditionally masculine and feminine play interests respectively. The participants inferred that the feminine and neutral girls liked the doll and cooking set and disliked the trucks and tools. For the masculine male and neural male, the tools and trucks were ranked first and the dolls and cooking set were last. Even for the feminine male, participants rated the doll and cooking set as the least favorite activity. Overall, similar results were found for participants in the two age groups and of both sexes. However, the five to ten year-old boys inferred that the neutral female would prefer the doll and cooking, while the five to ten year-old girls chose the feminine, masculine, and neutral activities equally. Also, the girls matched the masculine females with tools and trucks while the boys did not link her with any specific activity. This study suggests that children prefer to play with traditionally gendered peers and expect their friends to like stereotypical activities. Resulting in similar findings, a study by Baker-Sperry (2007) investigated the effect of peer-interaction on children's interpretation of Cinderella, a popular gendered fairy tale. A total of 50 first grade students in six different classrooms were divided into small reading groups with an average of nine to ten students. The groups heard Cinderella together and were encouraged to discuss illustrations and make interjections throughout the tale. There were differences between boys' and girls' reactions and comments towards the story. Girls were more excited about the story and retold it and defended it as it was read. Girls were also found to fantasize about their own futures as the story was read, saying that they too would marry a prince and that they would have a ball when they Gender Stereotypes 30

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turned 16. The girls sometimes seemed envious of Cinderella; one of them anxiously asked how Cinderella got to be so beautiful and then stated that she wanted to be as beautiful as Cinderella. One of the girls was criticized by another when she suggested that maybe Cinderella did not like her fancy ball dress. The boys, however, saw Cinderella as "a girl's book" and expressed their dislike for the story when it was introduced to them. The boys competed to see who could steer the discussion off track and who could get the attention of the group or the reader. When asked what Cinderella was like, the boys responded with a chorus of "dumb". The boys did not show signs of identification with the prince, the king, or Cinderella. The boys were not rewarded by other boys for knowing the stories, as was true for girls and their girl friends; in fact, many of the boys said that they did not care for the story at all and reacted negatively toward any boy who showed signs of interest in the story. In one of the reading groups, the boys did not respond unless they were asked direct questions, and even then, they only gave short responses. Some of the boys even began to quietly discuss something other than the story. The one boy who showed interest in the story, noticed that the other boys disapproved of his positive initial comment and spent the rest of the time in the reading group saying "Cinderella stinks", attempting to become "one of the boys" again. The findings suggest that gender and gendered expectations were essential to the process of interpretation and the construction of meaning for the children. Gender unified the boys and girls into two different groups. Gender was reinforced in the peer groups, without allowing room for alternate interpretations to the traditional messages presented in the book. Gender Stereotypes 31

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Summary. Overall, the previously mentioned studies highlight the importance of holding traditional gender roles. By deviating from the standard, children are going against their parent's expectations and their teacher's lessons exposing themselves to their peers' criticism. Boys were found to face stricter expectations and to follow their gender roles more closely than girls. It is interesting to note that, as these studies suggest, it is not only adults who enforce gender stereotypical roles, children themselves expect their peers to behave in ways appropriate for their gender. The Media and Its Effects on Children's Gender Stereotypes Another big factor that influences children's perception of what men and women ought to do is the media. People are constantly bombarded with gendered information by the media, whether it is through television, magazines, advertisements, radio, commercials, or any other means of communication. Children are no exception. From a young age children are receiving all kinds of messages from the media showing them what society expects from boys and girls. Some studies have focused on the media's ability to influence children's behavior. For example, a study by Ruble, Balaban, and Cooper (1981) analyzed the effects of sextyped televised toy commercials on children's play. Four to six year old children participated in the study. First, the children's stereotype beliefs were assessed. Then they saw a cartoon with a commercial of a gender-neutral toy that showed either two boys or two girls playing with the toy or they saw no commercial (control). Afterwards the children were allowed to play with the toys available in the room: the Fisher-Price Movie Viewer presented in the commercial, a stacking toy, a book, and poker chips. Then they Gender Stereotypes 32

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were asked to answer some questions. Of the children who watched children of the opposite sex playing with the toy in the commercial, only highly stereotyped children spent less time playing with the toy. The low stereotype children spent more time with the toy in the commercial when they saw an opposite-sex model than when they did not watch a commercial. Children who saw the opposite-sex commercial were more likely than children in the other two groups to say that opposite-sex siblings would like the toy more. These findings suggest that the gendered messages that the children receive through the media are particularly important for children who already hold high gender stereotypes, meaning that the media can reinforce such stereotypes. While the previous study suggests that media may reinforce gender stereotypes, other studies suggest that the media may not only reinforce gender stereotypes, but also challenge them. Pike and Jennings (2005) conducted a study in which first and second graders were assigned to one of three groups: a traditional group, a non-traditional group, and a control group. The children in the traditional group viewed toy commercials of boys using gender-neutral toys (Harry Potter Legos and Playmobil Airport Set), the nontraditional group viewed the same commercials but the boys' faces were replaced with girls' faces, and the control group viewed commercials for beverages with the same number of males and females. After watching the commercials, the children were asked whether they had seen the commercial or played with the toy in the commercial before. Then they were given three cards: one with a picture of boys and the word "boy" on it, another for girls, and another for both boys and girls. The participants were then asked to match the cards with six toys: two from the commercials, two similar toys, and two Gender Stereotypes 33

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highly stereotypical toys. The majority of the children who watched the traditional commercials reported that the toys were for boys. Of the participants who viewed the non-traditional Harry Potter Legos commercial or the non-traditional Playmobil Airport Set, most said that they were for both boys and girls. More boys than girls reported that the toys were for both boys and girls in the non-traditional condition. For the girls, no signicant differences were found between the traditional and non-traditional conditions for either target toy. However, for the boys, signicant differences were found between the traditional and non-traditional condition for the Playmobil Airport Set. Participants who had viewed the commercials before were less affected by the non-traditional condition. The findings of this study suggest that the media has the ability to either reinforce stereotypes or challenge them, simply by changing the sex of a child in a commercial. It is also implied through this study, that children are quite susceptible to the messages they receive through the media. While the previous studies have studied the effect of specific commercials on behaviors or beliefs in a controlled setting, other studies focus on the relationship between media exposure in the real world and gender stereotypes. A study by Morgan (1982), for instance, was designed to assess whether the amount of television viewing influences the sex-role stereotypes of adolescents over time. Participants included 349 students in sixth through ninth grade, 45% were male and 55% were female. Students completed two questionnaires each year during three years, each questionnaire had about 100 items assessing students' conceptions of social reality. Five questions were about sex role stereotypes (e.g., "In a family, who do you think should have full-time jobsthe Gender Stereotypes 34

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father, the mother, or both?"). The time each students spent watching television was measured by self-reports to the question "Altogether, about how many hours a day do you usually spend watching TV including morning, afternoon, and evening?". Differences were found between boys and girls; for girls, the amount of television viewing was significantly associated with sexism scores a year later, this effect was found to increase with social class. For boys, no significant link was found between the amount of time they spent watching television and what they thought a year later, however, sexism predicted greater television viewing among boys. This study suggests that exposure to television might influence boys' and girls' gender stereotypes differently. It may be inferred that the sexism promoted in television is unfavorable towards girls, yet girls were most likely to hold sexist beliefs when exposed to more television. It is possible then, that television is detrimental to girls. Although the relationship between gender stereotypes and amount of time spent watching television is interesting, more might be learned by examining children's favorite television shows since children are likely to pay more attention to the shows they enjoy the most, consequently, learning more from them (Calvert, Kotler, Zehnder, & Shockey, 2003). A study by Calvert et al. (2003) examined the presence of gender stereotypes in children's reports about their favorite educational television shows. Participants included 173 girls and 145 boys from second to sixth grade attending 13 different schools. Second through fourth graders made up the first age group, while fifth through sixth graders made up the second age group. The study was conducted online and was structured as a game in which children were reporters from their classroom once per month for a Gender Stereotypes 35

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majority of the school year. The children first reported their viewing of educational and informational programs during the previous week by selecting them from a list and then chose their favorite program of the week. Immediately after that, the children were asked to write a report about their favorite show pretending they were writing to a friend who had never seen the program, explaining what it was about and what they learned from it. Finally, the children posted their reports to an online male or female animated editor. Although boys and girls chose many of the same television programs as their favorites, the findings show that male characters and masculine behaviors were reported more often than female characters and feminine behaviors. While male characters were most likely to be perceived as performing masculine behaviors, female characters were as likely to be perceived as performing masculine as feminine behaviors. Both of these patterns were shown more in boys' reports than in girls' reports. While girls typically reported about male characters, masculine behaviors, and used masculine pronouns as often as boys did, girls also included more female characters, feminine pronouns, feminine behaviors and feelings than boys did. Older girls were found to select more female-oriented programs and female pronouns and female characters increased in their reports. Boys and girls reported more masculine than feminine behaviors for both female and male characters; but female characters were reported to have more feminine behaviors than male characters. The children chose same-sex editors for posting their reports. These findings suggest that children can remember stereotypical content but can also remember non-traditional portrayals of female characters. Overall, traditionally masculine behaviors were seen in the children's reports of female characters but male Gender Stereotypes 36

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characters were not found to not engage in traditionally feminine behaviors; however, it should be noted that it is not known whether the male cartoons ever performed feminine behaviors. The findings of this study are significant because they show that while only girls enjoy stereotypically female television shows, both girls and boys enjoy gender atypical stories with female characters. The possible implications of this study are that while girls might learn non-traditional roles from television shows, boys are more likely to reinforce traditional masculine stereotypes. This may lead both girls and boys to believe that it is acceptable for girls to be more masculine, while it is unacceptable for boys to be more feminine. A study by Davidson, Yasuna, and Tower (1979) also highlights television's potential to challenge gender stereotypes in girls. In this study, five to six year old girls viewed either high stereotyped, low stereotyped or neutral television network cartoons. Thirty-six girls participated in the study. Each girl was first told that the experimenter was interested in what kinds of shows kids like and was then asked to watch a program. The program for the reverse stereotype group was a show in which boys fail to build a clubhouse and two girls are successful in helping them. Then the boys decide not to let them join the club, but the girls take over the clubhouse and persuade the boys to have sports competitions to decided whether they could join the boys or not. The girls win four out of ten events against the two best male athletes and everyone agrees to let the girls join the club. In a competition against an all-boys team, the club wins because one of the girls is a great pitcher. In the end, one of the girls is elected president of the club and all the boys are glad the girls are members. The neutral show was an episode from ScoobyGender Stereotypes 37

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Do, Where Are You? in which a group of two boys and two girls cooperate to solve a mystery. The characters seemed to contribute equally to solving the mystery but the sex roles were not given an explicit emphasis other than through the clothing of the female characters. The high-stereotyped show was an episode from Jeannie a cartoon version of the comedy I Dream of Jeannie The male lead is the master and the female character is the slave or servant. In the episode, the male lead and a friend of his sign up for a survival trip believing that they were signing up for a walk attended by lots of girls. Jeannie attempts to help the boys but is rejected with anger by them, however, she continues to try to help, but her attempts end in a disaster. Finally, the two boys complete the trip with covert assistance from Jeannie. Jeannie is spiteful and jealous of the lead's attempt to talk to other girls. After watching the show, the child was told that the experimenter would ask some questions about the program after another person asked some questions about something else. Then the second experimenter entered, blind to the experimental condition, and administered a test to measure gender and race stereotypes. The test consisted of 24 pairs of pictures, with one person in each pair being male and the other female. The pair of people could either consist of two white people or two black people. Each pair was shown with a brief description which used specific sex-role-related adjectives, of which 12 were male stereotyped and the remaining 12 were female stereotyped. The child had to point to the picture that the story was about. Once the test was completed, the experiment was finalized by having the first experimenter return to ask some questions. The results showed that exposure to the gender atypical program led to lower gender stereotype scores which were lower than those of either the neutral or Gender Stereotypes 38

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stereotypical shows. No differences were found between the neutral and stereotyped programs. Once again, the results show that once girls are exposed to gender atypical television, their gender stereotypes decrease. These findings are important because they show the media's potential to challenge gender roles in young girls. Rather than focusing on the media's ability to challenge gendered stereotypes and beliefs, other studies have focused on the media's ability to challenge women's traditionally gendered aspirations. A study by Geis, Brown, Walstedt, and Porter (1984) tested the effects of stereotyped commercials vs. commercials with reversed roles on women's achievement aspirations. Participants included men and women who were asked to watch four stereotyped or role reversed commercials. Afterwards, they answered an unrelated questionnaire and then wrote a short essay regarding their lives ten years into the future. A control group was asked to name their favorite TV shows instead of viewing the commercials. The results showed that women in the control group and women who saw the traditional commercials emphasized homemaking over achievement concerns in their essays. However, the women who viewed the reversed sex role commercials put significantly greater emphasis on their own achievement aspirations. These results imply that the media may affect women's views of themselves and the way they hope to be in the future. Summary. Overall, the effect of the media explored through the previously mentioned articles is quite diverse. The studies have suggested that the media can affect behavior and, although the media can reinforce stereotypes, it also has the potential to promote change by challenging the gender stereotypes instead of reinforcing them. Gender Stereotypes 39

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Consistent with the research presented in previous sections, these studies suggest that girls' gender stereotypes are more flexible than those of boys. The Effect of Books on Children's Gender Stereotypes Many studies have focused on reviewing children's literature for gender stereotypes. Classic and recent studies show patterns of inequality and an absence of women and girls in titles and as central characters (McCabe, Fairchild, Grauerholz, Pescosolido & Tope, 2011). A recent study by McCabe et al. (2011) analyzed 5,618 books published in the twentieth century from the full series of Caldecott award-winning books, Little Golden Books and the Children's Catalog Results show that males were represented more frequently in titles (1,857 vs. 966) and as central characters (3,418 vs. 2,098). Even male animal characters were presented as central characters more often than female animals. The messages that books send about the men and women are important because children's books are believed to "contribute to how children understand what is expected of women and men and shape how they think of their place in the social structure" (Mccabe et al., 2011, p. 4). Therefore, it is possible that "a consistently unequal pattern of females and males in children's books contributes to and reinforces children's gender schemas and identities" (Mccabe et al., 2011, p. 5). Nevertheless, despite the results found by Mccabe et al., (2011), it is argued that unequal gender representations have diminished over time in the United States (Mccabe et al. 2011) and several studies have been conducted to test the effects that gender atypical and gender neutral books have on children's beliefs, behaviors and gender identities. Gender Stereotypes 40

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Effects on Play. Some researchers have focused on the ability stories have to influence behaviors in children, play behaviors in particular. For instance, a study by Ashton (1983) examined the effect of gender stereotypical and gender neutral books on children's play behavior. Participants included 32 children ranging from 2 to 5 years of age who were enrolled in two nursery school classes. The children were taken to a room next to their nursery classrooms where two female-stereotypic toys (a doll and a china set), two male-stereotypic toys (a truck and a gun), and two gender-neutral toys (a ball and a peg board) were randomly arranged on a table. Each child was given two minutes to play with the toys. Their behaviors were recorded through an observation mirror. Afterwards, a picture book with a character of the same sex as the child was read to each child individually. The characters were engaging in play with either a sex-stereotypical or non-stereotypical toy. Then the child was given two minutes to play with the toys again, and their behavior was once again recorded. The total time that each child visually regarded and manipulated each toy was determined by analyzing the pre and post treatment play sessions. Pre-test scores did not show any significant differences between the genders or between the children in the traditional books group versus the genderneutral books group. Results indicate that girls exposed to the stereotypic book as well as boys exposed to the non-stereotypic book manipulated and visually regarded female toys longer. No significant scores were found for the manipulation and visual regard of male toys. Girls exposed to the non-stereotypic books decreased their manipulation of the female-stereotypical toys and increased their score for the male-stereotypical toys. Girls exposed to traditional books increased their scores for female stereotypical toys and Gender Stereotypes 41

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decreased their score for male stereotypical toys. These results suggest that children's stories can be used to encourage and reinforce either gender traditional or non-traditional behaviors. A study by Green, Bigler, and Catherwood (2004) was designed to test the effects of children's books over time on play behaviors. This study assessed the changes in masculine and feminine toy play of eight children in days in which gender neutral or gender atypical stories were read. Participants included four girls and four boys with an average of four years and five months of age, whose teachers thought had high gendertyped toy play behaviors. Before the data collection, the experimenter spent four days at the center to become familiar with the children and to familiarize the children with the toys to reduce the problem of novelty. In each session, the experimenter read a six minute story to a child individually and then asked the child to play with the toys while s/he was doing some work. The session ended after three to four minutes of playing time which were recorded. The sessions occurred every day for a period of over four months, unless the children were absent. The toys were presented in the same order each day; the feminine toys included an iron and ironing board, a stroller, a cooking set, a toddler doll, a crib with a blanket, and a baby doll while the masculine toys included a fire engine, a dump ruck, an ambulance, a helicopter, and a set of wooden construction blocks, and a set of plastic construction blocks. The stories read were created for this study and included a gender neutral story with no gender identification describing the adventures of a red balloon, and two stories in which children are engaged in counterstereotypic toy play. In the counterstereotypic stories, the children were given a non-traditional toy and Gender Stereotypes 42

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were encouraged by a same gender parent. Then the child took the toy to preschool and was encouraged by a same-gender teacher and same-gender peers wanted to play with the toy. Both stories contained non-non-traditionaltraditional adult role models and had a surprise ending. The children's behaviors were divided into three broad patterns: significant change, temporary change, and little change. Three girls were found to considerably change their toy play behavior, that is, their level of masculine play increased while their level of feminine play decreased. Two of those girls were extremely gender typed at the beginning of the study. Two boys were somewhat influenced by the stories but the effect was not long lasting. Finally, two boys and one girl showed little or no change. The two boys in the "little change" group spent almost no time touching or playing with traditionally feminine toys. The results suggest that girls were more influenced by the counterstereotypic stories than the boys. The amount of time spent playing with masculine toys in an unconventional manner, that is play that was inconsistent with the intended use of the toy, was relatively low for all children. Contrastingly, there was variation in the levels of unconventional feminine toy play. As studies in previous sections have suggested, boys' gendered behaviors seem to be stricter than those of girls. Nevertheless, and despite the small sample, books were found to have the potential to promote long term effects on the gendered behaviors of five out of eight. It is important to highlight that the children in this study were selected by their teachers for highly stereotypical play, yet most of them were found to change their play towards a less stereotypical kind through exposure to gender atypical books. Gender Stereotypes 43

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Preferences. The idea that children's literature can affect their behavior has been supported, however, it is important to assess whether children like the books that can potentially alter their behavior. A study by Jennings (1975) tested if preschool children are aware of sex typing in literature and whether they prefer stories with stereotypical behavior. The research also tested how children react to the reversal of sex roles. Participants were 64 children ages 4 and 5. The children were divided into small groups and were read two short stories; one story was sex-consistent while the other was not. Immediately after hearing the story, the children were tested for recall and preference. Results show that both males and females preferred the story with the sex role appropriate for their own sex; it was hypothesized that the children were better able to relate to these characters and therefore preferred them. The children were also better able to recall a story with reversal gender roles due to the novelty effect. The girls found the male role more acceptable for a woman than the boys found the female role for men. Boys from lower socioeconomic status, in particular, felt a lot more negatively about the story with the role reversal and some even refused to listen. These results suggest that children prefer stories with traditional gender roles, but it is also suggested that it might be easier to expose young girls to gender atypical stories. Also examining children's perception of non-traditionally gendered stories, a study by Feldman-Summers and Scott (1979) assessed the effects of portraying a female protagonist in a traditionally male role on children's sex role perceptions and story evaluations. Participants included 111 third and fourth graders. Each child read a set of eight short stories during a four week period (two stories each week). Each story had two Gender Stereotypes 44

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versions, one with a female protagonist and one with a male protagonist. There were three experimental conditions, one in which the children read stories with a majority of female main characters, one with a majority of male characters, and one with an equal number of male and female characters. Each story featured a protagonist, usually young, who demonstrated a socially desirable role that was traditionally assumed by a male (solver, helper, explorer, achiever, decision maker, communicator, leader, and intellectual problem solver). After reading each story, the children answered questions about it. First they were asked who they thought would do what the protagonist did in the story: only boys, mostly boys, some boys, an equal number of boys and girls, some girls, mostly girls, or only girls. Then they completed a questionnaire to assess sex role perceptions. Then the children completed two evaluative questions for each story. Results show that more girls than boys believed that females could do what the protagonist in the story did. More children in the condition with a majority of female protagonists believed girls could perform the activities portrayed in the stories. In general, females gave less stereotypical responses than males. There was a tendency for female participants to like the stories more than the males, but it was not significant. Hearing the stories with female main characters in non-traditional role activities increased the children's perceptions of the number of girls who could engage in those same activities portrayed in the stories, but it did not affect perceptions of other sex role activities. Once again, girls were found to be less strict than boys in regards to gender roles. While both boys and girls who heard the non-traditional story believed more girls could perform the activity, males gave more traditional responses and liked the stories less than girls. These results suggest that boys Gender Stereotypes 45

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prefer stories based on the character rather than the activity, since they liked the atypical stories with a female character less than the girls did. An important finding is that although the stories did seem to affect children's beliefs about gender-roles specifically portrayed in the stories, they did not transfer to other gender-roles. Like the study by Jennings (1975), this study also suggests that boys might have stronger negative attitudes towards gender atypical stories; however, girls were found to like the stories in this study more, but not significantly more than boys. It is important to note that both of these studies are over 30 years old, therefore, social changes might cause different findings today. However, recent studies show that children's book selection is affected by gender stereotypes. For instance, a study by Chapman, Filipenko, McTavish and Shapiro (2007) tested whether boys and girls prefer narrative or information books and what kind of books they think their peers will like best. Boys were found to prefer storybooks over information books. In an open task, where the children could chose several books, girls showed no preference for either type of book but preferred storybooks over information books in the closed task, when they had to choose only one book. When asked what their peers would enjoy best, the children thought girls would like storybooks and boys would like information books. This study supports the idea that although boys and girls might have the same preferences for books, they understand the stereotypical belief that girls like narrative books while boys like informational books, regardless of their own tastes. Effect on Occupational Roles and Goals. With a similar method, Trepanier-Street and Romatowski (1999) designed a study to examine children's gender attitudes Gender Stereotypes 46

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regarding occupational roles and to assess whether classroom readings and book-related activities could positively influence children's gender attitudes towards occupational roles. Participants for this study included 34 boys and 40 girls from three different schools enrolled in preschool through the first grade. Children's attitudes towards occupational roles were first assessed; an experimenter would name an occupational role and ask each child individually whether the occupation was for men, women, or both. Fourteen occupations were included: pilot, nurse, police officer, doctor, teacher, dancer, carpenter, mechanic, secretary, cook, cashier, firefighter, ambulance driver, and hairdresser. The second part of the study consisted of a two month intervention in which six children's books focusing on non-stereotypic gender roles were read in classrooms and book-related activities were performed. The books were age appropriate and described children and adults involved in non-stereotypical gender activities and situations (e.g., a working mother and a caregiver father). The same books were read at each site, but the activities were chosen by the classroom teacher. Some activities consisted of retelling the stories using puppets, role playing different careers, inviting guest speakers to share their careers with the children, and creating a mural depicting the children in various careers. The results suggest that children often saw occupations as appropriate for both men and women even before the intervention. However, there was an increase in the "both" response after the intervention, the responses increased from 49.4% to 78.4%. A highly significant relationship was found between the response type and the time of testing for both boys and girls. This study applies the basic ideas used in the study by Feldman-Summers and Scott (1979) but applies them to gendered attitudes towards Gender Stereotypes 47

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occupational roles. After reading non-stereotypical books, more boys and girls judged the occupations as appropriate for both men and women, therefore, it can be inferred that children's literature has the potential to positively influence gender attitudes. Resulting in equally hopeful findings, a study by Nhundu (2007) studied the effect of children's books in promoting non-traditional career goals for primary school girls in Zimbabwe. A Role Model Readers project had been implemented in several schools for 3 years before the study. In this project, biographical stories of women who succeeded at non-traditional careers through hard work and perseverance were made available to girls in a school in Zimbabwe. Twenty-seven schools were randomly selected, 19 of which had used the Role Model Readers project. The remaining eight either had not received the books or had received them but not used them; participants from these eight schools made up the control group. Participants were 223 female students (178 users and a control group of 45 non-users). A questionnaire was given to the group of students who used the biographical stories assessing biographical data, book use, perceived preference of role models, perceived benefits, and impact of the stories on the career choices of students. Ninety students were randomly selected for group interviews to determine differences between users and non-users' occupational goals and gender stereotypes in relation to work. Results showed that girls were more interested in the role models in the Role Model Readers than the boys. Overall, boys and girls had similar rank order preferences for the 12 role models. Boys and girls only differed in their preference of the trucker; girls preferred the trucker significantly more than boys did. Differences between rural and urban students were not statistically significant; school Gender Stereotypes 48

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location, teacher's gender training, and use of formal gender lessons had no significant impact on the preferences of the students. The most important benefit of the program, was that students understood that there were no jobs only for men or only for women. Students also understood where to train for the role-models' careers. A high percentage of girls (73.3%) reported changing their career goals from traditional to non-traditional; all of these were careers portrayed in the stories. On the other hand, 84.4% of the girls in the control group retained their original career goals; mostly gender stereotyped jobs. Even those girls in the control group who had changed their career goals chose gender stereotyped occupations, in contrast to the girls in the treatment group. Nevertheless, gender stereotyped beliefs about women's and men's jobs at their homes were still held by both treatment and control groups and most thought married women should not leave their home to work. Although the home-life was not affected by the literature, the girls in this study were found to change their occupational goals after reading women's success stories. This study demonstrates the possible positive effects that specific books can have on girls' aspirations and futures. Also suggesting that books have the potential to challenge stereotypes, a study by Karniol and Gal-Disegni (2009) compared the gender stereotypes of children using gender-stereotyped and gender-fair basal readers. The experiment took place in two Israeli schools in the same neighborhood which happened to use different basal readers that varied in their portrayals of males and females; therefore, this study was a natural experiment. The children were assigned to either school by the municipality, their parents were not able to chose between schools. Two first grade classes, one from each school, Gender Stereotypes 49

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participated in this study. After using the basal readers, the participants were told they would read some short sentences and would later need to answer some questions about them. A short questionnaire was provided in which activities were stated and the children were asked whether each activity was more appropriate for males, females, or both. The results showed that the gender-fair basal reader decreased the number of activities judged as only appropriate for females and to increase the amount of activities found appropriate for both genders. Neither the male-stereotyped activities nor the gender-neutral activities were affected by the type of basal reader used. Contrasting previous studies, the children's sex did not affect children's stereotypes. It was found that changing stereotypes regarding what is appropriate for males is much more difficult than changing stereotypes regarding what is appropriate for females. This study supports many studies, suggesting that gender roles for women are more flexible than those of men. The findings for this study are hopeful in that, like other studies, they suggest that children's books have the potential to challenge and change gender stereotypes, allowing different opportunities to open up for girls. However, despite the positive effect books and stories might have on children's gender identity development and gendered attitudes and beliefs, it is children's parents who usually select and buy the stories their children will read. Yet, few studies have examined how parents choose books and stories for their children and which factors affect their decisions. Selection. One study by by Saracho and Spodek (2010) examined the frequency and nature of story reading at home, how parents select children's books, and parents' Gender Stereotypes 50

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involvement in and perceptions relating to literacy. Participants consisted of 125 parents; they were asked to participate in an interview, complete a questionnaire and attend an intervention program to learn how to select books for their children once a week for 16 weeks. The results indicate that parents choose books for their children based on their own interest as well as their kid's interests and experiences. However, not much information was given on the effect of the intervention therefore it is unclear whether the parents chose books based on interest and experiences by themselves or because that was taught at the intervention. Nevertheless, the study showed that most parents chose the modern fantasy genre, then contemporary realistic fiction, followed by information books, poetry books and traditional literature. Summary. Children's literature has been found to impact children in multiple ways, including their play behavior, their beliefs regarding occupational roles, and their future aspirations, affecting their gender identity development and the way they perceive the gendered world that surrounds them. Thus, it is suggested that children's books and stories might be a good way to challenge and change children's gender stereotypes. The Gap. Parents have been found to select books for their children based on their own interests and those of their children. Previously mentioned studies have suggested that children prefer stories with same-sex characters which might be traditionally gendered (e.g., Jennings 1975; Feldman-Summers & Scott, 1979). However, little is known regarding parents' selection of books for their children. Although unequal gender representations in children's books may have decreased over time in the United States (McCabe et al., 2011), if parents do not like and select books with gender neutral or Gender Stereotypes 51

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gender atypical plots and characters, whether such books can make a difference in their children's development does not matter, at least not in a practical sense. If children do not get exposure to gender atypical and gender neutral books, these books will not be able to influence and challenge their views on gender. The present study sought to examine parents' preferences for gender stereotypical, gender neutral, or gender atypical children's books. Parents received surveys through which they were asked to rate stories according to how likely they would be to want each of their children to read them. Gender stereotypical, gender atypical, and gender neutral stories were included in the surveys. Through demographic information given, the differences between ratings for each of the stories depending on the gender of the child were assessed, as well as the differences between ratings for siblings depending on gender and age differences between them. Through open ended questions, parents reported how they believed they chose books for their children. No hypotheses were made because the current study is the first one that explores parents' preference for gender stereotypes in children's stories, making it difficult to determine which patterns might arise. This information is important because it is necessary in order to know if parents would choose gender stereotypical or gender atypical books for their children to read. It is also important to assess which factors affect parents' selection of children's books in order to tailor books that challenge gender stereotypes to the desires of parents, making them more accessible to the public. Gender Stereotypes 52

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Method Participants A total of 60 participants voluntarily chose to participate in this research study. However, four participants only completed the first part of the survey and three participants had inconsistencies in their answers; as a result, only the data from the 53 remaining participants were used in analyses. Participants included 53 parents (47 women, 6 men). Participants were recruited through a letter sent home from their children's school, a snowball effect, or through online parenting forums. Participants included 27 parents (26 women, 1 man) at a small Montessori school in South Florida, 7 parents (7 women, 0 men) at a small daycare center in South Florida, 7 parents (7 women, 0 men) at a small child care center at a small liberal arts college in Southwest Florida, and 12 (7 women 5 men) parents recruited through online parenting forums or snowball effect. See Tables 1, 2, and 3 for information on the number of children according to their sex and age, the participants' religious affiliations, and ethnicities, respectively. Materials A survey was created specifically for this study. The survey was used to determine the parent's preference for children's books and to assess their children's reading habits and demographics. The survey included seven brief summaries of children's stories, followed by 11 questions regarding the children's reading habits and the family's demographic information. Some of the story summaries were created for this study or Gender Stereotypes 53

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were summaries of actual children's books, while others were inspired by children's books or were entirely new. Four versions of the survey were created (see Appendix A, B, C and D). All four versions included seven brief summaries of children's stories: four with human protagonists and three with animal protagonists. The stories with human protagonists were the same for all four versions, but each version differed in the sex of the protagonist assigned to each story. The first version included four story summaries with human protagonists: (a) one gender atypical story with a female protagonist, (b) one gender atypical story with a male protagonist, (c) one gender neutral story with a female protagonist, and (d) one gender neutral story with a male protagonist. The other versions of the survey were identical except for the gender of the protagonists in the stories; although the content of the story was the same, the gender was changed in order to change the (a) gender atypical story with a female character into a gender stereotypical story with a male character, (b) the gender atypical story with a male character into a gender stereotypical story with a female character, and (c) the gender neutral story with a female character into a gender neutral story with a male character (d) the gender neutral story with a male character into a gender neutral story with a female character. All four versions included three additional story summaries with an animal protagonist and no identification of gender, the stories were identical in each version: (a) one story described a stereotypically feminine activity (or male atypical), (b) another a stereotypically masculine activity (or female atypical), and (c) a third story described a gender neutral activity. All of the 11 stories that appeared in the different versions of the survey were Gender Stereotypes 54

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coded by 13 college students to ensure that they were representative of the gender stereotypes they were attempting to convey. The students first read the stories and later categorized them as either gender neutral, gender stereotypical, or gender atypical. All 13 coders agreed on the categories of gender stereotypical, gender atypical, or gender neutral assigned to the stories over 86% of the time, in 123 out of 143 responses. The second section of the survey included demographic questions assessing the child's gender and age, the parent's gender, nationality, number of years living in the United States, and religion. The questions regarding the children's reading habits asked the parents if they bought books for their children, how they selected those books, if they read to their children, if their children read on their own, how often they read, and if their children read for school, pleasure, or both. Procedure Participants received a cover-letter explaining the study and providing consent information as well as the survey which they could complete if they chose to participate. The survey started with seven short summaries for children's stories. Participants were asked to read the seven brief summaries and rate how likely they would be to want each of their children to read the story described in the summary using the following rating scale: Never (0), Very Unlikely (1), Unlikely (2), Maybe (3), Likely (4), Very Likely (5), or Definitely (6). The participants were asked to include only children who were 7 years of age or younger. It was also explained that there would only be space for a maximum of five children, and the participants were asked to only include the youngest five children who were 7 years of age or younger if they happened to have more than five children. It Gender Stereotypes 55

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was also explained to the participants that if they were expecting a child, the answers for that child should go in the "youngest child" row. After rating the seven stories, the participants were asked a series of forced-choice and open-ended questions regarding their children's reading habits and demographic information. A paper copy of the survey was given to the participants at schools while an online version of the survey was provided to the participants recruited from online parenting forums or through a snowball effect. Participants received one of the four versions of the surveys. At the schools, each class received an equal number of each survey version to give to the parents. For the online surveys, participants were asked to click on the first out of two Xs on the screen. The Xs were set to change order randomly and each X led the participants to a different version of the study. The paper surveys were returned to the school's office and the online versions were submitted to the researcher through SurveyMonkey. The open ended question at the end of the demographics section, "how do you usually select books or stories for your children to read?", was coded by three people for specific themes that arose in multiple responses, including "Interesting for the Parent", "Interesting for the Child", "References", "Book Characteristics", "Moral Teachings", "Educational", and "Age Appropriateness". After reviewing all the responses, the main researcher created the seven themes and rated the responses. Two coders then rated 20 of the 53 responses according to which themes were present. Each response could have no themes present, all seven of the themes present, or anything in between. Percent agreement was used as a reliability measure; the total number of agreements between all Gender Stereotypes 56

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three coders were divided by the total number of possible responses to obtain the percent agreement between observers for each variable. There was a 86.4% agreement between all three coders for 20 of the 53 surveys that were coded. Results Relationship between Story Rating and Child's Gender The first analysis assessed whether gender stereotypical, gender atypical, or gender neutral stories were rated higher for either daughters or sons. Because there were four survey versions, not all parents received the exact same stories; the sex of the characters changed, altering the stereotype conveyed through the story. Thus, stories with the same plot, but with characters of different sexes, were compared to ensure that the variables measured were the gender of the children and the stereotype presented through the story, rather than the plot of the story. For instance, parents' ratings for how likely they would be to want their children to read the story where the female character learns to free-throw in basketball (gender atypical) were compared to the ratings parents gave for the story where the male character learns to free-throw in basketball (gender stereotypical). Refer to Appendix E for a chart depicting the variables tested. The parents' ratings for the oldest child were the only ratings used in the analysis to ensure that every parent was included in the analysis but that no parent was included more than once. The ratings for 27 girls (50.94%) and 26 boys (49.06%) were used. A 2(child gender) x 2 (stereotypes) between subjects ANOVA was performed on the parents' ratings for the first story to determine if there were differences between the ratings depending on the gender of the children and the stereotype presented in the story Gender Stereotypes 57

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(see Table 4 for the mean ratings). The first story is about a child, a boy or a girl depending on the version, who wants to learn how to free-throw in basketball and achieves the goal through hard work and determination. The stereotype portrayed through the story was not found to have an effect on the rating for the children of different genders. The main effect of stereotype was not significant, F (1, 49) = 0.07, p = 0.7960, the main effect of gender was not significant, F (1, 49) = 0.18, p = 0.6749, and the interaction between stereotype and gender was not significant either, F (1, 49) = 1.65, p = 0.2049. Therefore, the story the parents read, whether it was the gender stereotypical story about a boy who learns how to free-throw or the gender atypical story about a girl who learns how to free-throw, did not affect how likely the parent was to want their son or daughter to read the story. The means of the ratings ranged from 4.53 to 5.09, indicating that, generally, the parents were "likely" and "very likely" to want their children to read the first story regardless of the gender of their children, the gender of the character in the story, and the stereotype presented in the story. A 2(child gender) x 2 (stereotypes) between subjects ANOVA was performed on the parent's ratings for the third story to determine if there was a difference between the ratings depending on the gender of the children and the stereotype presented in the story (see Table 5 for the mean ratings). The third story is about a child, boy or girl depending on the version, who decides to join his/her sister's dance class to warm up for the soccer games. The stereotype portrayed through the story was not found to have an effect on the rating for the children of different genders. The main effect of stereotype was not significant, F (1, 49) = 0.23, p = 0.6363, the main effect of gender was not significant, F Gender Stereotypes 58

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(1, 49) = 0.95, p = 0.3353, and the interaction between stereotype and gender was not significant either, F (1, 49) = 0.23, p = 0.6360. Therefore, the story the parents read, whether it was the gender atypical story of a boy who decides to join his sister's dance class or the gender stereotypical story about a girl who joins the dance class, did not affect how likely the parent was to want their son or daughter to read the story. The means of the ratings ranged from 4.45 to 5.00, suggesting that, overall, parents were "likely" and "very likely" to want their children to read the third story regardless of the gender of their children, the gender of the character in the story, and the stereotype presented in the story. A 2(child gender) x 2 (stereotypes) between subjects ANOVA was performed on the parent's ratings for the sixth story to determine if there was a difference between the ratings depending on the gender of the children and the stereotype presented in the story (see Table 6 for the mean ratings). The sixth story is about a child, boy or girl depending on the version, who spends a day at the beach. Results indicate that the different characters portrayed in the story had a significant effect on the ratings for children of different genders. The main effect of stereotype was not significant, F (1, 49) = 0.39, p = 0.5342, and the main effect of gender was not significant, F (1, 49) = 0.02, p = 0.8797, however, the interaction between stereotype and gender was significant, F (1, 49) = 5.28, p = 0.0258. Therefore, the different stories the parents read the gender neutral story about a boy's day at the beach and the gender neutral story about a girl who spends a day at the beach affected how likely the parent was to want their son or daughter to read the story. According to the means, the significant interaction was caused by a difference Gender Stereotypes 59

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between the parents' ratings for their daughters; overall, parents liked the story with the male character the least for their daughters but gave the highest ratings for the story with the female character for their daughters. These variations indicate that the gender of the characters in story number six influenced how likely parents were to want their daughters to read the story. The means of the ratings ranged from 2.75 to 4.00, indicating that the parents varied in how likely they were to want their children to read story number six. The responses vary from "unlikely", to "maybe", and to likely". A final 2(child gender) x 2 (stereotypes) between subjects ANOVA was performed on the parent's ratings for the seventh story to determine if there were differences between the ratings depending on the gender of the children and the stereotype presented in the story (see Table 7 for the mean ratings). The seventh story is about a child, boy or girl depending on the version, who joins his/her parents to walk their dog and fly a kite. The different characters portrayed in the story were not found to have an effect on the rating for the children of different genders. The main effect of stereotype was not significant, F (1, 49) = 0.94, p = 0.3366, the main effect of gender was not significant, F (1, 49) = 0.50, p = 0.4838, and the interaction between stereotype and gender was not significant either, F (1, 49) = 1.27, p = 0.2655. Therefore, the story the parents read, whether it was the gender neutral story about a boy walking his dog or the gender neutral story about a girl walking her dog, did not affect how likely the parent was to want their son or daughter to read the story. The means of the ratings ranged from 3.67 to 4.50, indicating that, in general, parents thought they would "maybe" want their children to read story number seven or that they were "likely" to want their children to read it. These Gender Stereotypes 60

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means indicate that, on average, the parents rated the stories similarly regardless of the gender of their children or the gender of the character in the story. For stories 2, 4, and 5, a 2(child gender) x 3(story type) mixed factorial ANOVA with repeated measures on the second factor was performed (see Table 8 for the means). Because all parents read the exact same version of stories 2, 4 and 5, the parents' ratings for how likely they would be to want their son or daughter to read each story were compared to each other. These three stories were the stories in which animal characters with no specification of gender participated in a gendered or a gender neutral activity. In story 2, a strong bear gets lost in the forest but is able to find a way back home, story four is about a turtle who decides to bake a cake for Mother Turtle's birthday, and story 5 is about Kitten who attempts to grab the moon because it thinks it is a bowl of milk. The main effect of story type was found to be close to significant, F (2, 102) = 3.01, p = 0.0536 while the main effect of gender was not significant, F (1, 51) = 0.79, p = 0.3796, and the interaction between gender and story type was not significant either, F (2, 102) = 0.04, p = 0.9561. Therefore, although the ratings between stories were somewhat different, the ratings of stories 2, 4, and 5 were not found to significantly differ according to the gender of their children, that is, the parents liked some of the stories better than others, but the gender of their children did not influence their decisions. The means of the ratings ranged from 3.58 to 4.52; parents thought they would "maybe" or would be "likely" to buy these stories for their sons and daughters. When comparing the mean ratings given to each story, the biggest differences were found between stories 4 and 5. Parents gave the highest ratings for story number four (a mean of 4.32) and the lowest Gender Stereotypes 61

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ratings for story number five (a mean of 3.69), causing an almost significant main effect of story type (see Table 8 for the mean ratings). Parents of Two or More Children Gender Differences. Overall, the results suggest that the gender of the children and the gender stereotypes portrayed through the stories did not affect parents' ratings of the stories. A secondary analysis was performed to compare the ratings across children for parents with two or more children; frequencies were calculated to determine if there were differences between the parents' ratings depending on the sex of their children, that is, if parents rated the stories differently when they only had sons or daughters when compared to parents who had both sons and daughters. Only the ratings for the three stories that all parents received were analyzed for frequencies, that is, the three stories with animal characters without gender identification that were participating in either stereotypically feminine, stereotypically masculine, or gender neutral activities. These three stories were chosen because they were the only stories that all 53 participants read and rated, regardless of the survey version that they received; however, only the data for the 36 parents who had more than one child were analyzed. The participants were first divided into three groups: those with only daughters, those with only sons, and those with both daughters and sons. Then, for each of the three stories, the parents' ratings were coded as "same" or "different". The most conservative measure was used to determine whether the responses were the "same" or "different"; to be considered "same", the ratings had to be exactly the same for all the children of a particular parent, all others were considered "different". If a parent had more than two children, it was even harder to Gender Stereotypes 62

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be coded as "same", given that the ratings for all of the children had to be exactly the same. Each of the 36 parents were counted once for each of the three stories, depending on the gender of their children and their ratings for each particular story (see Table 9 for the frequencies). Even with the most conservative measures, the frequencies show that an overwhelming majority of parents rated the stories equally for all their children, regardless of the children's gender and regardless of the stereotyped activity presented in the stories. About 77.8% of parents gave the same ratings of the second and fourth stories for all their children and 80.6% gave the same ratings for story 5 for all their children. In fact, the responses were so high for the same ratings in all three stories that no statistical analyses could be performed due to low expected frequencies for the number of participants who rated stories differently for their children. Age Differences. Frequencies were also used to assess if parents rated the stories differently according to the ages of their children. Once again, the three stories that all parents read and rated regardless of survey version were used to calculate the frequencies and only the data of the 36 parents with more than one child were analyzed. The same conservative measures were used to determine if the parents' ratings were considered "same" or "different"; to be considered "same", the ratings had to be exactly the same for all the children of a particular parent, all others were considered "different". An age difference of three years of age was used; the parents were divided according to the age difference between their children. If there was an age difference of more than three years of age between any two of a parent's children, the ratings of that parent would fall under the "more than three year difference", the ratings for those children whose age difference Gender Stereotypes 63

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was three years or less were coded in the "equal or less to three year difference". The frequencies show that an overwhelming number of participants gave the same ratings for all their children regardless of the age difference between them (see Table 10 for frequencies). About 77.8% of parents gave the same ratings of the second and fourth stories for all their children and 80.6% gave the same ratings for story 5 for all their children. Once again, the analysis could not be performed due to expected values of less than five. Other Factors Finally, the open ended question at the end of the demographics section, "how do you usually select books or stories for your children to read?", was coded for specific themes that arose in multiple responses. Out of the 53 participants, 47% mentioned that they looked for specific book characteristics when selecting books or stories for their children; for instance: plot, characters, length, material, price, and genre. About 40% of participants mentioned that they looked for books that would be interesting for the child; for example: child's favorite characters, stories the child liked, stories the child asked for, and stories to keep the child interested. About 30% of parents mentioned that they looked for moral teachings when selecting books for their children; such as: learning anecdotes, emphasizing values, and stories with a morale. Over 28% of the parents mentioned references; for example: recommendations, gifts, and ratings. Over 20% of participants mentioned that they looked for educational books, that is, books in other languages, books to teach children how to read, and science books. About 17% of parents claimed they looked for age appropriate books; such as books that are relevant to the current Gender Stereotypes 64

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development, age appropriate, and books according to the age of the children. Finally, over 15% of participants mentioned that they looked for stories that were interesting to them; mentioning that they chose stories from their childhood, stories that they liked, or stories that were somewhat interesting to them. Discussion The goal of the present study was to examine whether parents prefer gender stereotypical, gender atypical, or gender neutral stories for their children. The results suggest that gender stereotypes did not have an effect on parents' ratings for stories. Overall, parents were found to rate the stories similarly for boys and girls despite the stereotypes presented through the stories. The results also indicate that parents do not choose stories differently according to the gender differences or age differences between their children. That is, when analyzing individual parents' ratings for all their children, the great majority were found to give the same ratings of the stories for all their children, despite the age and gender differences between children. The findings suggest that gender stereotypes do not have an effect on parents' ratings for stories. These results can be interpreted as positive; they suggest that these parents do not reinforce gender stereotypes by selecting only stereotypically feminine stories for their daughters and stereotypically masculine stories for their sons. However, they also suggest that parents are not attempting to challenge gender roles by only exposing their children to more gender atypical or gender neutral stories than gender stereotypical stories. The significant results found in this study suggest that parents' Gender Stereotypes 65

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selection of stories for their children may be affected by factors other than the gender stereotypes presented through the stories. The statistical significance found between the parents' ratings for the story about a day at the beach implies that the different versions of the story one with a female protagonist and another with a male protagonist affected how likely the parents were to want their sons or daughters to read the story. However, since this was a gender neutral story, the differences between ratings cannot be attributed to stereotype differences between stories. For some reason, the parents were "likely" to want their daughters to read the story about a girl who spends a day at the beach but they were "unlikely" to want their sons to read the story about the day of a girl at the beach. These findings suggest that factors other than gender stereotypes influence parents' selection of books for their children. The results for the three stories with animal characters, which were close to being statistically significant, suggest that the parents liked some of the three stories better than others, however, the differences were not due to differences in the gender of the children. These significant results suggest that some other factor present in the story about the turtle who makes a cake for Mother Turtle's birthday made the parents like it more than the others, particularly more than the story about a kitten who thinks the moon is a bowl of milk. Once again, these results indicate that factors other than gender stereotypes influence parents' selection of books for their children. The open-ended question explicitly asking parents "how do you usually select books or stories for your children to read?" provides some insight as to different factors that might have affected parents' ratings. Almost half of the parents reported that they Gender Stereotypes 66

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look for different book characteristics such as plot, vocabulary, characters, authors, material the books were made of, and genre. Almost 40% of the parents looked for books that would be interesting for their children such as books with their kid's favorite characters, books that would keep their children entertained, or books that their children asked for. About 30% of the parents looked for moral teachings in the books they selected for their children, close to 30% looked for recommended books or received books as gifts from others. Over 20% of parents looked for educational books, and over 15% of them looked for books that they liked or were age appropriate. These reports suggest that there are many factors that influence parents' decision to buy books for their children. Therefore, it is possible that the ratings the parents provided for the stories presented to them through the surveys, were influenced by factors other than gender stereotypes, factors such as themes, vocabulary, plot, characters, moral teaching, age appropriateness, educational lessons, and whether they thought their children would enjoy the story or whether they enjoyed it themselves. A possible explanation for the lack of differences in ratings across siblings is that the task was too difficult and the participants were unable to think of each of their children separately and provide appropriate ratings that might be representative of their actual choices. Future studies could use different measures to determine whether parents choose the same books for all their children. For instance, parents could be asked to write the names of the books they read to each of their children. There is also a possibility that the stories created for this study were not truly representative of the gender stereotypes they were attempting to convey. However, this Gender Stereotypes 67

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explanation is unlikely since all 11 stories presented in the surveys were coded by 13 college students to ensure that the stories expressed the presumed stereotypes. All 13 coders agreed on the categories of gender stereotypical, gender atypical, or gender neutral assigned to the stories over 86% of the time, in 123 out of 143 responses. A limitation of this study is that an overwhelming majority of participants were women. Previous research (e.g., Raag & Rackliff, 1998) suggests that fathers have stronger negative attitudes about gender atypical behaviors than mothers. Therefore, if more fathers had participated in this study, perhaps the stereotypes presented in the stories would have influenced the ratings. With more male participants, statistical analysis could have been performed to determine if mothers and fathers gave different ratings according to the gender stereotypes conveyed through the stories, Raag's and Rackliff's (1998) research suggests that such differences would have likely been found. However, the study shed light on several topics. Several factors other than gender stereotypes that parents might look for when choosing books for their children were identified. This study also introduced a new topic for research, since no previous studies had explored the role of gender stereotypes on parents' selection of children's books. In general, future studies should continue to explore the different factors that might affect parents' selection of children's books. It would be particularly useful to further study the role of gender stereotypes as a factor for book selection in mothers and fathers. A larger and more diverse sample would be beneficial as well as measures that explore parents' actual book selections instead of hypothetical and self-reported selections. Gender Stereotypes 68

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Conclusion In conclusion, gender stereotypes and gender roles have been shown to negatively affect children's goals and aspirations. Children's books have been shown to alter the effects of gender stereotypes on children, (Ashton, 1983; Green, Bigler, & Catherwood, 2004; Karniol & Gal-Disegni 2009, Nhundu, 2007; Trepanier-Stret & Romatowsky 1999) suggesting that books might be a good method to combat gender stereotypes. However, it is parents who choose the books their children will read and little research has been devoted to explore how parents select the books their children will be exposed to. Although gender neutral and gender atypical books have recently increased in numbers, if parents do not wish to expose their children to them, the positive effects they may have are irrelevant in a practical sense. Thus, parents' selection of children's books should be further explored, and their preferences for the gender stereotypes portrayed through children's books should continue to be studied. Greater knowledge in this area might help publishers and writers cater to the desires of parents and promote further awareness regarding the benefits of gender atypical and neutral books on children. With the proper use of this research, writers of children's books might be able to include the different features parents look for in books for their children, allowing gender stereotypical and gender atypical books to reach their intended audience and challenge gender stereotypes. Gender Stereotypes 69

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References Albers, S. M. (1998). The effect of gender-typed clothing on children's social judgments. Child Study Journal 28(2), 137-159. Retrieved from EBSCOhost. Arthur, A., & White, H. (1996). Children's assignment of gender to animal characters in pictures. Journal of Genetic Psychology 157(3), 297-301. Retrieved from PsycINFO database. Ashton, E. (1983). Measures of play behavior: The influence of sex-role stereotyped children's books. Sex Roles 9(1), 43-47. doi:10.1007/BF00303108. Baker-Sperry, L. (2007). The production of meaning through peer interaction: Children and Walt Disney's Cinderella. Sex Roles 56(11-12), 717-727. doi:10.1007/ s11199-007-9236-y. Bradbard, M. R., Martin, C. L., Endsley, R. C., & Halverson, C. F. (1986). Influence of sex stereotypes on children's exploration and memory: A competence versus performance distinction. Developmental Psychology 22(4), 481-486. doi: 10.1037/0012-1649.22.4.481 Calvert, S. L., Kotler, J. A., Zehnder, S. M., & Shockey, E. M. (2003). Gender stereotyping in children's reports about educational and informational television programs. Media Psychology 5(2), 139-162. doi:10.1207/ S1532785XMEP0502_2 Chapman, M., Filipenko, M., McTavish, M., & Shapiro, J. (2007). First graders' preferences for narrative and/or information books and perceptions of other boys' Gender Stereotypes 70

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and girls' book preferences. Canadian Journal of Education 30(2), 531-553. Retrieved from PsycINFO database. Chatard, A., Guimond, S., & Selimbegovic, L. (2007). 'How good are you in math?' The effect of gender stereotypes on students' recollection of their school marks. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 43(6), 1017-1024. doi: 10.1016/j.jesp2006.10.024. Cheryan, S., Plaut, V., Davies, P., & Steele, C. (2009). Ambient belonging: How stereotypical cues impact gender participation in computer science. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 97(6), 1045-1060. doi:10.1037/a0016239. Daly, P., Salters, J., & Burns, C. (1998). Gender and task interaction: Instant and delayed recall of three story types. Educational Review 50(3), 269-275. doi: 10.1080/0013191980500306. Davidson, E. S., Yasuna, A., & Tower, A. (1979). The effects of television cartoons on sex-role stereotyping in young girls. Child Development 50(2), 597-600. Retrieved from EBSCOhost. Fagot, B. I. (1977). Consequences of moderate cross-gender behavior in preschool children. Child Development 48(3), 902-907. doi:10.2307/1128339 Flack, M. (1932). Ask Mr. Bear. New York: The Macmillan Company. Forbes, C., & Schmader, T. (2010). Retraining attitudes and stereotypes to affect motivation and cognitive capacity under stereotype threat. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology doi:10.1037/a0020971. Gender Stereotypes 71

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Frawley, T. (2008). Gender schema and prejudicial recall: How children misremember, fabricate, and distort gendered picture book information. Journal of Research in Childhood Education 22(3), 291-303. Retrieved from PsycINFO database. Geis, F., Brown, V., Walstedt, J., & Porter, N. (1984). TV commercials as achievement scripts for women. Sex Roles 10(7-8), 513-525. doi:10.1007/BF00287260. Gilovich, T., Keltner, D. & Nisbett, R. (2006) Social Psychology. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. Green, V. A., Bigler, R., & Catherwood, D. (2004). The Variability and Flexibility of Gender-Typed Toy Play: A Close Look at Children's Behavioral Responses to Counterstereotypic Models. Sex Roles 51(7-8), 371-386. doi:10.1023/ B:SERS.0000049227.05170.aa Helgeson, V. S. (2009). Psychology of Gender (3rd ed.). New Jersey: Pearson Education, Inc. Henkes, K. (2004). Kitten's First Full Moon. Greenwillow Books. Isadora, R. (1976). Max. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc. Jennings, S. (1975). Effects of sex typing in children's stories on preference and recall. Child Development 46(1), 220-223. doi:10.2307/1128852. Karniol, R., & Gal-Disegni, M. (2009). The impact of gender-fair versus genderstereotyped basal readers on 1st-grade children's gender stereotypes: A natural experiment. Journal of Research in Childhood Education 23(4), 411-420. Retrieved from PsycINFO database. Gender Stereotypes 72

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Liben, L., Bigler, R., & Krogh, H. (2002). Language at work: children's gendered interpretations at occupational titles. Child Development 73 (3), 810-28. Retrieved 4 May 2010, from Social Sciences Full Text database. Lightfoot, C., Cole, M., & Cole, S. (2009). The development of children (6th ed.). New York: Worth Publishers. Lorber, J. (1994). Night to His Day': The Social Construction of Gender (pp. 13-36 in Paradoxes of Gender ). New Haven: Yale University Press. McCabe, J., Fairchild, E., Grauerholz, L., Pescosolido, B., & Tope, D. (2011). Gender in twentieth century children's books: Patterns of disparity in titles and central characters. Gender & Society 25(2), 197-226. doi:10.1177/0891243211398358 Martin, K. A. (1998). Becoming a gendered body: Practices of preschools. American Sociological Review 63(4), 494-511. doi:10.2307/2657264 Morgan, M. (1982). Television and adolescents' sex role stereotypes: A longitudinal study. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 43(5), 947-955. doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.43.5.947 Nhundu, T. J. (2007). Mitigating gender-typed occupational preferences of zimbabwean primary school children: The use of biographical sketches and portrayals of female role models. 56 (9-10), 639-649. doi:10.1007/s11199-007-9204-6 Pike, J., & Jennings, N. (2005). The Effects of Commercials on Children's Perceptions of Gender Appropriate Toy Use. Sex Roles 52(1-2), 83-91. doi: 10.1007/s11199-005-1195-6. Gender Stereotypes 73

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Raag, T. (1999). Influences of social expectations of gender, gender stereotypes, and situational constraints on children's toy choices. Sex Roles 41(11-12), 809-831. doi:10.1023/A:1018828328713. Raag, T., & Rackliff, C. L. (1998). Preschoolers' awareness of social expectations of gender: Relationships to toy choices. Sex Roles 38(9-10), 685-700. doi:10.1023/A:1018890728636 Rathus, S. A., Nevid, J. S., & Fichner-Rathus, L. (2008). Human Sexuality in a World of Diversity (7th ed.). Boston: Pearson Education, Inc. Roopnarine, J. L. (1986). Mothers' and fathers' behaviors toward the toy play of their infant sons and daughters. Sex Roles 14(1-2), 59-68. doi:10.1007/BF00287848 Ruble, D., Balaban, T., & Cooper, J. (1981). Gender constancy and the effects of sex-typed televised toy commercials. Child Development 52(2), 667-673. doi:10.2307/1129188. Rust, J., Golombok, S., Hines, M., Johnston, K., Golding, J., & ALSPAC Study, T. (2000). The role of brothers and sisters in the gender development of preschool children. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 77(4), 292-303. doi:10.1006/jecp.2000.2596 Saracho, O., & Spodek, B. (2010). Families' selection of children's literature books. Early Childhood Education Journal 37(5), 401-409. doi:10.1007/ s10643-009-0365-5. Gender Stereotypes 74

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Scott, K., & Feldman-Summers, S. (1979). Children's reactions to textbook stories in which females are portrayed in traditionally male roles. Journal of Educational Psychology 71(3), 396-402. doi:10.1037/0022-0663.71.3.396. Serbin, L. A., Connor, J. M., Burchardt, C. J., & Citron, C. C. (1979). Effects of peer presence on sex-typing of children's play behavior. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 27(2), 303-309. doi:10.1016/0022-0965(79)90050-X Shih, M., Pittinsky, T. L., & Ambady, N. (1999). Stereotype susceptibility: Identity salience and shifts in quantitative performance. Psychological Science 10(1), 80-83. doi:10.1111/1467-9280.00111 Signorella, M., & Liben, L. (1984). Recall and reconstruction of gender-related pictures: Effects of attitude, task difficulty, and age. Child Development 55(2), 393-405. doi:10.2307/1129951. Szkrybalo, J., & Ruble, D. N. (1999). 'God made me a girl': Sex-category constancy judgments and explanations revisited. Developmental Psychology 35(2), 392-402. doi:10.1037/0012-1649.35.2.392 Trepanier-Street, M., Romatowski, J., & McNair, S. (1990). Development of story characters in gender-stereotypic and -nonstereotypic occupational roles. The Journal of Early Adolescence 10(4), 496-510. doi:10.1177/0272431690104005 Gender Stereotypes 75

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Table 1 Frequency of Children According to Sex and Age Age Age Age Age Age Sex >0 > 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Males 2 5 1 7 9 12 5 5 3 Females 3 2 9 8 7 6 6 7 2 Table 2 Frequency of Participants' Religious Affiliations Religion Religion Religion Religion Religion Catholic Christian Jewish Methodist Episcopal Buddhist Church of England None 28 6 1 1 3 1 1 12 Table 3 Frequency of Participants' Ethnicity Ethnicity Ethnicity Ethnicity Ethnicity Ethnicity Hispanic European American Oceanic Unspecified 22 4 25 1 1 Gender Stereotypes 76

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Table 4 Means (and Standard Deviations) of Parents' Ratings for Story 1 According to the Gender of Their Children Child Character Gender Character Gender Female Male Gender Mean Daughters Sons Character Mean 4.53 (1.41) 5.00 (1.04) 4.74 (1.25) 5.09 (1.04) 4.73 (1.03) 4.88 (1.03) 4.77 (1.25) 4.87 (1.03) Table 5 Means (and Standard Deviations) of Parents' Ratings for Story 3 According to the Gender of Their Children Child Character Gender Character Gender Female Male Gender Mean Daughters Sons Character Mean 5.00 (1.48) 4.67 (1.30) 4.82 (1.38) 4.45 (1.13) 4.47 (1.30) 4.46 (1.23) 4.74 (1.31) 4.57 (1.30) Gender Stereotypes 77

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Table 6 Means (and Standard Deviations) of Parents' Ratings for Story 6 According to the Gender of Their Children Child Character Gender Character Gender Female Male Gender Mean Daughters Sons Character Mean 4.00 (1.65) 2.75 (1.14) 3.44 (1.42) 3.07 (1.87) 3.82 (1.40) 3.39 (1.67) 3.54 (1.76) 3.26 (1.26) Table 7 Means (and Standard Deviations) of Parents' Ratings for Story 7 According to the Gender of Their Children Child Character Gender Character Gender Female Male Gender Mean Daughters Sons Character Mean 4.50 (1.45) 3.67 (1.91) 4.04 (1.71) 4.33 (1.29) 4.45 (1.29) 4.38 (1.29) 4.41 (1.36) 4.00 (1.65) Gender Stereotypes 78

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Table 8 Means (and Standard Deviations) of Parents' Ratings for Stories 2, 4, and 5 According to the Gender of Their Children Child Story Number Story Number Story Number Story 2 Story 4 Story 5 Gender Mean Daughters Sons Character mean 3.93 (1.47) 4.52 (1.81) 3.81 (1.49) 4.09 (1.59) 3.62 (1.96) 4.12 (1.86) 3.58 (1.84) 3.77 (1.89) 3.78 (1.71) 4.32 (1.83) 3.70 (1.66) Table 9 Frequencies of Parents' Same-Different Ratings for Stories 2, 4, and 5 as a Function of Child Gender Story 2 Story 2 Story 4 Story 4 Story 5 Story 5 Gender All sons All daughters Mixed Same Different Same Different Same Different 10 3 10 3 12 1 9 2 10 1 8 3 9 3 8 4 9 3 Gender Stereotypes 79

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Table 10 Frequencies of Parents' Same-Different Ratings for Stories 2, 4, and 5 as a Function of Child Age Difference Story 2 Story 2 Story 4 Story 4 Story 5 Story 5 Age Difference 3 Years > 3 Years Same Different Same Different Same Different 21 6 19 8 21 6 7 2 9 0 8 1 Gender Stereotypes 80

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Appendix A You will now be asked to read 7 brief summaries of children's stories. Please rate how likely you would be to want each of your children to read each story using a scale ranging from "never" to "definitely". Please include only children who are 7 years of age or younger. For practical reasons, there is only space for five children. If you have more than five children who are 7 years of age or younger, please include only the youngest five. If you have fewer than five children, please check the N/A (not applicable) box when necessary. If you are expecting a child, that child would be your "youngest child". 1. Janine was a fearless young girl. One day she decided she wanted to learn something new; Janine wanted to learn how to score a free-throw in basketball. The young girl was determined to achieve her goal. With lots of practice and attention to her body's strength, she not only makes one free-throw, she makes three in a row! 2. Little Bear was bored one afternoon and decided to go play in the forest. The forest was a dangerous place, all the grown-ups said, but Little Bear was big, strong, and fearless. Little Bear found many new things in the forest, delicious fruits and funny bugs. Trying to return home to tell Father Bear about the adventure, Little Bear became lost. As it was getting dark Little Bear encountered Fox who was also lost and they worked together to get back home. Gender Stereotypes 81

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3. Max is a great soccer player and a great brother as well. Every Saturday he takes his sister Lisa to her dancing school on the way to the park. One Saturday he decides to stay at his sister's dance class while he waits for the soccer game to start. At first Max does not want to, but he decides to stay and watch. Then the teacher invites him to join the class. He has a lot of fun and decides dancing is a great way to warm up for the game on Saturdays. 4. It was Mother Turtle's birthday today and Little Turtle wanted to make something special for her. Little Turtle woke up earlier than usual to bake Mother Turtle's favorite cake. Beating the eggs, adding the sugar, mixing and waiting; Little Turtle was having lots of fun! After the cake was done, Little Turtle went to get the brightest candle to put right on the center of the cake. Mother Turtle woke up with a big surprise and Little Turtle helped her blow the candle out. 5. It was Kitten's first full moon. The kitten saw it and thought it was a little bowl of milk in the sky. Kitten wanted to get that little bowl of milk in the sky. After several failed attempts to grab the moon, Kitten discovers a big bowl of milk was waiting right at its porch. Gender Stereotypes 82

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6. Lilly was excited for a day at the beach with her parents. She woke up extra early to make sure everything was ready for the big day. Lilly was having a great time at the beach collecting all different kinds of seashells. The only problem was that the day was too hot and the water was not cold enough for her to cool off. But before the heat could ruin Lilly's day at the beach, the ice cream truck filled with cold treats saved the day! 7. Tommy was very tired after a long day at school, so he didn't want to take his dog out for a walk. Tommy's parents were tired after a long day of work, so they didn't want to walk the dog either. Together, they decided they would all walk to the park with their dog and then fly a kite, which was their favorite thing to do in the world. For the last section of this survey, please read and answer a list of basic demographic questions and some questions regarding your children's reading habits. Please omit questions 8 and 9 for expecting children. 1. What is YOUR gender? ___ male ___ female 2. Where were you born? ________________________________________________________________________ Gender Stereotypes 83

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3. If you were NOT born in the United States, for how many years have you lived in the United States? ________________________________________________________________________ 4. What is your religion? (If any) ________________________________________________________________________ 5. What is the age of your children? youngest child: _____ second youngest child: _____ third youngest child: _____ fourth youngest child: _____ fifth youngest child: _____ 6. What is the gender of your children? youngest child: male ____ female ____ second youngest child: male ____ female ____ third youngest child: male ____ female ____ fourth youngest child: male ____ female ____ fifth youngest child: male ____ female ____ 7. Do you buy stories or books for your children? ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ Gender Stereotypes 84

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8. How often do your children read (or flip through books if they can not read yet)? youngest child: _________________________________________________________ second youngest child: ___________________________________________________ third youngest child: _____________________________________________________ fourth youngest child: ____________________________________________________ fifth youngest child: ______________________________________________________ 9. Do your children read for school, pleasure, or both (or flip through books if they can not read yet)? youngest child: _________________________________________________________ second youngest child: ___________________________________________________ third youngest child: _____________________________________________________ fourth youngest child: ____________________________________________________ fifth youngest child: ______________________________________________________ 10. Do you read to your children? If so, how often? youngest child: _________________________________________________________ second youngest child: ___________________________________________________ third youngest child: _____________________________________________________ fourth youngest child: ____________________________________________________ fifth youngest child: ______________________________________________________ Gender Stereotypes 85

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11. How do you usually select books or stories for your children to read? ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ THANK YOU FOR YOUR TIME AND PARTICIPATION! Gender Stereotypes 86

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Appendix B You will now be asked to read 7 brief summaries of children's stories. Please rate how likely you would be to want each of your children to read each story using a scale ranging from "never" to "definitely". Please include only children who are 7 years of age or younger. For practical reasons, there is only space for five children. If you have more than five children who are 7 years of age or younger, please include only the youngest five. If you have fewer than five children, please check the N/A (not applicable) box when necessary. If you are expecting a child, that child would be your "youngest child". 1. Max was a fearless young boy. One day he decided he wanted to learn something new; Max wanted to learn how to score a free-throw in basketball. The young boy was determined to achieve his goal. With lots of practice and attention to his body's strength, he not only makes one free-throw, he makes three in a row! 2. Little Bear was bored one afternoon and decided to go play in the forest. The forest was a dangerous place, all the grown-ups said, but Little Bear was big, strong, and fearless. Little Bear found many new things in the forest, delicious fruits and funny bugs. Trying to return home to tell Father Bear about the adventure, Little Bear became lost. As it was getting dark Little Bear encountered Fox who was also lost and they worked together to get back home. Gender Stereotypes 87

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3. Anna is a great soccer player and a great sister as well. Every Saturday she takes her sister Lisa to dancing school on the way to the park. One Saturday she decides to stay at her sister's dance class while she waits for the soccer game to start. At first Anna does not want to, but she decides to stay and watch. Then the teacher invites her to join the class. She has a lot of fun and decides dancing is a great way to warm up for the game on Saturdays. 4. It was Mother Turtle's birthday today and Little Turtle wanted to make something special for her. Little Turtle woke up earlier than usual to bake Mother Turtle's favorite cake. Beating the eggs, adding the sugar, mixing and waiting; Little Turtle was having lots of fun! After the cake was done, Little Turtle went to get the brightest candle to put right on the center of the cake. Mother Turtle woke up with a big surprise and Little Turtle helped her blow the candle out. 5. It was Kitten's first full moon. The kitten saw it and thought it was a little bowl of milk in the sky. Kitten wanted to get that little bowl of milk in the sky. After several failed attempts to grab the moon, Kitten discovers a big bowl of milk was waiting right at its porch. Gender Stereotypes 88

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6. Bobby was excited for a day at the beach with his parents. He woke up extra early to make sure everything was ready for the big day. Bobby was having a great time at the beach collecting all different kinds of seashells. The only problem was that the day was too hot and the water was not cold enough for him to cool off. But before the heat could ruin Bobby's day at the beach, the ice cream truck filled with cold treats saved the day! 7. Emily was very tired after a long day at school, so she didn't want to take his dog out for a walk. Emily's parents were tired after a long day of work, so they didn't want to walk the dog either. Together, they decided they would all walk to the park with their dog and then fly a kite, which was their favorite thing to do in the world. For the last section of this survey, please read and answer a list of basic demographic questions and some questions regarding your children's reading habits. Please omit questions 8 and 9 for expecting children. 1. What is YOUR gender? ___ male ___ female 2. Where were you born? ______________________________________________________________________ Gender Stereotypes 89

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3. If you were NOT born in the United States, for how many years have you lived in the United States? ________________________________________________________________________ 4. What is your religion? (If any) ________________________________________________________________________ 5. What is the age of your children? youngest child: _____ second youngest child: _____ third youngest child: _____ fourth youngest child: _____ fifth youngest child: _____ 6. What is the gender of your children? youngest child: male ____ female ____ second youngest child: male ____ female ____ third youngest child: male ____ female ____ fourth youngest child: male ____ female ____ fifth youngest child: male ____ female ____ 7. Do you buy stories or books for your children? ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ Gender Stereotypes 90

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8. How often do your children read (or flip through books if they can not read yet)? youngest child: _________________________________________________________ second youngest child: ___________________________________________________ third youngest child: _____________________________________________________ fourth youngest child: ____________________________________________________ fifth youngest child: ______________________________________________________ 9. Do your children read for school, pleasure, or both (or flip through books if they can not read yet)? youngest child: _________________________________________________________ second youngest child: ___________________________________________________ third youngest child: _____________________________________________________ fourth youngest child: ____________________________________________________ fifth youngest child: ______________________________________________________ 10. Do you read to your children? If so, how often? youngest child: _________________________________________________________ second youngest child: ___________________________________________________ third youngest child: _____________________________________________________ fourth youngest child: ____________________________________________________ fifth youngest child: ______________________________________________________ Gender Stereotypes 91

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11. How do you usually select books or stories for your children to read? ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ THANK YOU FOR YOUR TIME AND PARTICIPATION! Gender Stereotypes 92

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Appendix C You will now be asked to read 7 brief summaries of children's stories. Please rate how likely you would be to want each of your children to read each story using a scale ranging from "never" to "definitely". Please include only children who are 7 years of age or younger. For practical reasons, there is only space for five children. If you have more than five children who are 7 years of age or younger, please include only the youngest five. If you have fewer than five children, please check the N/A (not applicable) box when necessary. If you are expecting a child, that child would be your "youngest child". 1. Janine was a fearless young girl. One day she decided she wanted to learn something new; Janine wanted to learn how to score a free-throw in basketball. The young girl was determined to achieve her goal. With lots of practice and attention to her body's strength, she not only makes one free-throw, she makes three in a row! 2. Little Bear was bored one afternoon and decided to go play in the forest. The forest was a dangerous place, all the grown-ups said, but Little Bear was big, strong, and fearless. Little Bear found many new things in the forest, delicious fruits and funny bugs. Trying to return home to tell Father Bear about the adventure, Little Bear became lost. As it was getting dark Little Bear encountered Fox who was also lost and they worked together to get back home. Gender Stereotypes 93

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3. Anna is a great soccer player and a great sister as well. Every Saturday she takes her sister Lisa to dancing school on the way to the park. One Saturday she decides to stay at her sister's dance class while she waits for the soccer game to start. At first Anna does not want to, but she decides to stay and watch. Then the teacher invites her to join the class. She has a lot of fun and decides dancing is a great way to warm up for the game on Saturdays. 4. It was Mother Turtle's birthday today and Little Turtle wanted to make something special for her. Little Turtle woke up earlier than usual to bake Mother Turtle's favorite cake. Beating the eggs, adding the sugar, mixing and waiting; Little Turtle was having lots of fun! After the cake was done, Little Turtle went to get the brightest candle to put right on the center of the cake. Mother Turtle woke up with a big surprise and Little Turtle helped her blow the candle out. 5. It was Kitten's first full moon. The kitten saw it and thought it was a little bowl of milk in the sky. Kitten wanted to get that little bowl of milk in the sky. After several failed attempts to grab the moon, Kitten discovers a big bowl of milk was waiting right at its porch. Gender Stereotypes 94

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6. Bobby was excited for a day at the beach with his parents. He woke up extra early to make sure everything was ready for the big day. Bobby was having a great time at the beach collecting all different kinds of seashells. The only problem was that the day was too hot and the water was not cold enough for him to cool off. But before the heat could ruin Bobby's day at the beach, the ice cream truck filled with cold treats saved the day! 7. Tommy was very tired after a long day at school, so he didn't want to take his dog out for a walk. Tommy's parents were tired after a long day of work, so they didn't want to walk the dog either. Together, they decided they would all walk to the park with their dog and then fly a kite, which was their favorite thing to do in the world. For the last section of this survey, please read and answer a list of basic demographic questions and some questions regarding your children's reading habits. Please omit questions 8 and 9 for expecting children. 1. What is YOUR gender? ___ male ___ female 2. Where were you born? ________________________________________________________________________ Gender Stereotypes 95

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3. If you were NOT born in the United States, for how many years have you lived in the United States? ________________________________________________________________________ 4. What is your religion? (If any) ________________________________________________________________________ 5. What is the age of your children? youngest child: _____ second youngest child: _____ third youngest child: _____ fourth youngest child: _____ fifth youngest child: _____ 6. What is the gender of your children? youngest child: male ____ female ____ second youngest child: male ____ female ____ third youngest child: male ____ female ____ fourth youngest child: male ____ female ____ fifth youngest child: male ____ female ____ 7. Do you buy stories or books for your children? ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ Gender Stereotypes 96

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8. How often do your children read (or flip through books if they can not read yet)? youngest child: _________________________________________________________ second youngest child: ___________________________________________________ third youngest child: _____________________________________________________ fourth youngest child: ____________________________________________________ fifth youngest child: ______________________________________________________ 9. Do your children read for school, pleasure, or both (or flip through books if they can not read yet)? youngest child: _________________________________________________________ second youngest child: ___________________________________________________ third youngest child: _____________________________________________________ fourth youngest child: ____________________________________________________ fifth youngest child: ______________________________________________________ 10. Do you read to your children? If so, how often? youngest child: _________________________________________________________ second youngest child: ___________________________________________________ third youngest child: _____________________________________________________ fourth youngest child: ____________________________________________________ fifth youngest child: ______________________________________________________ Gender Stereotypes 97

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11. How do you usually select books or stories for your children to read? ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ THANK YOU FOR YOUR TIME AND PARTICIPATION! Gender Stereotypes 98

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Appendix D You will now be asked to read 7 brief summaries of children's stories. Please rate how likely you would be to want each of your children to read each story using a scale ranging from "never" to "definitely". Please include only children who are 7 years of age or younger. For practical reasons, there is only space for five children. If you have more than five children who are 7 years of age or younger, please include only the youngest five. If you have fewer than five children, please check the N/A (not applicable) box when necessary. If you are expecting a child, that child would be your "youngest child". 1. Max was a fearless young boy. One day he decided he wanted to learn something new; Max wanted to learn how to score a free-throw in basketball. The young boy was determined to achieve his goal. With lots of practice and attention to his body's strength, he not only makes one free-throw, he makes three in a row! 2. Little Bear was bored one afternoon and decided to go play in the forest. The forest was a dangerous place, all the grown-ups said, but Little Bear was big, strong, and fearless. Little Bear found many new things in the forest, delicious fruits and funny bugs. Trying to return home to tell Father Bear about the adventure, Little Bear became lost. As it was getting dark Little Bear encountered Fox who was also lost and they worked together to get back home. Gender Stereotypes 99

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3. Max is a great soccer player and a great brother as well. Every Saturday he takes his sister Lisa to her dancing school on the way to the park. One Saturday he decides to stay at his sister's dance class while he waits for the soccer game to start. At first Max does not want to, but he decides to stay and watch. Then the teacher invites him to join the class. He has a lot of fun and decides dancing is a great way to warm up for the game on Saturdays. 4. It was Mother Turtle's birthday today and Little Turtle wanted to make something special for her. Little Turtle woke up earlier than usual to bake Mother Turtle's favorite cake. Beating the eggs, adding the sugar, mixing and waiting; Little Turtle was having lots of fun! After the cake was done, Little Turtle went to get the brightest candle to put right on the center of the cake. Mother Turtle woke up with a big surprise and Little Turtle helped her blow the candle out. 5. It was Kitten's first full moon. The kitten saw it and thought it was a little bowl of milk in the sky. Kitten wanted to get that little bowl of milk in the sky. After several failed attempts to grab the moon, Kitten discovers a big bowl of milk was waiting right at its porch. Gender Stereotypes 100

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6. Lilly was excited for a day at the beach with her parents. She woke up extra early to make sure everything was ready for the big day. Lilly was having a great time at the beach collecting all different kinds of seashells. The only problem was that the day was too hot and the water was not cold enough for her to cool off. But before the heat could ruin Lilly's day at the beach, the ice cream truck filled with cold treats saved the day! 7. Emily was very tired after a long day at school, so she didn't want to take his dog out for a walk. Emily's parents were tired after a long day of work, so they didn't want to walk the dog either. Together, they decided they would all walk to the park with their dog and then fly a kite, which was their favorite thing to do in the world. For the last section of this survey, please read and answer a list of basic demographic questions and some questions regarding your children's reading habits. Please omit questions 8 and 9 for expecting children. 1. What is YOUR gender? ___ male ___ female 2. Where were you born? ________________________________________________________________________ Gender Stereotypes 101

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3. If you were NOT born in the United States, for how many years have you lived in the United States? ________________________________________________________________________ 4. What is your religion? (If any) ________________________________________________________________________ 5. What is the age of your children? youngest child: _____ second youngest child: _____ third youngest child: _____ fourth youngest child: _____ fifth youngest child: _____ 6. What is the gender of your children? youngest child: male ____ female ____ second youngest child: male ____ female ____ third youngest child: male ____ female ____ fourth youngest child: male ____ female ____ fifth youngest child: male ____ female ____ 7. Do you buy stories or books for your children? ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ Gender Stereotypes 102

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8. How often do your children read (or flip through books if they can not read yet)? youngest child: _________________________________________________________ second youngest child: ___________________________________________________ third youngest child: _____________________________________________________ fourth youngest child: ____________________________________________________ fifth youngest child: ______________________________________________________ 9. Do your children read for school, pleasure, or both (or flip through books if they can not read yet)? youngest child: _________________________________________________________ second youngest child: ___________________________________________________ third youngest child: _____________________________________________________ fourth youngest child: ____________________________________________________ fifth youngest child: ______________________________________________________ 10. Do you read to your children? If so, how often? youngest child: _________________________________________________________ second youngest child: ___________________________________________________ third youngest child: _____________________________________________________ fourth youngest child: ____________________________________________________ fifth youngest child: ______________________________________________________ Gender Stereotypes 103

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11. How do you usually select books or stories for your children to read? ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ THANK YOU FOR YOUR TIME AND PARTICIPATION! Gender Stereotypes 104

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Appendix E Story 1 Child wants to learn how to free-throw in basketball. Girl Character (gender atypical) Boy Character (gender stereotypical) Daughter vs. Daughter Son Son Story 3 Child decides to join his/her sister in dance classes while waiting for the soccer game. Girl Character (gender stereotypical) Boy Character (gender atypical) Daughter vs. Daughter Son Son Story 6 Child spends a day at the beach with the parents. Girl Character (gender neutral) Boy Character (gender neutral) Daughter vs. Daughter Son Son Gender Stereotypes 105

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Story 7 Child takes the dog for a walk to the park with the parents. Girl Character (gender neutral) Boy Character (gender neutral) Daughter vs. Daughter Son Son Stories 2, 4, and 5 Gender neutral stories with animal characters of non-identifiable gender Story 2: Little Bear gets lost in the forest and works with Fox to return home. Story 4: Little Turtle makes a cake for Mother Turtle's birthday. Story 5: Kitten confuses the moon with a bowl of milk. Story 2 Story 2 Story 4 Story 4 Story 5 Story 5 Animal character (masculine activity) Animal character (feminine activity) Animal character (gender neutral activity) Daughter vs. Daughter vs. Daughter Son Son Son Gender Stereotypes 106


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