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CULTURAL HYBRIDITY: SELF-MONI TORING AND CULTURAL FRAME SWITCHING IN THIRD CULTURE KIDS BY INGMAR GORMAN A Thesis Submitted to the Division of Social Sciences New College of Florida in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts Under the sponsorship of Dr. Charlene Callahan Sarasota, Florida April, 2009
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids ii Acknowledgements This work would not have been possi ble without the continuous support and guidance of Dr. Charlene Callahan, under whos e supervision I completed this thesis. I owe much thanks to Professor Steven Grah am, who has provided me with invaluable input throughout my time as an undergraduate I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Michelle Barton for both her critical eye and her astounding ability to teach. Completing Research Methods changed my understanding of psychology entirely. I am indebted to my friend and fellow student Josh Abbott, for the long hours spent programming the second portion of this thesis. And I would like extend my thanks to all my friends at New College, who ma de the past few years such a blast. For helping me learn about myself, fo r showing me how to let go, and for motivating me to return to school, I would like to thank J, Matthew Blood-Smyth, Gary Wong, and Jeremiah Palecek. Without my parents decision to travel, I would have never had such an enriched upbringing, nor would have I discovered the s ubject of cultural hybrid ity. I would like to thank my family for always encouraging me to pursue my passion, no matter how controversial. Thank you for loving and raising me. To my parents I dedicate this thesis.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Number Acknowledgments ii Table of Contents iii Abstract iv General Introduction 1 Study 1: Third Culture Kids and Self-Monitoring Introduction 10 Method 22 Results 28 Discussion 33 Conclusion 43 Study 2: Third Culture Kids and Cultural Frame Switching Introduction 44 Method 68 Results 72 Discussion 83 General Discussion 97 References 100 Figures 106 Tables 109 Appendix 129
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids iv CULTURAL HYBRIDITY: SELF-M ONITORING AND CULTURAL FRAME SWITCHING IN THIRD CULTURE KIDS Ingmar Gorman New College of Florida, 2009 ABSTRACT The first study sought to examine differen ces between individuals who spent their youth traveling between multiple countries and those who have not had such experiences. Self-monitoring was explored in light of the reported tendency for such traveled individuals to adapt well to foreign cultures. A 62 item survey consisted of five sections. These were: quantitative assessments of inte rnational experiences, a Third Culture Kid (TCK) Questionnaire, a Self-M onitoring Scale, an Emotional Self-Efficacy Scale and a Social Desirability Scale. It was hypothesized that TCKs wo uld score significantly higher than non-TCKs on the Self-Monitoring Scale. Despite no statistically significant differences being found between groups on the self-monitoring scores, several correlations were supportive of the predicted relationship between self-monitoring and TCK traits. The primary purpose of the second study wa s to examine the cognitive trait of cultural frame switching in bicultural Third Culture Kids (TCKs). Cultural frame switching is the tendency for bicultural indivi duals to switch from one culturally relative way of thinking to another, depending on cu ltural priming. A secondary goal of the study was to explore various aspects of bicultura l identity in both TCKs and non-TCKs. A 34 item survey consisted of seven sections: quantitative enquiries into international
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids v experiences, a TCK Questionnaire (TCKQ), the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM), the Bicultural Identity Integrati on Scale (BIIS), the Cultural Identity Shift Questionnaire, a cultural priming task, a fundamental attribution e rror task, and general questions regarding participan ts conceptualization of their cultural identity. It was hypothesized that bicultural TCKs would di splay cognitive frame switching. In the second study, due to the lack of differences in responses to the fundamental attribution task, cognitive frame switching could not be assessed. However, the ethnic and cultural identity measures found important diffe rences between participant types. ____________________________ Dr. Charlene Callahan Division of Social Sciences
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 1 I have lived in ten countries My ident ity has bits and pieces of each and every one of their cultures and yet none at all. Being a TCK means that my family has nearly always lived in a country other t han the one I was living in, that my friends were scattered around the world... yet I neve r felt a lack of love or support. On the contrary, I felt lucky to have all of them in my heart. Being a TCK means I love helping people who encounter ne w situations. I adapt quickly, but understand how hard it is for others. Bei ng a TCK means loving the world, its nature, its people, its richness in diversity. Being a TCK means being alone and constantly misunderstood. Even when I just show my resume to someone, the reaction is to not know what to do with me Very often people say I am atypical. I say strange. It means that I only feel nor mal on a plane or in an airport. Being a TCK means being everywhere and nowhere. It's being loud and fluorescent, yet being impossible to watch or grasp by others. Being a TCK is who I am." -Anonymous Survey Respondent Third Culture Kids The term Third Culture is often mistakenly believed to be synonymous with the concept of Third World culture. To add to the confusi on, it is true that many TCKs, as children of parents and working in international contexts, have spent portions of their lives in such countries. Yet this is not what makes one a TCK. Drs. John and Ruth Hill Useem first used the term in the 1950s af ter observing a community of expatriates in India. This group of people, although of varied origin, shared a culture that differed from both their birth and host culture s. The Useems described it as an interstitial culture, a culture between cultures, a Third Culture Years later a more concrete definition would
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 2 be formed: A TCK as a child is a person who has spent a significant part of his or her developmental years outside their parents culture. The third culture kid builds relationships to all the cultures, while not having full ownership in any. Although elements from each culture are assimilated into the third culture kids life experience, the sense of belonging is in rela tionship to others of the same background (Pollock & Van Reken, 2001, p.19) The TCK label is closely related to the notion of third space popularized by the post-colonial theorist Bhabha (1990). The th ird space is the gap between which cultures collide, which gives rise to something different, something new and unrecognizable, a new area of negotiation of meaning and representation (Bhabha, 1990, p.211). Individuals raised in two or more cult ures often identify with the idea of the third space as it captures what it means to exist without full owners hip of any one culture yet belonging somewhere between cultures. Some TCKs, like the person quoted above, have moved between ten countries before reaching early adulthood. How many times since I left Lebanon in 1976 to live in France have people asked me, with the best intentions in the wo rld, whether I felt more French or more Lebanese? And I always give the same ans wer: Both! I say that not in the interest of fairness or balance, but be cause any other answer would be a lie What makes me myself rather than anyone el se is the very fact that I am poised between two countries, two or three language s, and several cultural traditions. It is precisely that that defines my identity Would I exist more authentically if I cut off a part of myself? -Amin Maalouf as quoted by Wurgaft (2006)
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 3 It is not surprising that many TCKs feel marginalized and uncomfortable when asked the dreaded question, where are you fr om? The location of birth, the passport country, a parents heritage, none of these are sufficient as answers to this question. Should the TCK speak at length of all the places he or she has lived and how the experiences in each country affected him or her? Or would the answer planet Earth only incite strange stares? Often people who have lived only in a single country are perplexed by the TCKs hesitation to this question. When two TCKs meet, this moment of he sitation is immediately understood at a very profound and personal level. Because the question where are you from can mean much more than what appears at face va lue. Where do you belong? or who are you? is what is often meant by this question. Among TCKs there is an unspoken understanding of the shared experience of having been f aced with this question, as well as many other consequences of a highly mobile childhood. Children often have been compared to sponge s in their abilities to learn from the immediate environment. Perhaps there is no better evidence of this than a childs remarkable ability to pick up a first and second language when surrounded by native speakers. And language is certainly a large co mponent of how culture is conceptualized. Communication or the lack thereof, is one of the most direct ways one can distinguish us from them. However, language is not the only differentiating element in culture. Culture is comprised of shared values, goals, practices, attitudes, and beliefs. And so when exposed to these components, just as with language, a child will acquire and become competent in the use of each. With this in mind, the current study seeks to
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 4 examine how a young person might be impacted by the experience of having lived, developed, and moved often among multiple countries. It has been suggested that with the increas ing ease of global travel and the necessity for representative s of multinational corporations, governments, NGOs, and other groups to live abroad, the numbers of individuals with amalgamated backgrounds will increase. Although interna tional sojourners have trav eled throughout history, never have they been able to move so far and as frequently as in the 21st century. Because of the recent growth in this phenomenon, very few researchers have studied TCKs. Many of the investigations that have been conducted are sociological and pertain to the movements of populations. The individual or psychological perspective ha s been either overlooked or authors have relied on anecdotal reports with little empirical evidence to support their assertions. The current study attempts to address the need fo r careful empirical investigation. Third Culture Kids and Self-Monitoring For me [being a TCK] means grow ing up in one country through middle childhood, being raised with certain valu es and cultural norms, then moving to another country and having to learn and adhere to new values. Sometimes integration was simple, most likely becaus e of my age Now it has become easier to morph between cultures with regard to group status, language use and tone, ideologies, etc. Because I can now identi fy the people and traits of each culture, I've learned to be one type of person for each. -Anonymous Survey Respondent
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 5 TCKs often speak of the ability to ble nd in well with the diverse cultures they have lived in. The analogy of the cultural ch ameleon is appropriate. This is a rather complex phenomenon because blending in re quires much more than simply knowing what to say and when to say it. Multinationa l corporations spend la rge sums of money to send managers to intercultural sensitivity trai ning but rarely will such a person learn so much as to be perceived as a native in a foreign country. TCKs however, are characterized as being adept at picking up nua nced cultural cues, perhaps as an acquired adaptive mechanism for successfully navigating frequent transitions between cultures (Pollock & Van Reken, 2001, p.92). If this characterization is accurate, then it may be necessary not only for the TCK to pick up on cues from the external environment, but he or she must be highly self-aware as well. This poses an intriguing question fo r cross-cultural psyc hology in general: Does an individuals level of self-awareness change when placed in a fore ign culture? Not only must a person be aware that people act differe ntly in different countries, but he or she also must be aware that behavioral responses vary in response to different individuals and according to the purpose of the interaction. Intrinsic to the management of ones appearance is the awareness of ones presentati on of self. Within psychological literature this is referred to as self-monitoring (Snyder, 1974). Additionally, this characteriza tion of TCKs raises intere sting questions within the domain of developmental psychology. It may be that TCKs encounter the need for selfmonitoring in a cross-cultural context at an earlier age th an individuals who have not lived in multiple countries during their yout h. Furthermore, TCKs will have been in contact with the local people of the host country on a daily basis, and thus have been
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 6 exposed to and practiced self-monitoring mo re frequently. If childhood and adolescence is considered to be a sensitive period, then a question worth pursuing is whether these early experiences abroad have had a developmental impact on TCKs. I changed worlds once more at age fourteen when my dads company moved him from Australia to Indonesia. But the conse quence of switching worlds at that age is you cant participate in the social scene. Everyone else seems to know the rules except you. You stand at the edge, and you shut up and listen, mostly learn, but you cant participate. You only sort of participate-not as an initiator, but as a weak supporter of whatever goes onhoping that whatever you do is right and flies okay. Youre always double-checking and making sure. -Paul quoted by Pollock & Van Reken (2001) Cultural Frame Switching or A Case of Bicognitivism Flexible, multiethnic, fluid identities are pro liferating rapidly throughout the world, in combinations and re-combina tions of forms as numerous as those that embody them. More and more people ar e taking on identities that are too complex to fit existing categories of identity definition. These people often feel themselves to be both insiders and outsiders wherever they go. -Nina Wurgaft (2006) Jeremy Narby, a Canadian-Swiss anthr opologist who studied tribes in the Amazon jungle, described his experience of at first arriving at speci fic conclusions while studying the indigenous people from an anthr opological perspective. However, over the course of his stay in the Amazon, he came into closer contact with the tribe and slowly
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 7 attained an insiders perspective, which led to an understanding very different from his original conclusions. Narby labeled the ability to shift from one frame of thinking to another as bicognitivism, a concept that may apply to how TCKs switch from one cultural way of thinking to another. There is little reference to the term bicognitivism in psychological literature; however the notion has been explored more fully within the context of cultural frame switching (Hong, Morris, Chiu & Benet-Martin ez, 2000). The phenomenon of switching from one culturally relative way of thinking to another is a component of blending in, as the awareness of others beliefs and attitudes directs behavior in appropriate directions. However, the implications of cultural frame switching are much more significant. When a TCK moves from one country to the next, he or she may not only exhibit the external mannerisms and practices of the locals, but may also share the locals attitudes and beliefs. This may even be the case when the attitudes and beliefs in one place contradict the attitudes and beliefs a TCK may hold while in a different country. To what degree is a TCK is conscious of this frame switch? Researchers who have explored the concept have elicited cult ural frame switching in biculturals with the use of cognitive primes (Hong et al., 2000). Ther efore, it is possible that the level of TCKs awareness of the switch is minimal. Commonly, when we are asked about our attitudes and beliefs we tend to think they ar e set in stone and are fundamental to how we live our lives. However, social psychologists have reliably demonstrated that the mere alteration of a circumstance can change th e way a person thinks or acts (e.g., Asch, 1955). With this in mind, the mechanisms involved in cultural fr ame switching may not
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 8 only be pertinent to those who have experi enced a multicultural upbringing, but also to the population at large. To briefly return to Narbys bicognitivism at first glance the distinguishing feature between his construct and cultural frame switching is the notion of culture. The latter term is dependent on an individual's experience with varying cultures. And bicognitivism is more of an umbrella concept, denoting the ability to switch between two modes of thinking, a professional mode (ant hropologist) and an insider mode (tribe member). However, if we delve deeper into semantics, it is po ssible to understand a profession as a culture of its own. Soon the wa lls of a once rigid concrete definition of what the term culture entails begin to collaps e. In a broader context, a culture is much more than simply one countrys way of life as contrasted to anothers. In the case of Narbys conceptualizati on, if we apply the dynamic constructivist approach as developed by th e cultural frame switching th eorists (Hong et al., 2000) we come to the realization that it is not a switch between the lens of an anthropologist and the lens of an Amazonian native, but the malleability of networks of cognition and the ability to develop new cognitive constructs The switch also requires the ability to maintain multiple, sometimes even contradictory constructs simultaneously. If the dynamic constructivist approach accurately de scribes the process, then cultural frame switching is merely a component of a much more expansive mechanism. The exploration of this broader scenario is beyond the scope of the current study, which will remain focused on a more rigid definition of culture as associated with specific countries or nationalities. However, this exploration of the theory of culture will be revisited when the relationship between TCK status and identity is further examined.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 9 TCK and Identity I was born in the USA, my dad is Indian, my mother is American (white) and Trinidadian (mix, mostly black though), and I was raised in Israel. As such, I've never felt fully integrated into any partic ular culture, and am never sure that my experience is in any way similar to that held by a "normal" American or Indian or whatever. It's helped me have a global perspective, though. I tend to think of myself as a "white" kid even though I'm brown, or just as "blank" or whatever. It's hard to describe but basically I have al most no meaningful cultural identity, and I'm not sure how I feel about that. On the one hand it feels rather freeing but I also feel I could be missing out on a lot. -Anonymous Survey Respondent The experience of moving frequently be tween cultures can create a significant amount of confusion amongst TCKs. Part of es tablishing an identity is the ability to understand where one belongs (Erikson, 1956) A possible disadvantage of being a cultural chameleon, one who can adapt to many different cultures, is not being able to ever fully identify with a single cultural group. The subject of bicultural identity or multie thnic identity has piqued the interest of many psychological research ers in recent years (Phinney, 2006; Benet-Martnez & Haritatos, 2005; Sussman, 2000). Despite the quan tity of research that is being conducted on the topic, many inconsistencies related to the conceptualization of cultural identity remain. The significance of research with TC Ks must therefore not be underestimated, because the unique characteristics of this group may challenge basic assumptions about what a cultural identity is and how it functions.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 10 A defining aspect of culture is a patterne d way of thinking or a repetition of key behaviors. Erikson (1956) emphasized permanen ce in an achieved identity, describing it as persistent within oneself as well as persistent when shared with others. The TCK is a living contradiction to this notion of permanence. With this in mind, the current study will explore how TCKs conceptu alize their identities within the framework of several cultural identity theories. Study 1 TCKs and Self Monitoring Introduction After spending just a brief period in a fo reign culture one is likely to be made acutely aware of how difficu lt effective communication with the locals can be. A gesture in one culture may be welcoming while in another it may be a sign of hostility. The world is full of diverse social mores. Navigating through this ocean of appropriate and inappropriate behaviors can be a difficult ta sk. In some cultures speaking with authority is encouraged, while other cultur es might perceive it as rude. Certainly language fluency plays a significant role, but the ability to convey and interpret non-verbal cues (Mont epare, 2007) is also essential in such interactions. Despite not being able to understand a foreign language or orient oneself in local practices, similarities do exist between cultures worldw ide (Ekman & Friesen, 1971) For example, one can tell that an individual is in an urgent situation by reading a facial expression or listening to intonation. Snyder alludes to the importance of these nonverbal and paralinguistic cues. He pointed out that som e social observers have proposed that the
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 11 ability to manage and control expressive presen tation is a prerequisite to effective social and interpersonal functioni ng (Snyder, 1974, p. 526). Most children are raised in consistent ly familiar surroundings with one dominant culture. The interpersonal and linguistic skills a Caucasia n American acquires through interaction with his or her family will most lik ely be applicable in a wider social context outside the immediate home enviro nment. This may not be true for bicultural minorities, who as children were raised and socializ ed by their primarily non-English speaking family members. Outside of the household many of these individuals will encounter a primarily English speaking environment with a different set of cultural practices. Thus as children bicultural individuals encounter two sets of languages and interpersonal styles: one from their families culture and the other, from the majority culture. Rarely will these biculturals experience an inte rruption, having to transition into yet another entirely foreign culture during their development. Bu t consider a case in which a child or adolescent was suddenly introduced to an enti rely foreign culture for an extended period of time. In addition to acquiring the language, would enhanced monitoring and control of expressive displays be essential for interpersonal success? Furthermore, considering the sensitivity of the core developmental pe riod (Kolb, 2000), would the effects of this experience remain throughout adulthood? Two somewhat different scenarios that describe the experience of the child are possible. The first emphasizes the importan ce of diversity in cultural communication, expression and understanding. When introduced to a foreign country, the child must adapt to the new social and cultural norm s practiced by members of the new cultural group. When engaged in social interaction the child must learn to present him or herself
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 12 verbally and nonverbally -in a manner that will be understood by members of the host country. At first the indivi dual will most likely experien ce difficulty, even fail on a number of primary occasions. But with time, a nd with a remarkable ability to adjust and adapt the child may acquire the relevant social skills necessary to engage in successful social interactions (Pollock & Van Reken, 2001). However, this social adaptation would be difficult were it not for the ability to monitor ones expr essive communication, and to accurately judge the ap propriateness of ones own self-presentation. In contrast, in the second scenario the assumption is that elements of expressive communication are similar across cultures. Alth ough not within the scope of this paper, the tenets of evolutionary psychology suppor t this approach (Nesse, 1990). According to this scenario, rather than acquiring new culturally relevant means of expressive communication, the child transitioning to a foreign country could rely on universal cues. When experiencing frustration, happiness, sadness, or other emotions, humans are remarkably adept in recognizing non-verbal cues cross culturally (Ekman & Friesen, 1971). However, it is also possible that b ecause the child lacks appropriate verbal linguistic skills for effective communication with his or her peers, the child may be more likely to rely on non-verbal cues in social interactions. Hypothetica lly, as in the first scenario the child would benefit from enhanced self-monitoring. These scenarios are not necessarily mutually exclusive. It is possible that the first case applies to more complex forms of expre ssion while the second is more applicable to situations in which the child seeks to expr ess rudimentary emotions or ideas. Both situations highlight the importance of enhan ced self monitoring when interacting in a non-native culture.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 13 The Core Developmental Period Pollock and Van Reken (2001) refer to a "core developmental period" as being instrumental to the development of a TCK. It is not sufficient to live in a foreign country for a lengthy period of time; rather one mu st have done so at a young age. Anecdotal evidence demonstrates that children are adept at learning langua ge at a young age. Furthermore, research in neuropsychology a ppears to point toward s neuroplasticity as being age dependent (Kolb, 2000). Accordi ng to Pollock and Van Reken (2001) it is important for an individual to experience a transition between cultures at an early age, when he or she is still developing his or her primary unders tanding of the world. The age range of the core developmental period is not specifically articulated by Pollock and Van Reken (2001). In order to identify relevant age ranges, a review of Damon and Harts (1988) research is appropria te. Because navigating culturally relevant interactions as well as enga ging in self-monitoring are primarily social phenomena, Damon and Hart's three developmental levels of self-concept may apply. According to Damon and Hart, these levels occur between th e ages of 4 to 7, 8 to 11, and 12 to 15; and are labeled respectively as categorical identification comparative assessments and interpersonal implications The first level centers on an i ndividuals ability to recognize his or her own personal characteristics, the second focuses on comparisons with others, and the third level is concerned with awaren ess of how personal characteristics affect relationships. For example, thinking ones kindne ss attracts the frie ndship of others. The present research relies on these distinct le vels to compare the impact of non-native cultural experience that occurs during different age periods. Furthermore, for the
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 14 purposes of the current study, a fourth age le vel (16 to 19) was included. However, no theoretical developmental aspect is associated with this period. High Mobility As noted earlier, children who spend signi ficant portions of their developmental period in foreign countries are labeled as Third Culture Kids. However, another important component of being a TCK is having experi enced many transitions between cultures. Pollock and Van Reken (2001) write, high mob ility is one of the two nearly universal characteristics for TCKs. However, high mobility is not isolated to only physically moving from one place to another, but can also be understood as an experiential aspect of living amongst expatriates. When living in su ch a community, even when staying in one place, TCKs will see many friends come and go as their parents are assigned to new positions in other countries. Even these somewhat passive experiences can be considered as transitional. The degree of transitional experiences a TCK experiences will vary from one individual to the next. However, as it is a major component of being a TCK, it is hypothesized that the greater mobility an indivi dual experiences, the more likely and to a greater degree he or she will develop and agree with TCK traits. Measuring this experiential notion of transition would be very difficult, but to overlook this aspect of development entirely would be unfortunate. At the very least, the current study sought to measure the number of physical moves between countries partic ipants experienced before the age of 19. These data would then be used to examine traits related to TCKs and scores on the TCK Questionnaire (TCKQ). Third Culture Kids
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 15 Anecdotal evidence suggests that due to their exposure to multiple cultures and frequent transitions TCKs may demonstrate higher levels of cultural competence (Pollock & Van Reken, 2001). This competence entails eas ily adjusting to the norms of the other cultures, and being more capable than non-TC Ks at detecting social cues and as a consequence, choosing appropriate behaviors. A possible explanation for this enhanced cultural competence is TCKs immersion in foreign cultures at very young ages. In contrast, individuals who have never lived abroad for an extende d period of time would be more likely to find that detecting social cu es and engaging in flexible behavior in a new culture to be difficult. Because of their experience in foreign cultures, and the need for them to become more aware of varying social cues both conveyed by others and portrayed by themselves -TCKs offer a uni que opportunity to expl ore the psychological construct of self-monitoring (Snyder, 1974). TCKs' Emotional View of the World TCKs have been exposed to many vari ed experiences, which tend to be much more tangible than the experience of view ing cultural and geographic profiles on the Travel Channel. Pollock and Van Reken (2001) propose that as a result of these experiences, TCKs may have a more intense and accurate view of reality. For example, consider a TCK who at one time lived in a war torn country who watches a news report of a riot occurring somewhere in the world. For those who have never had such experiences, the news report may appear rather abstract, but to a TCK who has lived in similar circumstances, associations may occur, such as the smell of burning tires. As a child of a diplomat, missionary, or military official, moving between countries that are
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 16 often plagued with problems, a TCK may r eact more emotionally to events around the world. On a more general level, because they have connected with peoples from around the world, becoming aware of potentially emo tion intensifying international events may affect TCKs more. Hearing of such events may have more impact because TCKs may be able to associate these events with act ual people they have known. Although this hypothesis has not yet been supported empiricall y, it merits further examination with use of a measure of emotional self-efficacy (H arrison, Chadwick, and Scales, 1996). Self-Monitoring Behavior Self-monitoring is defined as the extent to which an individual can observe and control his or her self-prese ntation. The goal of self-mon itoring behavior is to be perceived well by others (Snyder, 1974). Those who display high self-monitoring are more likely to adjust their behavior to f it the requirements of a given situation (e.g., adhering to an appropriate cultural norm). Low self-monitors tend to display more consistent forms of behavior acro ss various situations (Snyder, 1974). High self-monitors display lower intentio n-behavior consistency than low-self monitors (Ajzen, Timko & White, 1982). This is theorized to be a result of high selfmonitors increased attention to situationa l demands. For example, high self-monitor may approach an elder with the in tention of asking a favor but wi ll become side tracked after becoming aware that he did not greet the elder as is expected in the local culture. Another important aspect of high self-m onitors that is relevant to cultural competency is their reported increased ability to understand the meaning and intention of others (Sypher & Sypher, 1983). Considering that high self-mon itors are considered to be sensitive to
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 17 situational demands, one would expect indi viduals who are competent at adapting to foreign cultures to be high self monitors. Based on the articulation of five key elem ents that Snyder iden tified as essential for successful self-monitoring, Snyder deve loped the Self Monitoring Scale (Snyder, 1974) a self-report instrument to measure th e construct. These elements include: a) concern with social appropriateness of one self, b) awareness of social comparison information, c) ability to cont rol and modify one's behavior, d) the ability to do so in a relevant situation, and e) the extent to whic h one's behavior and se lf-presentation vary (Snyder, 1974). Snyder and Gangestad (1986) published a re vised version of the Self-Monitoring Scale in order to address some of the issues raised by other resear chers (Lennox & Wolfe, 1984; Briggs, Cheek, & Buss, 1980). These criti cs questioned what the original SelfMonitoring Scale actually measured. Some s uggested that self-monitoring behavior may not actually correlate to the construct of se lf-monitoring as measured by the scale (Briggs et al., 1980). Briggs and Cheek (1986) argued th at the scale measured multiple variables, rather than a single self-monitoring characte ristic. In response, Snyder and Gengestad (1986) acknowledged that the Self-Monitoring Scale measures multiple person variables, but also argued that a single person va riable corresponding to the self-monitoring construct accounts for the larger portion of a score on the measure. In addition to being shorter (with fewer re sponse items), the revised 18-item scale administered in the current study has been deemed superior to the original 25-item scale developed by Snyder (1974). Snyder and Gange stad (1986) eliminated all items that loaded less than +.15 on the first unrotated factor in a factor analysis of the original scale.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 18 According to the authors, the revised scale is better at capturing la tent factors of selfmonitoring. Additionally, it has a coefficient alpha of +.70, a higher internal consistency than the original measure. Self-Monitoring and Cultural Adjustment This would not be the first time a crosscultural sample was used to investigate self-monitoring. A previous study, Harrison et al ., (1996) examined the characteristics of American expatriates living in Europe. Al ong with the self-monitoring scale, several other measures used to examine the expatr iates self-reported adjustment to a new culture. Their findings supporte d the hypothesis that high self -monitors are better at adjusting to new cultures than low self-mon itors. However, an earlier study conducted by Kealey (1989) found no significant relationshi p between self-monitori ng and expatriates reported satisfaction, acculturative stress, or effectiveness at tran sitioning. It therefore appears that the role of self-monitoring in cross-cultural situations is not entirely understood. Self-Efficacy and Cultural Adjustment Harrison et al. (1996) also included a self-efficacy measure in their exploration of the adjustment patterns of American expatr iates. Participants with higher levels of selfefficacy were more capable of adjusting to living in Europe. According to Gist (1987) as cited in Harrison et al. (1996) self-efficacy is the degree of confidence one has in his or her ability to perform well on tasks. High self-efficacy also corresponds to increased novel problem solving behaviors. Therefore, the ability to utilize new behaviors in a foreign culture would be adaptive. Individuals willing to engage in new problem solving
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 19 behaviors with confidence should be more likel y to succeed in meeting the cross-cultural demands of living in a foreign place. Emotional Self-Efficacy The concept of emotional self-efficacy differs slightly from the basic concept of self efficacy measured by Harrison et al. (1996) ; it focuses primarily on emotional abilities. Petrides and Furnham (200 3) suggested that the trait of emotional intelligence (Goleman, 1995) could be understood as emotional self-efficacy However; Kirk, Schutte, and Hine (2008) noted that rather an emotional intelligence trait emotional self-efficacy is the degree of confidence one has in his or her emotional intelligence abilities. Thus, Kirk et al. (2008) developed a scale to meas ures an individual's self-reported perceptions of their emotional ability. The Emotional Self-Efficacy Scale consists of four subscales based on a fourbranch model of emotional intelligen ce (Mayer, Salovey, & Caruso, 2004). These subscales are a) the ability to accurately pe rceive other's and one's own emotion; b) the ability to use emotion to aid in decision ma king; c) understanding the emotion of other's and one's emotion; and d) manage other's and one's emotion. Snyder (1974), in his original discussi on of self-monitoring focused on emotional expression as key to the five main goals of self-monitoring Each of these goals either pertains to the expression or concealment of ones emotional state. Thus it will be worthwhile to examine emotiona l expression in greater depth. Quantifying TCKs An internet keyword search for "TCK" and "Global Nomad" yielded a total of 24 published psychological articles since 1999. B ecause this is such an under-researched
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 20 topic, there have been few attempts at cr eating a measure of TCK status. According to Pollock and Van Reken (2001), who have comp leted a substantial vol ume of research on TCKs, members of this group shar e characteristics that differen tiate them from the rest of the population. Biculturalism and adaptabilit y, heightened mobility, questions of belonging, and perceived arroga nce are traits that are th eorized to be more common among TCKs than in a non-TCK population. This study was comprised of self-report measures, thus one could not be certain if TC Ks truly exhibit these traits, however it was possible to measure the extent to which TCKs agree that such traits apply to them. For the purposes of the pres ent study, these elements were used to construct a 9item instrument referred to as the TCKQ. A previous study was conducted by Gorman (2008) as a pilot assessing the va lidity of the measure. An item to total relia bility showed a statically significant co rrelation, with a minimum (r = .33, p = .05). The exception was one question, which was not statistically significant. Additionally, a one-tailed ttest was conducted comparing TCK participants with no n-TCK participants on each of the items in the TCKQ. All items resulted in TCKs ha ving statistically signifi cantly higher scores than non-TCKs with the exception of two que stions. The revised TCKQ does not include any question with an item to tota l reliability value of less than r = .60 and any questions that were shown not to be significantly different when TCK and non-TCK responses were compared. Social Desirability A social desirability bias occurs when a participant in a study responds in such a way that he or she seeks to be viewed positively by the researcher or others. This may skew outcomes such that "good" characteristics ar e over-represented compared to "bad"
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 21 characteristics. Researchers routinely measur e the degree to which participants display social desirability bias in order to assess impact of the biased responses on other measures. The most widely used measure of social desirability is the Marlow-Crowne Social Desirability Scale (Crowne & Ma rlow, 1960). Strahan and Gerbasi (1972) developed a shortened but reliable version of the Marlow-Crowne Social Desirability Scale in order to accommodate research conducted within li mited time frames.. Ickes, Holloway, Stinson, and Hoodenpyle ( 2006) warned that given current selfreport measures, it is difficult to determine whether high self-monitors actually adapt better to culturally novel situations or they simply attemp t to present themselves as doing so. In their investigation of self-efficacy and cultural adjustment Harrison et al. (1996) did not use a measure of social desirability to assess its impact on participant responses. However, the Marlow-Crowne Social Desira bility Scale (Crowne & Marlowe, 1960) was used in the development of the Emotional Se lf-Efficacy Scale. Social desirability was found to correlate with emoti onal self-efficacy scores. But the construct was still shown to be valid when social desi rability was controlled for (Kir k et al., 2008). Thus, a measure of social desirability was included in the pr esent study in order to assess its impact on the other variables measured. The Current Study The current study sought to determine whether TCK participants and non-TCK participants differ in their reported self-mon itoring behavior. Because of their presumed greater competency in adapting to varying cultural situations, it was hypothesized that TCKs would score higher on self-monito ring than non-TCKs. Furthermore, high
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 22 agreement with statements on the TCKQ a nd frequency of exposure to new cultures before the age of 19, were predicted to correlate with self-monitoring scores. In addition to the self-monitoring predicti ons, emotional self-efficacy scores were expected to show a similar pattern of correlations. Since emotional understanding and perception have been largely ignored in the self-monitoring scale, the tendencies for TCKs to be more emotionally perceptive than non-TCKs will be explored in the present study. It was further hypothesized that ther e would be a relationship between selfmonitoring and the understanding and perceptio n subscales of the emotional self-efficacy questionnaire. Other predictions included correlations between agreement on the TCKQ and frequency of exposure to other cultures. Finally, a potential developmental component was predicted to be evident in TCKs who experienced high mobility earlier rather than later in life. Method Participants Two-hundred and eighty-two participants ( 94 males, 188 females) took part in the study; their ages rang ed from 18 to 60 ( M = 25.3). The participants represented experiences in 101 various c ountries worldwide, although 34 % were born in the United States. Participants were recruited using social networking sites such as Facebook.com and Myspace.com. Recruitment information was posted on groups that dealt with multicultural experiences abroad (examples incl ude I went to an international school, Third Culture Kids Everywhere, You know you went to an international school when, Third Culture Kid). To obtain a comparison group, participants were recruited
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 23 from local university groups. This recr uitment strategy was reflected in reported education levels, as only 10% of those recruited reported no post high school education. The researcher operationalized a TCK as a person who has, between the ages of 4 and 19, spent at least one year in a country other than his or her birth country. Note that 49% of TCKs in this study had three or more such experiences before the age of 19. Participants that moved to a foreign country before the age of three, but never moved again were eliminated from the particip ation pool. A non-TCK wa s operationalized as someone who reported never having spent a year outside his or her birth country. Overall, 195 TCKs and 87 non-TCKs participated in the study. Measures There were five survey sections with 62 questions in total (see Appendix). The first section included standard demographi c questions pertaining to gender, age, education level, number of languages spoken fl uently, and location of birth. Participants were also asked the number of times they moved, at what age, and to what countries they had moved. Additionally, participants completed two se lf-report measures rating the extent of their exposure to foreign cultures presen tly and in their youth. The second segment consisted of a nine-item TCKQ, in which participants rated statements that Pollock and Van Renken (2001) reported to be salient to TCKs. This questionna ire was a revision of an 11-item scale developed by the researcher in a previous study, which was shown to have a statistically significant item to total reliability. The third portion of the study consisted of a 16-item emotional self-efficacy scale developed by Kirk and Hine (2008). Only tw o of the four subscales in the original
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 24 emotional self-efficacy scale were used in the current study. These were the emotional understanding and perceiving subscales, consisting of 8 items each. The fourth segment consisted of an 18-item revised self monito ring scale (Snyder, 1986) and finally, the fifth segment was a short version of the Marlowe-Cr owne Social Desirabili ty Scale (Strahan & Gerbasi, 1972). Upon completing this scale, respondents were asked whether they were familiar to the term TCK. This was included as the final question to lower the potential for a contamination affect as result of pa rticipants being primed to TCK conceptions while completing the survey. The TCKQ in Depth Belonging One of the most salient characteristics of TCKs is being unable to state where one belongs. Having spent at leas t a part of their developmental period abroad, often times moving more than once, many TCKs lack str ong roots in a single location, country, or culture. Pollock and Van Reken (2001) describe this as the neither /nor world, belonging to neither the home nor the host culture. Many TCKs simply adapt to this style of life, not necessarily mixing two cultures, but living between cultures. Two items included in the TCK instrument were designed to measure this characteristic: a) Where are you from? can be a challenge for me to answer. b) The culture of my hom e country often feels foreign to me. Heightened Mobility For many TCKs, moving every few years fr om one country to the next is the norm. As the children of diplomats, military officers, missionaries and others, the choice of geographic locale is often beyond the pare nts control. Pollock and Van Reken (2001)
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 25 have used the term high mobility, which not only pertains to physical movement, but includes exposure to increased transition expe riences, such as frequently seeing friends come and go. Perhaps for many TCKs high m obility has become the norm. According to Pollock and Van Reken (2001), this becomes a pparent in a sense of restlessness that develops in some adult TCKs. As a resu lt of being chronically uprooted, some individuals may have trouble se ttling down. The lure of the ne xt place being better than the current location and the ease at which TCKs find moving may contribute to this attribute. The three items on the TCKQ designe d to assess heightened mobility are as follows: a) Im rarely content in one place, be it a city, state of country for long. Im a mover. b) When I am home, I frequently mi ss living in a different country where I once lived. c) I dont have the urge to move to a different country every couple of years (reversed). Perceived Arrogance People often relate by sharing stories from their lives and for TCKs these stories have a distinct quality. Because a highly m obile lifestyle is the norm for many TCKs, a large portion of their experiences are cross cu ltural in nature. Furthermore, TCKs may be unaware of how atypical this may appear to other individuals who have spent their lives in a single country. Some may perceive the frequent mention of experiences abroad by TCKs as reflecting arrogance. In addition to this perception of arrogance, Pollock and Van Reken (2001) also mention a legitimate form of arrogance, which can be understood as a form of in-group behavior The distinct char acter of cross cultu ral experiences can bring TCKs together. A negative manifestation of this in-group identification may be the exclusion of non-TCKs that do not share similar experiences. The item on the
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 26 questionnaire designed to meas ure perceived arrogance is: a) Often when Im telling others about where I lived, I feel th at I may be perceived as arrogant. Biculturalism and Adaptability Many TCKs share the attribute of being bicultural or multicultural. Although heritage and ethnicity may be components, many TCKs' multiculturalism is a product of experience rather than inheritance. This can be assumed to contribu te to a heightened ability to blend into various cultures, adap t to divergent cultural norms, and to live in multiple places. These notions are central to both the inclusion of self-monitoring behavior in the current study, and cognitive fr ame switching as well as bicultural identity theory in Study 2. The three items on the ques tionnaire designed to assess biculturalism and adaptability on the TCK scale are: a) I have a strong grasp of two or more cultures. b) I could blend in well while in a foreign count ry. c) I feel at ho me in two or more countries. Procedure Participants willing to take part in th e current study were linked to a survey on Surveymonkey.com. Before beginning the st udy participants were asked to read a consent form that included verification that they were over 18 years of age. Survey Monkey did not permit respondents to skip ques tions; however participants were allowed to exit the survey if they wished. The st udy was anonymous, no IP addresses were stored, and no awards were given for completing the survey. In responding to the two questions pertaining to expos ure to foreign cultures, participants used a ten-point Likert scale ra nging from Never (1) to Very Often (10). The score on the TCKQ was derived by summing the total score for each of the 9 items.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 27 A five-point Likert scale was used to measure respons es, ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5). The possible minimum and maximum scores were 9 and 45 respectively. A higher score was indicative of a higher level of TCK related attitudes. One of the questions was re versed. Using Surveymonkey.coms randomize function, all questions were posed in a random order. The emotional self-efficacy scale (Kirk & Hine, 2008) asked participants to indicate how confident they we re in regards to the given st atements. A five-point Likert scale was used, ranging from not at all (1 ) to very much (5). The possible minimum and maximum scores were 16 and 80 respec tively. A higher score was indicative of a greater tendency for emotional self-efficac y. Eight of these questions comprised an understanding subscale and th e other eight pertained to the perception subscale. The revised self-monitoring scale (Snyder, 1986) asked participants to indicate whether statements were true (1) or false (2) as they pertained to themselves. Ten of the 18 questions were reversed fo r balance. Item scores were summed and could range from 18 to 36. In the original scale, a lower sc ore was indicative of higher self monitoring. However, for the sake of the current study this data was reversed. A ten-item version of the Marlowe-Crowne social desirability scale (Strahan & Gerbasi, 1972) also utilized a true (1) or false (2) response method. Five of the 10 questions were reversed for balance with a minimum score being 10 and a maximum being 20. A lower score was indicative of higher social desirability levels.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 28 Results Self-Monitoring and Emotional Self-Efficacy One of the main goals of this study was to assess whether TCKs who experienced greater mobility between varying cultures befo re the age of 19 would demonstrate higher scores on a self-monitoring behavior scal e than the non-TCK population. A one-tailed t test that compared TCK participants ( n = 195) with non-TCK participants ( n = 87) revealed no significant difference betw een groups on self-monitoring scores. Furthermore, TCKs and non-TCKs did not differ on emotional self-efficacy scores. A Spearmans correlation assessed whether a link between total self-monitoring scores and the number of moves participants experienced before the age of 19 was present. That is, do participants who move more frequently also score higher on self-monitoring? No statistically significant correlation was identified. A one-tailed Pearsons correlation also was performed to determine whether exposure to foreign cultures as a child was associated with higher self-monitoring scores. The associations between self-mon itoring scores and participants ( N = 282) self-reported responses to the questions, As a child, how often were you exposed to a culture other than your native culture? and Presently, how often are you exposed to a culture other than your native culture? were explored. No significant correla tion was found between self-monitoring and the latter question, but the first question was positively correlated with self-monitoring scores, r (282) = .16, p < .01. When TCKs ( n = 195) and non-TCKs ( n = 87) were examined separately, no significant correlation was identified amongst non-TCKs. However, TCKs self-monitoring scores and responses to the exposure
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 29 question were positively correlated, r (195) = .19, p < .01 See Table 1 This may point to the importance of exposure to foreign cultures as a child. It also was proposed that a link would ex ist between reported confidence in ones ability to understand emotion and ones reported tendency to self-monitor. A bivariate correlation compared total emotional self-efficacy scores with total self-monitoring scores. As predicted, a weak yet significan t correlation was found. All participants ( N = 282) were included in the analysis, r (282) = .20, p < .01 Thus, participants who report increased attention to their appearance to othe rs also may have greater confidence in their understanding of their own and others emotions. There was no significant correlation betw een summed (total) scores on the TCKQ and summed (total) scores on the self-monitori ng scale, however, responses to individual items on the questionnaire were further explored. When the individual statements on the TCKQ were correlated with total self-monitori ng scores, several significant relationships were revealed. It was hypothesized that more agreement with TCK statements would be linked to higher scores on the self-monito ring scale. This directional hypothesis was examined using a one-tailed Pearson s correlation. TCK participants ( n = 195) total selfmonitoring scores and questions 1 Where are you from? can be a challenge for me to answer, 5 I could blend in well while in a fo reign country, 7 I feel at home in two or more countries and 8 Often when Im telling others about where I lived, I feel that I may be perceived as arrogant, on the TCKQ were significantly co rrelated. See Table 2 for correlational data. Harrison et al. (1996) found links between general self-efficacy and expatriate Americans self-reported abil ity to adjust in a foreign country. The current study sought
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 30 to determine whether this relationship applie d to emotional self-efficacy as well. Thus statement 5 I could blend in well while in a foreign country on the TCKQ was examined independently. Responses to this it em were significantly co rrelated with total scores on the emotional self-efficacy s cale and its two subscales, emotional understanding and perception. Using a one-tai led Pearson test, TCK participants ( n = 195) scores on question 5 were positively corre lated with total emo tional self-efficacy scores, r (195) = .24, p < .01. The Third Culture Kid Questionnaire A reliability assessment of the TCKQ rev ealed high internal consistency with a Cronbach's Alpha of .82. In order to a ssess whether the TCKQ differentiated among participants, the total scores of self-iden tified TCK respondents were compared to the total scores of non-TCK res pondents. If TCK-relevant experience leads to more agreement with items on the TCKQ, non-TCKs response scores should be significantly lower than TCKs. TCKs ( n = 195) and non-TCKs(n = 87) response scores were compared using a two-tailed independent samples t -test. The mean score of TCKs (M = 34.17, SD = 6.38) differed significantly from non-TCKs ( M = 24.26, SD = 6.49), t (280) = 11.98, p < .01. As Table 3 and Figure 1 illustrate, th e responses of TCK participants were significantly higher than the scores of non-TC K participants for each of the statements included in the TCKQ. Although significant differences were found be tween the total scores of TCKs and non-TCK, it is possible that since TCK partic ipants suffered from a self-selection bias. Participants who are familiar with the terminology are likely to have prior exposure to the popular literature on TCKs and thus show an inflated ag reement with the TCKQ. To
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 31 assess this hypothesis, an independent samples t -test was conducted comparing the TCKQ scores of TCKs ( n = 85) and non-TCKs ( n = 65), who were unfamiliar with the term TCK. The analysis showed TCKs ( M = 31.55, SD 6.59) scored significantly higher than non-TCKs ( M = 23.28, SD = 6.53), t (148) = 7.65, p < .01). TCK participant scores were signifi cantly higher on the TCKQ than the other participant groups. As Table 3 illustrates, the TCK respondents agreed most with statements 2 ( M = 4.34, SD = .95), 5 ( M = 4.22, SD = .79) and 7 ( M = 4.1, SD = 1.01). It was predicted that the more frequently an individual moves between countries before the age of 19, the more he or she w ill agree with the statem ents in the TCKQ. A descriptive analysis indicate d that 25% of TCK participan ts moved to and lived in a foreign country for a year, at least three times before the age of 19. Due to the nonnormal distribution of the mobility responses, a Spearmans correlation coefficient was used to test this hypothe sis. All participants ( N = 282) were included in the analysis. With an alpha level of .05 on a one-tailed test, tota l TCK scores were posi tively correlated with number of moves, r (282) = .62, p < .01, thus supporting the hypothesis. Given this significant over all association between frequency of movement and agreement with the TCK items, a more detail ed analysis was performed. The number of times a TCK moved within each of the four sp ecific age periods was correlated with total scores on the TCKQ. This was done to explore the possibili ty of the existence of a developmental sequence or sensitive period. The strongest association (a Spearman one-tailed correlation) between total TCK scores and mobility was found for the age period 8-11, r (195) = .29, p < .01 Weaker yet significant correlations were found for TCKs who moved most frequently between 4-7, with an r (195) = .20, p < .01, 12-15,
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 32 with an r (195) = .17, p < .05. The period 16-19 demonstrated no significant correlation, as illustrated in Table 4. The significant association between mobility (summed scores of reported moves) and total scores on the TCKQ led to furthe r examination of the relationship between reported mobility and specific statements on the TCKQ. Spearman correlations were used to explore relationships among the number of mo ves participants reported before the age of 19 and agreement with individual statem ents on the TCKQ. All participants were included in the analysis. The correlations between mobility and Items 1, 2, 6, 7, and 8 were of moderate strength, while the remaini ng questions were weakly correlated (See Table 5). Self-Monitoring Scale Although total TCKQ and total self-monitori ng scores were not correlated, the possible associations between TCKQ scores and individual items on the self-monitoring scale were further explored to determine whet her individual items of the scale were more predictive. For the TCK participants ( n = 195) A Kendalls Tau test was used when accessing correlations in order to account fo r the dichotomous answers to the selfmonitoring questions. See Tabl e 6 for correlational data. An analysis comparing associatio ns among summed mobility scores and individual items on the self-monitoring s cale was conducted. When plotted against a normal curve the number of move s participants underwent was revealed to be positively skewed. A Kendalls Tau test was used when accessing correlation in order to account for the skewed nature of the movement data and the dichotomous an swers to the selfmonitoring questions. Statement 8 of the se lf-monitoring scale In different situations
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 33 and with different people, I often act like very different persons, statement 10 I'm not always the person I appear to be, and statement 14 I have trouble changing my behavior to suit different peopl e and different situations we re significantly correlated with number of moves before the age of 19. See Table 7 for correlational data. Further analysis of statement 8 of the self-monitoring scale revealed significant associations between level of agreement and the number of moves experienced. With all participants ( n = 282) included in the analysis, number of moves betwee n the age of 4-7, 8-11 and 12-15, were positively correlated with level of agreement with statement 8, as illustrated in Table 8. A Chi-Square was conducted to see whethe r the distribution of groups responses to statement 10 of the self-monitoring scal e differed from what would be expected by chance. Of the participants who answer ed true, 73% were TCKs and 27% were nonTCKs. The Chi-Square was significant, 2 (1, N = 282) = 5.2, p < .05. Discussion The relationships among self-reported Th ird-Culture-Kid status and experience (as measured by responses to items containe d in the TCKQ), self-monitoring behavior (as measured by the Self-Monitoring Scale), and early mobility were the main focus of the present investigation. It was pr edicted that TCKs experience in multiple countries during early development would be associated with higher self-monitori ng scale scores. In addition, the possibility that exposure to ot her cultures during specific age periods would differentially affect self-mon itoring was also explored. Self Monitoring
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 34 Contrary to predictions, when the self monitoring scores of TCKs and non-TCKs were compared, no significant differences were found. However, a significant positive correlation between self-reported exposure to non -native cultures as a child and total selfmonitoring scores was found for the TCK group but not for non-TCKs. The central hypothesis of the study, that self-monitoring w ould be associated w ith self-identified TCK status, was supported by this correlati on. Furthermore, exposure to non-native cultures as an adult and self-monitoring scores were not correlated, thus supporting Pollock and Van Rekens (2001) model of the developmental significance of exposure to foreign cultures as a youth. When self-monitoring scale items we re examined independently several interesting relationships were identified. Of special releva nce to the main hypotheses, TCKs and non-TCK participants responses to Item 10 differed si gnificantly. TCKs were more likely to agree with the statement I'm not always the person I appear to be. This reported self-perception of TCKs is consistent with Pollock and Van Reken (2001)s review of TCK identity. They describe four types of relational patterns and identities among the group. All four identity types empha size the ways in which others tend to falsely perceive that TCKs belong to one cu ltural background and l ack of awareness of the TCK's cultural complexity. These concepts are explored in further detail in study 2. Self-Monitoring and High Mobility Responses to Question 8 of the self-monito ring scale, In different situations and with different people, I often act like very different persons, were significantly correlated to the number of moves experien ced before the age of 19. When examined separately, the frequency of moves during each of the ag e periods 4-7, 8-11 and 12-15
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 35 were positively correlated with agreement with the statement. However, the age period 16-19 was not correlated with agreement with the statement. Although this pattern of correlations supports the possibility that exposure to non-nativ e cultures impacts youth differentially, the support is not strong. The correlations link ing specific age periods to responses to the statement, while statisti cally significant, are relatively small. Responses to question 10 of the self-mon itoring scale, I'm not always the person I appear to be and total TCK scores were al so positively correlated with measurements of increased mobility in youth. The same pa ttern was evident for question 14, I have trouble changing my behavior to suit different people and different situations. The correlation to question 14 is counter to expe ctation as one would think that increased mobility between cultures as a youth would link to a high confidence in ones ability to change behavior in appropriate situations. One interpretation may be that such individuals have a stricter concept of what suitable behavior may be. Due to experiencing multiple cultures he or she may have a higher standard for meeting culturally relative situational demands. Alternatively, these individuals may be harder on themselves as a result of have difficulties while meet such situational dema nds as a youth. Early negative experiences with not knowing what culturally relevant behavior to perform may have led these individuals to believe th ey are unable to change behavior appropriately. Third Culture Kid Questionnaire The TCKQ was developed to explore the validity of the TCK construct. As expected, TCKs scored significantly higher than non-TCKs on each of the statements included in the questionnaire. The TCK pa rticipant group agreed most with the statements; I have a strong grasp of two or more cultures, I could blend in well while
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 36 in a foreign country, I feel at home in two or more countries, These responses lend further support to the appropr iateness of an examination of TCKs cultural competency. Additionally, a high Cronbach s alpha value demonstrated the scales internal consistency, providing further evidence of its utility as a measure of the TCK construct. Third Culture Kid Questionnaire and High Mobility A central question addressed in the present study was: What are the developmental impacts of being raised in multiple countries and experiencing high mobility? The effects of high mobility were explored by examining the relationships among numbers of moves experienced before th e age of 19 and extent of agreement with statements on the TCKQ. A positive correlation was found, supporting the prediction that the more frequently individuals move betw een countries at a young age the more likely they are to identify with characteri stics commonly attributed to TCKs. Of the four age periods examined in th e study, mobility during the period of 8-11 years of age yielded the str ongest correlation with TCKQ sc ores. Mobility within age periods 4-7 and 12-15 was also significantly correlated with TCKQ scores, but the correlations were weaker. What is intriguing about the pe riod of 8-11, also known as the comparative assessments stage (Damon & Hart, 1988) is that it is concerne d with a childs emerging ability to compare him or herself with other people and shared social norms. This stage can be contrasted to the earlier categorical identification stage, in which children tend to respond to the question what kind of person are you? with the answer I am seven. Within the context of exposure to new culture s, a child who is capable of comparing him or herself to others is more likely to be affected than the younger child who may not
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 37 engage in frequent social comparison. Damon and Hart describe the developmental stage ranging from 12-15 as focusing on interpersonal implications During this stage, the young person becomes more adept at understand ing how their own characteristics affect their relationships, such as a youth knowing he r friendly nature earn s her the respect of her peers. It seems reasonabl e to assume that mobility during this stage would have greater impact on the individua l than movement during the categorical identification stage, however in the present study they appeared to be of equal importance. Although from all indications, the TCKQ is a valid measure of the construct, it is possible that a bias related to the self-sel ection of respondents aff ected the results. A portion of the TCK participants in this study we re recruited from Internet forums devoted to the topic of TCKs. Thus it is likely that individuals specifically interested in TCKrelated issues and information were more fa miliar with the statements included in the scale. In anticipation of this interpretation, a ll participants were as ked whether they were familiar with the term "TCK." When scores of TCKs and non-TC Ks who had indicated that they had not heard of the term Thi rd Culture Kid were compared, TCKs still scored significantly higher than non-TCKs. This negates the possibility of a self-selection bias as an explanation for the outcome. Third Culture Kid Questionnaire and Indivi dual Items on the Self Monitoring Scale TCKs that scored high on the self-monitoring scale tended to agree with the statements; Where are you from? can be a ch allenge for me to answer, I could blend in well while in a foreign country, I feel at home in two or more countries, and Often when Im telling others about where I lived, I f eel that I may be perc eived as arrogant.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 38 Correlations with the second and third st atements are consiste nt with the main hypothesis and the findings of Harrison et al (1996), who found expa triates scoring high on the self-monitoring scale te nded to report being better at adapting to their foreign place of residence. A significant correlation between self-monitoring scores and the last statement was predicted, as the statement is explicitly concerned with how one is perceived by others, which is in this case dealing with arrogance. The first statement also shares this element, as it is posed in such a way that the participant is reflecting upon being asked a question about his or her culture or country of origin. Another interpretation might be that someone who has trouble answering such a question may have frequently experienced incidents where he or she was confront ed with conflicting concepts of his or her orig in and therefore tend to be more self-reflective. The exploratory correlation analysis of summed TCKs scores on the TCKQ and individual questions included in the self -monitoring scale yielded several unexpected findings. For these analyses, extent of agreement with the TCKQ was interpreted to be an indication of TCK-ness. One question include d in the Self Monitoring Scale, I find it hard to imitate the behavior of other people, was weakly yet significantly correlated with summed TCKQ scores. This finding runs counter to the hypothes is. It was expected that TCKs who are assumed to more culturally co mpetent would perceive themselves to be more adept at imitating the behavior of othe rs. It could be that with increased TCKness individuals also become more self-aware of the shortcomings in their abilities to imitate others. Or, alternatively they may ha ve had more opportunities to fail in attempts at imitation.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 39 Another unexpected finding was that the statement I have trouble changing my behavior to suit different pe ople and different situations included in the self-monitoring scale demonstrated a weak positive correlation with total scores on the TCKQ. This association also runs counter to what would be expected of those who tend to agree more with the statements on the TCKQ. Cultural competence entails changing behavior in response to varying situations. Again, TC Ks may be more aware of their own shortcomings in new cultural settings. That is, the salience of unsuccessful rather than successful attempts of changing ones behavior in a given situation may be greater for TCKs. An important finding was the link between the statement in different situations and with different people, I often act like very different persons, and higher scores on the TCKQ. Curiously, this contrasts with th e finding regarding the statement I have trouble changing my behavior to suit different people and different situations. One subtle difference between the two statements aside from one being a reversal of the other, is that the latter implies that the individu al perceives that he or she has the ability to change his or her own behavior, whereas th e first statement places lesser emphasis on the will of the individual. Potentially an aspect of the developmental experience of TCKs cultural competency may be more second nature (i.e., overlearned or less consciously controlled) than willed, which woul d explain the inconsistency of this selfreported measure. Furthermore, agreement with the statement I have trouble changing my behavior to suit different people and di fferent situations positively correlates with extent of mobility at a young age. This findi ng, as well as the overal l correlation between TCK scores and mobility, provides further s upport for the second nature interpretation.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 40 This interpretation seems even more likely since the relationships between TCKQ scores and mobility were found for age periods younger than age 16, yet not for older age periods. Emotional Self-Efficacy Pollock and Van Reken (2001) proposed that TCKs experience a heightened emotional view of the worl d than is common among non-TCKs However, the hypothesis that TCKs would score higher on emotional self-efficacy and on the subscales understanding of perception was not supporte d. The hypothesis did find some indirect support from a significant correlation between total scores on the emotional self-efficacy measure and agreement with statement 5 of th e TCKQ. That is, participants who scored high on the emotional self-efficacy scale were more likely to agree with the statement, I could blend in well while in a foreign countr y. This is consistent with the findings linking American expatriates reported capability to adjust in Europe and self-efficacy scores (Harrison et al., 1996) The current study demonstrates that this may not be only true of intellectual self-efficacy but of emo tional self-efficacy as well. Additionally, the hypothesis that self-monitoring scores would correlate posi tively with emotional selfefficacy was supported by the data, but only weakly. The similarities between TCKs and non-TCKS on emotional self-efficacy scale scores may be due to the characteristics and wordings of the items included in the instrument. The heightened emotional view of the world described by Pollock and Van Reken (2001) may pertain specifically to TC Ks emotional reaction to events occurring elsewhere in the world, whereas the emo tional self-efficacy scale focuses on ones confidence in understanding ones own and others emotions.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 41 The Social Desirability Measure A social-desirability measure was included in the current study was included to control the potential confounding impact of so cial desirability on the self-monitoring and emotional self-efficacy scales. However, no significant differences were found between TCK and non-TCK participants on the two s cales and thus the researcher deemed it unnecessary to further analyze the social desirability measure. Problems for Future Research According to Snyder (1974), self-monitori ng can be understood as the ability to self-observe and change one's behavior. Perhap s because it is easier to measure, research has focused on and evaluated the behavior al component of this construct (e.g., Ajzen,Timko & White, 1982; Sypher, 1983). Howe ver, the decision to include the selfmonitoring measure within the present study was largely based on its presumed selfobservation component. It could be argued that high self-monitors who alter their behavior could only do so with self-observation. This however may not be the case, as perhaps indicated by the contradictory findings on que stions 8 and 14 of the se lf-monitoring scale. TCK participants may be altering their behavior without clear conscious intent. Cultural frameswitching studies have successfully primed bicultural participants to alter their interpretation of an ambiguous image (Hong et al., 2000). These participants likely were not consciously aware of their primed percep tion. Perhaps culturally appropriate behavior shifts also occur without awareness. Another problem is directly related to the lack of items on the self-monitoring scale that explicitly address the self-observation component. Only 1 (I'm not always the
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 42 person I appear to be) of the 18 questions do not refer to a behavioral aspect of selfmonitoring. Thus, the notion of self-observation appears to be implicit in the selfmonitoring scale; that is, it is presumed that individuals that alte r their behavior do so based on self-observation. On the other hand, one could argue that many individuals may self-observe yet do not or cannot use that information to ch ange their behavior. Based on their scale responses, such participants ma y be labeled as low self-monitors when actually they may be monitori ng themselves considerably. Potential Future Research Although no differences were found among gr oups on the self-monitoring scale, a more direct exploration of th e more cognitive components of the construct may be useful. One such approach would include the use of the Self-Consciousness Scale developed by Fenigstein, Scheier, and Buss (1975). Elevated self-conscious ness could be understood as the extent of self-observation independent of a tendency to act or alter behavior. Another interesting question th at warrants future research relates to participants seemingly paradoxical responses to separate statements on the self-monitoring scale. Statement 8, in different situations and with different people; I often act like very different persons and statement 14, I have trouble changing my behavior to suit different people and different situations seem to convey contradictory meanings. However, these statements are not mutually exclusive and may illuminate a very subtle distinction in the ways in which TCKs portr ay and perceive their cultural competency. Regarding TCKs hypothesized heightened emotional view of the world, a controlled experiment, in which groups of TCK and non-TCK participants were exposed to news coverage of war-torn countrie s around the world might reveal important
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 43 differences in emotional perspectives. Furthermore, in addition to self-report measures, physiological measures of stress, such as sali vary levels of cortisol, could be compared. Conclusion Significant differences were not found between TCKs and non-TCKs self-monitoring scores. However, self-reported exposure to foreign cultures at a young age was associated with higher self-monitoring scores. This co rrelation was evident for the TCK population but not for the non-TCK population. Although not the hypothesized direct link between self-monitoring and TCK-ness, evidence of a re lationship between expos ure to cultures at an early age and self-monitoring in TC Ks does support the main prediction. The TCKQ proved to be a useful instrume nt for identifying differences between TCKs and non-TCKs. The participant groups differed significantly in their responses to each item included in the questionnaire. Fu rthermore, participants reported mobility between countries was correlated with ag reement with questionnaire statements. The hypothesis that early experience was central to the TCK experience was supported. An exception to this overall support was a lack of a significant relationship between frequency of exposure to cultures a nd overall self-monitori ng scores. Otherwise, responses to six statements included in the self-monitoring scale relevant to TCKs were positively related to reported mobility. This points to a possible developmental pattern. Additionally, responses to one of these six stat ements were correlated to mobility across all age periods, with the exception of the pe riod between ages 16 and 19. It is not that this latter period may not cont ribute to TCK development, ra ther the earlier age periods may contribute more to the development of many of the theorized TCK attributes.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 44 Study 2 Third Culture Kids and Cognitive Frame Switching Introduction Bicultural Identity in TCKs The questions examined in the second st udy are related to the conceptualization of bicultural identity in psychology. The implications of the relevant psychological models and research findings are many, but the pres ent study primarily focuses on the role of bicultural identity in Third Culture Kids. As noted earlier, the la bel Third Culture Kid (TCK) has been assigned to individuals who as children spent a significant period of time in one or more cultures other than their bi rth culture. It is assu med that this early experience allows the TCK to integrate the new culture with his or her original culture and form an emergent third culture. Accordi ng to the model, rather than representing an amalgam of these cultures, th e third culture is comprise d of characteristics shared among other TCKs. Although the TCKs experien ces may vary significantly in content they are thought to be similar in quality. To illustrate, a boy raised partly in Japan and partly in America may have been exposed to different cultural practi ces than a boy raised in South Africa and Germany. However, both bo ys share the experien ce of transition and adapting to a new culture in the middle of th eir core developmental period. This shared experience of cultural transition provides the ba sis for the third culture (Pollock & Van Reken, 2001). Investigations of the developm ent and impacts of bicultural identity, a component of being a TCK, have become mo re prominent in recent years. And although bicultural TCKs may posse ss different characteristics than non-TCK biculturals (biculturals raised in a singl e country), it is important to review the basic tenets of bicultural identity theory as the theory applies to the current investigation.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 45 Foundations to an Understanding of Bicultural Identity Before the development of bicultural identity development can be addressed, it is necessary to have a conceptu al understanding of identity theory. Furthermore, if a bicultural identity can be understood at the most basic level as an individual possessing two cultural identities, then it also is necessary to review ethnic identity literature. The following review will provide a brief summary of these areas of investigation, discuss the importance of ethnic identity within bicultural identity research, and describe the implications of a bicultural identity duri ng adolescent development in general and in TCKs specifically. Identity Theory Erik Erikson made one of the most signi ficant contributions to identity theory, conceptualizing identity as a sense of self th at has continuity and individuality (Erikson, 1956). According to Erikson, An individual's id entity is incompletely formed during very early life and may undergo qualitative shifts as a result of life expe riences. A heightened period of self-awareness and identity deve lopment most often begins during early adolescence, although stages of onset are not uniform. Rather than being a single monolithic construct, identity is understood to comprise of many different and potentially overlapping senses of self related to areas such as religion, politics, and occupation. Erikson theorized that there are two identity states one could experience: Identity confusion occurs when the identity has not b een decided upon and may be in flux, and identity resolution occurs when an identity has be en chosen and is more stable. James Marcia (1980) reported empirical support for Erikson's model of identity formation and change. In addition, he expanded Erikson's two stage model to include four
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 46 statuses. These are known as identity diffusion which occurs when a young person is not going through a crisis and has not made a co mmitment to an identity. When evidencing identity foreclosure a young person has made a commitment without having gone through a period of exploration or crisis Identity moratorium occurs when a young person is in a crisis or is explor ing but has not made a commitment. And identity achievement is the label assigned when a young pe rson has gone through a crisis or period of exploration and has ma de a commitment to a certai n sense of self. See Table 35 for Marcias Identity Stages. As social beings we do not live in isolation, therefore an understanding of identity would not be complete without men tioning the role of the "other." As some psychologists argue, we partly define our own identity in terms of who we are not A characteristic of being a member of a group is the shared awareness that others are excluded from this membership. Tajfel and Tu rner (1979) asserted that being identified with a group contributes to healthy well-bei ng and a positive self-c oncept. Furthermore, Maslow (1946) and later Baumeister (1995) st ress the importance of belonging as a basic human need. Cultural Identity Cultural identity is often conceptualized as being equivalent to a national identity. The place where one was born certainly plays a role in one's identity, but it is the shared culture of its citizens that cr eate a nation's culture, not vice versa. A cultural identity is not limited to a notion of country and may include such components as gender, ethnicity, and race (Phinney, 1990). In essence it includes identities relating to cultural norms and practices, which may extend to professional and generational culture s. Given the broad
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 47 reach of the concept, the term cultural identity may be too general in scope for the present discussion. Therefore, further examination of the more specific concept of ethnic identity theory seems appropriate. Ethnic Identity Ethnic identity has been defined as th e extent to which one identifies with a particular ethnic group (Phinney, 1996). This id entification may pertain to the thoughts, perceptions, feelings, and beha viors shared within the ethn ic group membership. Phinney (1989) reviewed various theoretical approach es and created a three stage process based on the model proposed by Marcia (1980). An individual who has not undergone any exploration of ethnicity is signified by two subtype stages, diffusion and foreclosure An exploration stage may occur in which an individual explores what ethnicity means. And finally an achievement stage may occur, during which a confident sense of ethnicity may be attained. Note that an i ndividual does not need to e xperience all three stages. To identify these stages in individuals Phinne y has developed the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM-R; Phinney, 2007). Despite Phinneys contributions to the fi eld, a widely accepted definition of ethnic identity has yet to be established. Phinney (1990) summarizes the various components of ethnic identity; these include th e importance of self-identific ation, belonging, and cultural components, and a sense of achieving rather than receiving an et hnic identity. Depending on which theorist one reads, some yet not a ll of these factors are prerequisites for the attainment of an ethnic identity. The notion of ethnicity is not unambiguous. The term ethnicity comes from the Greek Ethnos which meant people or tribe, but wa s later used by Christians to mean
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 48 pagan or heathen. The words prominence toda y can be traced to periods of immigration, during which members of the majority host cu lture labeled incoming foreigners ethnic. To a large extent the notion of ethnicity is interchangeable w ith the notion of other. The notion that one could achieve an ethnic ident ity is somewhat ironic, since the term has been so often used as a label to connote o therness rather than as a form of selfidentification. What is a Bicultural Identity? As with ethnic identity, no shared definition of bicultural identity has been established within psychological circles. Persons labeled as biculturals may vary greatly, they might be immigrants, sojourners, TCKs, ethnic minorities, or indigenous people. If biculturalism is dependent on self-identification, than calling oneself Chinese-American may suffice as a criterion. Phinney (2006) de scribed three groups th at can be labeled bicultural: A multiracial individual is someone who comes from multiple ethnic or racial groups. A multicultural individual is someone whose birth place differs from the culture in which they live. And a hybrid individual is one who does not fit into one of the previous categories but has been exposed to multiple cultures. These categories are not mutually exclusive because, for example, a multiracial individual may also be multicultural. A more streamlined conceptualization of bicultural identity is offered by BenetMartinez, Leu, Lee, and Morris (2002). In some ways this is a stricter definition that defines a bicultural as someone who has been exposed to and internalized two cultures. An empirically verifiable cognitive com ponent known as cultural frame switching has been linked to a bicultural upbringing (H ong, Morris, Chiu & Benet-Martinez, 2000).
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 49 This cognitive element may be used in future research to distingui sh between different degrees of cultural identity. Although bicultural identity theory accurately descri bes individuals who have grown up in two cultures, it does not completely address the experiences of TCKs. Complications arise when contrasting bicultural identity theory with the views of individuals who have multiple cultural ident ities or who have experienced high mobility throughout their lives. Frequently these individuals see themselves as more than simply the combination of two cultures. The fo llowing quote illustrates this perspective. Being a TCK means that the previous question about identif ying with an ethnic group or country doesn't make sense to me anymore. Though I was born in Venezuela, I have lived in 10 countries and liked them all for different reasons. My identity has bits and pieces of each and every one of their cultures and yet none at all. -Anonymous Survey Respondent Acculturation Theory Acculturation theory has undergone various revisions over the past few decades (Rudmin, 2003). Its original conception was somewhat problematic when viewed from within a developmental framework. Ethnic id entity was only deemed meaningful when two or more ethnic groups were in contact and it primarily focused on attitudes and behaviors at the group level (Sussman, 2000). Mu ch of acculturation theory dealt with the formation of a minority individual's ethnic id entity while living in the culture of a majority group. The prevalence of the focus on this specific phenomenon is likely due to
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 50 its frequent occurrence in recent history. By definition, minorities around the world live and develop within a majority culture. The traditional view of acculturation posits that it is a process of assimilation, the process of rejecting one's original culture and acquiri ng the new dominant culture. Although originally a one-dimensional model, a revised two-dimensional model of acculturation assesses the extent to which an individual accepts or rejects one's culture and the extent to which one accepts or re jects the dominant culture (Nguyen & BenetMartinez, 2007). This expansion has led to a shift in opinion about the best possible outcome of such a scenario. Of the f our acculturation positions, involvement and integration with both cultures is deemed to be optimal. This is what is referred to by acculturation theorists as a bicultural identity (Nguyen & Benet-Martinez, 2007). A Deeper Understanding of Bicultural Individuals LaFromboise, Coleman, and Gerton (1993) proposed that there are two modes in which bicultural individuals operate. The first is an alternating mode, in which individuals are capable of switc hing between culturally relevant behaviors. The second is a fused or blended identity, which leads to an emergent cultural identity. It is important to distinguish between this emergent culture as conceptua lized by LaFromboise et al. (1993) and the emergent culture described in the TCK literature. LaFromboise et al. (1993, p. 401) state, Each culture brings to the melti ng pot strengths and weaknesses that take on new forms through the interaction of cultures as equal partners. Within this scenario the emergent culture is an amalgam of previ ously experienced cultu res that produce a new blended culture. This is true for many TCKs but there is more to the phenomenon than what is proposed by LaFromboise et al. ( 1993). The emergent third culture as defined
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 51 within the TCK literature is more than the sum of its parts. In other words, TCKs are not merely bringing their strengths and weaknesse s in relation to thei r cultural background, but more importantly, they br ing the shared experience of existing between cultures. LaFromboise et al.s (1993) approach ha s not been accepted without criticism. Nguyen and Benet-Martinez (2007) claim the blended and fused concepts are confounded. The authors argue that blended is a form of self-identification whereas alternating is a form of behavior. Rather th an being two types of bicultural individuals, they propose that blended and alternating be conceptualized as multiple aspects of a bicultural individual's experience. Bicultural Identity Integration Benet-Martinez and Haritatos (2002) devel oped a model of bicultu ral identity that addressed many of the criticisms of LaFromboise et al.s (1993) model. Their Bicultural identity integration model examines to what extent biculturals believe their dual identities are compatible and integrated or oppositional and difficult to integrate. The Bicultural Identity Integration Scale (BIIS-1, Benet-Martinez and Ha ritatos, 2005) was developed to assess identity integration in biculturals. When the scale was further examined two psychometrically independent components were identified; these were cultural distanceoverlap and cultural conflict-harmony. These concepts are distinct from Phinneys (2007) ethni c exploration and commitment, but a comparison of these constructs may be instructive. Difficulties with bicultural identity integration, as indicated by high scores on the conflict and distance statements, may be linked to lower scor es on Phinneys (2007) ethnic identity commitment.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 52 Ethnic Identity Development in Adolescence and Early Adulthood Prior to examining bicultural development in adolescence, it may be helpful to examine the findings of earlier investigati ons of ethnic identity formation. Phinney (2006) has explored this subject extensivel y. Her research findings support Erikson's theory of adolescence as a crucial period for identity development related to ethnic identity (Phinney, 1989, 1990). However, her fi ndings also indicated that only 25% of 10th graders had an achieved identity (Phinney, 1989). She speculates that ethnic identity development likely continues throughout colleg e years. In support of this assertion, she points to the greater prevalence of diverse individuals in coll ege settings, which increases ethnic identity salience (Phinney, 1989) and may contribute to greater ethnic identity exploration. Bicultural Identity Development in Adolescence and Early Adulthood Bicultural individuals may also undergo an ethnic identity formation period, but experience circumstances that are somewhat different from multiracial individuals. Researchers that investigated the experiences of multiracial particip ants found that their mixed background is often salient at a very young age (Kich, 1992). This may be due to parental factors such as differences in physic al appearances, or differences in cultural practices. Because some bicultural adolescen ts may encounter a more salient cultural heritage and upbringing, as a result of enfor ced cultural practices or greater differences from the majority culture, diffusion or forecl osure stages are less li kely. Additionally, the moratorium stage may last longer due to an increased struggle for social acceptance. Bicultural adolescents may of ten face the question "what are you?" or where are you from, when the bicultural appears to be a na tive in some ways but a foreigner in other
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 53 ways. He or she may show a strong yet potentially incomplete understanding of two cultures. Similar to Phinney's (1989) predictions related to the durati on of ethnic identity development, Kich (1992) stat es that bicultural identity development may progress into and beyond college years. Applying Multigroup Ethnic Identity and Bi cultural Identity Theory to TCKs Multiple Ethnic and biracial identiti es are most often linked to physical characteristics and heritage. In contrast, a bicultural individual may be adept at handling two ethnic cultures but may not share any di stinct physical features linked to those cultures. A TCK can be considered any comb ination of biracial and bicultural. For example, it is possible to conceive of instan ces in which an indivi dual might be biracial, yet never exposed to the cultures associated with either of his or her racial backgrounds. For such cases Pollock and Van Reken (2001) proposed a model in which four forms of relational patterns and identification exist. A foreigner is someone who looks different and thinks different from those in the dominant culture. This would be the common conceptualization of an immigrant. An adopted individual looks different, but thinks like those in the dominant culture This might be someone who has spent a significant portion of time in a foreign culture and has adapted to it, but members of the dominant culture still perceive him or her to be a foreigner. A hidden immigrant looks like everyone else, but th inks differently. This case applie s to those who return to their home country and look physically the same but have grown accustomed to the practices of their host cu lture. Lastly, mirror individuals look and think like members of their host cultures. Only his or her passport would reve al to the unsuspecting observer that the TCK is not a citizen of the given countr y. See Table 34 for TCK Identities.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 54 These relational patterns may vary depe nding on when and where the individual is living. Those TCKs in the mirror or immigr ant categories appearances match who they seem to be. However, individuals in the other two categories may face more complex issues. An adopted individual may have to deal with members of the dominant groups tendency to over-explain, because the TCK looks physically different and is assumed not to understand local customs. The revers e may be the case for the hidden immigrant; others presume that he or she knows what to do in a culturally relevant situation because his or her appearance is similar to everyone elses. However in actuality the hidden immigrant does not know how to behave in a culturally correct manner. Sussmans (2000) observation that an individuals self-defined cultural identity may differ from the perception of others (p. 358) applies he re. Furthermore, the TCKs heightened awareness of these factors may impact the development of bicultural identity development and may contribute to extended periods of moratorium. TCKs in Adolescence and Early Adulthood Sometimes integration was simple, most likely because of my age. But as I grew into adolescence, morals and values of w hat it means to be a friend or daughter or student, role-identities in general became difficult to understand. My family wanted one person of me, whereas pee rs and authority figures expected someone different. -Anonymous Survey Respondent Pollock and Van Reken (2001) devote a chapter of their book to the developmental issues related to growing up as a TCK. Most prominent are questions of identity -not knowing who one is and where one belongs. This uncertainty is most often
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 55 the result of many of the experiences described above. An extended moratorium combined with experiences around the world may contribute to an uneven path to maturity. The authors propose several factors that contribute to this pattern. For example, TCKs may mature early, having a broad base of knowledge at a young age as a result of their travel. They may be competent in mu ltiple languages and feel comfortable speaking to adults, due in part to their experiences in the usually small and close-knit expatriate communities abroad. Additionally, in some cases TCKs may be able to venture out and explore their surroundings earlier than their peers, thus establishing their autonomy. Significant factors that may contribute to delayed adolescenc e are also commonly found in TCKs. As previously mentioned, a common outcome may be the delayed ability to establish a sense of identit y. Part of being an adult is th e ability to be confident in ones decision making. This largely comes fr om the ability to reasonably predict the outcomes of ones actions. TCKs, however, have been raised in a world where seemingly intuitive decisions have led to unforeseen out comes as a result of their incompatibility with culturally relevant norms. For example, a child begins her first day at an elementary school in a post-communist country. In the United States, she has been using pencils since she began writing in first grade. The teacher at her new school informs her that she needs a pen and that a pencil is unacceptable. The next day sh e brings a ball-point pen to class, but learns she is mistaken again, a f ountain pen is required for the class. Such experiences extend into the social realm as well. As a result, according to Pollock and Van Reken (2001) some TCKs may show increased levels of indecision.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 56 TCK Subcultures Adding to the complexity of identity attainment is the role that various institutions and organizations play in the developmental experiences of TCKs. These institutions and organizations include the military, diploma tic circles, missionary groups, and others. They can be understood as repr esenting subcultures within their own cultures and each may possess its own sets of norms. An adolesce nt TCK may not only have to come to an understanding as to how to fit into multiple ethnic cultures, but must adapt to a subculture as well. As previously noted, TCKs most of ten move because of the occupational requirements of their parents. The unique characteristics of such jobs, primarily the necessity to move around the globe, contribute to the emergence of distinct subcultures. Often a TCK is not only exposed to foreign cultures while moving, but also to the culture that arises within the specific commun ity of people sharing the occupation. Missionary Kids or MKs are children of missionary parents who were born or raised outside of their parent's birth culture. The parents of these children can be of any denomination or religion. Military Brats or Army Brats are another example of children brought up abroad and within a subculture. Th e military culture is pervasive and will often dictate the specific liv ing quarters, schooling, and so cial environments for the children of traveling military personnel. Similarly, children of diplomats or Diplomat Kids will travel between countries, attend inte rnational schools, and spend time amongst members of the expatriate diplomatic comm unity. Somewhat more loosely defined are Business Kids, the children of transna tional business people. A lthough the subculture of
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 57 this group may be less evident, some multinat ional corporations encourage employees to belong to a company culture when abroad. TCKs as a Super-Ordinate Group According to Gonzalez and Brown (2003) some bicultural individuals have dual identities Simultaneous high super-ordinate an d high subgroup categorization (p.195). In other words, an individual can be Cuban while simultaneously belonging to a larger American category. Their findings indicated that dual identity reduces bias and promotes positive inter-group attitudes. The authors state that within such an identity model the integrity of one ethnic identity is not diminished by the other. These findings may support the possibility that there are positive ps ychological outcomes for individuals who demonstrate a compatible bicultural identity within the bicultural identity integration model (BIIS; Benet-Martinez & Haritatos, 2002). The third culture as introduced by TCK theory could be conceptualized as a meta-cu lture or in the terms used by Gonzalez and Brown, a super-ordinate group that re quires one to have a separate dual identity Cultural Identity Shifts in TCKs during Adolescence and Early Adulthood According to cultural lear ning theory, successful adapta tion to a new culture and the acquisition of relevant cultural coping skil ls should be present even when individuals return to their home countries. Sussman (2000) argues that this is not always the case, and has proposed a revised cultural identity model that focuses on cultural identity shifts. Although these shifts were originally conceptualized to ap ply to returning expatriates, the model also applies toTCKs as they fall into this category. Cultural identity shifts occur during repatriation; they include subtractive, additive affirmative, and intercultural shifts. A subtractive identity shift results in the
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 58 individual feeling less connected with his or her home culture. When an additive shift takes place, the individual feels closer to his or her host culture upon returning home. Affirmative shifts usually occur when an individu al has not adapted to his or her host culture, leading to a strengthe ned home culture identity and a rejection of the host cultures values. The intercultural shift occurs when an i ndividual has been able to integrate both the host and home culture into his or her identity. No psychometric exists for Sussmans (2000) cultural identity shifts, but for the sake of exploration the current researcher administered a Likert scale that assessed the extent to which participants rated descriptions of each of the identity shifts as personally applicable. The Intercultural Shift and TCKs Sussman (2000) theorizes that the intercu ltural identity shift enables repatriates to hold multiple cultural scripts simultaneously and draw on each as the working selfconcept requires (p. 367). This is very sim ilar to the notion of dua l identities (Gonzalez & Brown, 2003), bicultural ident ity integration (Benet-Martinez & Haritatos, 2002), and the cultural frame-switching evidence (Hong et al., 2000). Sussman (2000) points out that the intercultural identity is neither a hybrid nor bicultural as proposed in the acculturation framework, but rather an emerge nt identity in whic h repatriates identify themselves as world citizens. It is unclear whether this ar ises during repatriation, while living in the host culture, or whether it may occur under both scenarios. This interpretation could be compatible with Gonzalez and Browns (2003) notion of dual identities. The world citizen id entity would be a super-ordinat e identity while the cultural identities would be a subordinate-identity. Su ssman argues that world citizens seek out companions with international experience and culture from around the world.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 59 Additionally, an individuals aw areness of his or her cultural identity, the processing of cultural aspects of ones identity, and an aw areness of changes to ones identity are prerequisites to the attainment of an inte rcultural identity. These conditions are most frequently present in adolescence. If Sussm ans claims are accurate, there may be a connection between the development of an intercultural identity and the adolescent period. Beyond a Cultural Identity Recent intercultural research and theory have contributed to what could be considered as a post-multicultural view of cultural identity and identities in general. This perspective is critical of the more rigid approaches to cultural identity and is relevant to the present discussion. Kim (1994) exemplifie s this approach, as he questions the four core assumptions made by cultural identity theorists. According to Kim (1994) the idea that th e failure to identify with a group will be harmful to psychological functioning is an assumption that does not have empirical support. Furthermore, cultural identity is ofte n assumed to be exclusive, in other words, an individual may belong to only one cultura l background. It also is perceived to be uniform in the sense that individuals identifi ed with a group have similar characteristics. Finally, perhaps the largest assumption is of permanence and conclusion, that is, such a thing as an achieved ethnic id entity exists (Phinny, 1989). Furthermore, as Wurgaft (2006) argues the existence of individuals with multiple cultural identities may undermine th e traditional conceptualization of cultural identity because it proposes that individua ls can produce their own cultural identities, rather than merely being products of thei r culture. In the case of some TCKs with
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 60 frequent multicultural experiences, an exemplar of the post-multicultural individual is one who chooses which cultures to affiliate with and when to do so. Instead of being bound to exist between the cultures in which he or she has developed, some TCKs may choose to transcend the concept of cultural identity entirely. After living in many different cultures you have learned to be a chameleon, to integrate and assimilate into the culture and find a sense of belonging not in things like 'where you are from' or 'where you were born' or 'where your parents are from' but to create an identity an belonging as part of a group of people not bound by culture. -Anonymous Survey Respondent Wurgaft (2006) uses the term cultura l hybridity, an alternative label for individuals who come from two or more di verse cultures. Her label is important to consider, as it encapsulates the advantage of existing within an in-between state while not excluding the notion of the third culture. Th e author is perceptive in pointing out that members of this group are not homogenous. Me mbers can vary in the degree to which they identify with various cultu res and to the extent to whic h they perceive their hybridity to be a hindrance or advantage. The Problem with Labels From the perspective of the cultural hybr id theory, with its description of the intercultural individual who transcends the common notion of culture, labeling such a person as a TCK or (any other label for that matter) is problematic. Aside from the fact that members of a group will always differ in some way from the group prototype, these terms reflect an attempt to make concrete a concept that is necessarily abstract.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 61 On one hand, the creation and awareness of the TCK label and the associated community has been helpful to many peopl e who felt isolated by their intercultural experiences during development. However, one may take the perspective that highly functional cultural hybrids are successful because they have come to see their identities as malleable, fluid and non-permanent. To place such individuals into categories with distinct boundaries se ems contradictory. TCKs and Identity The framework that best applies and the role of identity itself remain unclear with regard to the TCK population. Do such individuals have two separate cultural identities, an emergent third id entity, or a suband super-ordin ate identity (dual identity). Does one achieve a conclusive ethnic identity or is identity more fluid? The answers to these questions require appropr iate longitudinal investigatio ns that are beyond scope of the current study. Furthermore, it is likely th at evidence of each of these identity categories may be found amongst various TCKs. Nonetheless, through the use of several identity measures it may be possible to ac quire a better understanding of identity status among TCKs. A Dynamic Constructivist Approach Often culture has been conceptualized as a lens, a single framework through which perceptions are filtered. Hong et al. (2000) provi de an alternative approach to this notion of culture; they make use of a dynami c constructivist approach. Contrary to a the notion as single entity, this view presents culture as a network of loose yet distinct constructs, including implicit th eories and heuristics that guide cognition depending on their accessibility in an individuals mind.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 62 A constructivist approach is superior to the more traditional view of culture in as it applies to bicultural indivi duals in several resp ects. As argued by Hong et al. (2000), two internalized cultures would not necessa rily have to be blended together as LaFromboise, Coleman, and Gerton (1993) s uggest, and the new culture would not necessarily replace the original culture. Furthermore, a bicu ltural individual would be able to possess multiple cultural constructs simultaneously even though some many be conflicting. This has obvious implications for Benet-Martinez a nd Haritatos (2002) Bicultural Identity Integration theory, whic h examines whether bicultural individuals cultures are in harmony or conflict. The aforementioned dual identity concept described by Gonzalez and Brown (2003) may offer an importan t theoretical foundation for th e constructivist approach. Both agree that multiple cultural identities may exist within one individual without one replacing the other. However, as of yet an exploration of a possible hierarchical relationship among cultural iden tities -one culture being a subgroup of another -as proposed by Gonzalez and Brown (2003) ha s not been empirically investigated. Cultural Frame Switching The dynamic constructivist approach offers an alternative explanation for how bicultural individuals are capable of adapti ng and behaving in cultura lly appropriate ways despite coming into frequent contact with tw o cultures with divergent social norms. The act of switching culturally rele vant behaviors and me ntal frames has been referred to as Cultural Frame Switching (CFS; Hong, Chiu, & Kung, 1997). Frame switching is compatible with the concept of the switching bicultural identity introduced by LaFromboise et al. (1993). However, the cultural frame switching th eorist would argue,
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 63 as Nguyen and Benet-Martinez (2007) have, that switching bicultural is more likely to reflect a behavioral change, rath er than a new form of identity. The cultural frame switchi ng phenomenon has important implications for the understanding of the role of cultural identity. For example, Ramirez-Esparza, Gosling, Benet-Martinez, Potter, and Pennebaker (2004) demonstrated that la nguage in bilinguals can act as a prime in bringi ng about culturally linked differe nces in personality. Thus, a bicultural individual may be more introverted when primed with one culture than when primed with another. Furthermore, re searchers (Luna, Ringberg & Peracchio, 2008) recently found evidence that cultural fram e switching occurs onl y with bicultural bilinguals, not in bilinguals who are not bicultural. Hong et al. (2000) emphasize the centra lity of cognitive accessibility to the dynamic constructivist approach. The more acce ssible a cultural construct is, the more likely it will guide an indivi duals perception and possibly behavior. This emphasis is consistent with Ramirez-Esparza et al.s (2004) findings, as language is a culturally related factor that is highly accessible. Social psychologists have spent over half a century examining the impact of the accessibi lity of cognitive constructs via the use of cognitive priming. Priming Priming can be understood as the "noncons cious activation of social knowledge structures. For example, "priming a single so cial concept such as aggression can have multiple effects across a wide array of ps ychological systems, such as perception, motivation, behavior, and evaluation." (Bargh, 2 006) Hong et al.s (2000) participants were primed with either American icons, su ch as the American flag, or Chinese icons,
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 64 such as an image of the Great Wall, in order to elicit either American or Chinese cultural constructs when interpreting an ambiguous im age. The researchers conducted extensive pilot research in order to a ssess the strength of these primes for each of these respective cultural identities. Collectivism and Individualism in Culture Geert Hofstede (2001) introduced and deve loped methods for assessing the extent to which a culture could be characterized as i ndividualistic or collectivistic. In collectivist cultures strong ties between individuals can be found. Cohesion and loyalty to groups are highly valued. In such cultures harmony is usually emphasized and confrontation discouraged. In contrast, indi vidualist cultures exhibit l oose ties between individuals. Looking out for oneself and the immediate family tends to be the priority. Individuals are also encouraged to speak their mind (Hofstede, 1997). This categorization of cultures has not ev aded criticism (Ailon, 2008). One of the strongest arguments against th is typology is that it is t oo overarching and essentialist. These criticisms are similar to those made of the traditional view of cultural identity. Both approaches seem to rely heavily on an enduring cultur al condition rather circumstances and practices that may change over time. Nonetheless, Hong et al. (2000) were successful in finding distinctions on the cognitive level between bicultural individuals with mixed collectiv ist and individualist cultures Therefore, the collective and individualism ratings of various countries were utilized in the current study to examine cultural frame switching. See Table 36 for countries and their individualism rating. The Fundamental Attribution Error in Collectivist and I ndividualistic Cultures
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 65 A series of studies (Bond, 1983; Miller, 1984; Morris, Peng, 1994) have described evidence and offered theoretical explanations for differences between Western and nonWestern tendencies to display the fundame ntal attribution error. Ross (1977, p. 183) described this error as the tendency to underest imate the role of situational factors and to overestimate the role of disposi tional factors in cont rolling behavior. An example of this would be to interpret a man engaging in a fight as a result of his i nner hostile disposition rather than the situational factor of ha ving to defend himself from two muggers. Western individualist cultures tend to emphasize personal preferences and individual rights within a community, wher eas many non-Western collectivist cultures focus on the individual as a member of a community with emphasis on adherence to group norms. Although such cultural distinctions may appear to be over-generalized, numerous researchers have re ported evidence that links i ndividualistic cultures to a greater emphasis on dispositional factors and collective cultures to greater emphasis on situational factors when assi gning causal attributions for behavior (Morris, Peng, 1994; Hong et al., 2000). Cultural Frame Switching in Biculturals of Collectivist and Individualistic Cultures Hong et al.s (2000) bicultural participan ts displayed cultural frame-switching. Chinese individuals exposed to significant amounts of American culture, due to their upbringing in Hong Kong, were more likely to interpret a fishs behavior as being caused by internal or external factors, depend ing on the cultural prime. When a ChineseAmerican was primed with an American symbol, he or she tended to respond in a more individualistic way (internal, intentional factors emphasized). If the participant was primed with a Chinese symbol, he or she tended to respond in a more collectivist way
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 66 (external or situational caus al factors emphasized). This supported the claim that a bicultural individual could switch between cultural schemas and integrate two cultural norms into their behavior. Links between Bicultural Identity Theory and Cultural Frame Switching Benet-Martinez, Leu, Lee and Morris ( 2002) replicated the cultural frameswitching experiment (Hong et al., 2000) and also measured the bicultural identity integration of participants. Their results indicated that those who perceived themselves to have a compatible bicultural identity tend to frame-switch in culturally congruent ways. However, those participants who viewed thei r two cultural identitie s to be in conflict tended to respond in culturally incongruent ways. Thus the perception of ones dual cultural identities was found to be linked to the cognitive trai t of cultural frame switching. Current Study The current research made use of a di fferent experimental method to examine culturally related constructs. Rather than us ing cultural icons, partic ipants were either asked to write a paragraph describing either a single primary ethnicity with which they identified, or to write or a paragraph describing what it mean s to be a TCK. The use of a paragraph to prime participants has been used successfully in a previous study examining terror management theory (Norenzayan, Hansen & Jasmine, 2008). Because the current study lacks a pilot investiga tion, it could not be predic ted whether a TCK or ethnic identity prime would activate collectivist or individualistic constructs. However, it was hypothesized that the ethnic iden tity prime would e licit culturally congrue nt responses. In other words, bicultural individua ls primed with the task of describing what it means to be
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 67 from a collective culture will respond in a mo re collective way and those primed with an individualist culture will respond in a more individualistic way. It was further hypothesized that bicultural participants primed with the task of describing what it means to be a TCK would respond more collectively. This is because the participant will likely think about culture in a more global intercultural way as described by (Sussman, 2000). This way of thinking often stresses the commonality of people, such as the notion of world citizenship, despite differences in culture. Although no previous research has examined this predic tion, it was selected as an appropriate first exploration into this hypothesis. A number of exploratory analyses were conducted to determine whether there were associations among different cultural identity measures and participant types. Particular attention was focused on Phinney s (2007) Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure and the potential distinguis hing characteristics between TCKs and non-TCKs. It was hypothesized that TCKs would portray higher rate s of moratorium than other participants during early adulthood. Additionally, it was pred icted that significant differences would be found on the ethnic identi ty commitment subscale between TCKs and non-TCKs, in support of Kims (1994) critique of the permanence of cultural identity. Benet-Martinez and Haritatos (2002) Bicu ltural Identity In tegration Scale was predicted to measure higher distance and conf lict responses in bicultural TCKs than bicultural non-TCKs. This would be an expect ed outcome of frequent transitions between multiple cultures during childhood. The importance of adolescence was a ssessed by examining the potential link between the development of an intercultural identity shift and mobility during periods of
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 68 adolescence. It was hypothesized that incr eased movement during the ages of 12-15 and 16-19 would correlate with higher scores on the intercultural identity shift. Additional exploratory analyses were conducted to evaluate potential differences between TCKs rais ed in various subcultures. Army Brats were predicted to show the greatest differences from other TCKs due to the unique nature of living within the military subculture. And finally, as in the first study, the validity of the TCK Questionnaire (TCKQ) was examined. Method Participants Two-hundred and seventeen participants ( 71 males, 146 females) took part in the study, with ages ranging from 18 to 75 ( M = 26.3). The participants represented experiences from over 100 countries worldwid e, although 62% were born in the United States. Participants were recruited using social networking sites such as Facebook.com and Myspace.com. Recruitment information was posted on groups that dealt with multicultural experiences abroad (I went to an international school, Third Culture Kids Everywhere, You know you went to an international school when, Third Culture Kid). To obtain a comparison group, participants were recruited from local university groups. This was reflected in reporte d education levels with only 3% of those recruited having no post high school education. Divided into groups, 61 bicultural TCKs, 27 mono TCKs, 20 bicultural non-TCKs, and 109 mono culturals participated in the study. See Table 9 for an explanation of these typologies. Scales and Measures
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 69 There were seven survey segments with 34 questions in total (see Appendix), although non-TCKs were excluded from three of these segments. The first section included demographic questions pertaining to gender, age, number of languages spoken fluently, ethnic groups identifie d with, current country of re sidence and location of birth. Participants were also asked the number of times they moved, at what age, and to what countries they moved. During the second portion of the study participants were randomly assigned to one of three tasks a) "Please write a para graph about what it means to you to be a member of your ethnic group" (as previously indicated), b) "What doe s it mean to you to be a TCK? If you're not a TCK, what char acteristics/traits do you think a TCK would have? and c) "Please write a paragraph about what it means to you to be a student. If you are not currently a student, wh at did being a student once mean to you?" These tasks acted as a way of randomly priming particip ants not unlike the exposure to cultural images in Hong et al. (2000). Participants were then told to complete a purportedly unrelated task which consisted of an image of a single fish sw imming in front of a school of fish. After completion of this task, all participants were asked to complete the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Revised scale (MEIMR; Phinney, 2007). Individuals who were bicultural, therefore potentially having dual et hnic identity, were asked to complete the measure with reference to the ethnic group with which they most st rongly identified. If participants indicated that they never spent more than a year outside their birth countries, then they were not given any further questions and their participation in the study was complete. All other participants were asked to complete three additional
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 70 sections. The first consisted of a modified version of the Bicultural Identity Integration Scale (BIIS-1; Benet-Martin ez & Haritatos, 2005). The changes to this scale were limited to only the country variables. For example, I keep Chinese and American cultures separate was changed to I keep (a) and (b) cultures separate, where (a) and (b) represented the two countries the participant previously listed as strongly indentifying with. Participants were asked to rate the six items using a Likert scale; responses ranged from Strongly Disagree (1) to Strongly Agree (7). Respondents then were asked to comp lete a self-report measure derived from Sussmans Cultural Identity Shift theory (2000). Each of the items represents one of the four types of cultural identity shifts propos ed by Sussman. These include; subtractive, additive, affirmative, and intercultural. Participants were asked to rate each of the 4 items on a Likert scale from Strongly Disagree (1) to Strongly Agree (7). After completing this survey, participants were asked to choose one of the four cultural shifts they believed most appropriately reflecte d their own experiences, The seventh segment consisted of a 9-it em TCKQ, on which participants rated statements that were reported to be salient to TCKs according to Pollock and Van Renken (2001). This was a revision of an 11-item scale developed by the researcher in a previous study, and was shown to have statistically significant itemto-total reliability. Procedure Participants willing to take part in Study 2 were linked to a survey hosted on New College of Floridas servers. Before beginning the study part icipants were asked to read a consent form on which they verified that they were at least 18 years of age.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 71 Respondents were not allowed to skip questi ons. Responses were completely anonymous, no IP addresses were stored, and no awards were given for completing the survey. The use of a custom programmed survey al lowed for the use of survey techniques ordinarily limited in pen and paper met hodologies. The participants input to one question could be used as a part of a ques tion later in the survey. For example, when participants were asked to sele ct what ethnic group he or she identified with most. This input was then used in the instructions fo r the paragraph priming task. Please write a paragraph about what it means to you to be [input]. After completing the demographic ques tions and the paragraph writing task, participants were asked to vi ew an animation of a fish sw imming in front of a group of fish. Then, using a 9-point Likert scale, respondents were asked to indicate their agreement with explanations for why the sing le fish was swimming apart from the school of fish. A 1 on the scale indica ted strong agreement with the st atement that the one fish is being influenced by the group (e.g., being ch ased, teased, or pre ssured by the others) and 9 indicated strong agreement with the statem ent that the one fish is influenced by some internal trait (such as independence, personal objective, or leadership) (Hong et al., 2000). Participants responded to the 6 items on the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Revised by choosing a rating from Strongly Disagree (1) to Strongly Agree (7). The sum of these scores could range from 6 to 42, with higher scores being indicative of a stronger ethnic identity. Thr ee of the items were added to include the exploration subscale and the other three items were a dded to include the commitment subscale. Participants were asked to respond to the 6-item Bicultural Id entity Integration
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 72 Scale Version 1 (Benet-Martinez & Haritato s, 2005) using a Like rt scale that ranged from Strongly Disagree (1) to Strongly Agree (7). Three of the items assessed cultural conflict and the other three items were used to assess cultural distance. The four questions derived from Sussmans (2000) cult ural identity shift theory are independent and therefore to do not represent a scale. Thes e items were also rate d using a Likert scale from Strongly Disagree (1) to Strongly Agre e (7) to determine whether participants agreed with one of the cultural shift types more than the others or if some participants might have experienced multiple cultural identity shifts. The score on the TCKQ was derived by summing the total score for each of the 9 items. A five-point Likert scale was used to measure responses, ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5). The possible minimum and maximum scores were 9 and 45 respectively. A higher score was indicative of a higher level of TCK related attitudes. One of the questions was re versed. Using Surveymonkey.coms randomize function, all questions were posed in a random order. Results Cultural Frame Switching: Did bicultural pa rticipants portray cu ltural frame switching? Only bicultural TCKs who were from bot h individualistic and collective cultures ( n = 56) were included in the analysis. E ach participant was a ssigned a random subject matter to write a paragraph about. A total of 13 participants described what it meant to be a member of their ethnic group. A total of 9 pa rticipants wrote about what it meant to be a student. And 10 participants described what it is like to be a TCK. The ANCOVA was used to examine how this prime affected pa rticipants reports of how confidently they
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 73 rated the fish image. With the degree of indi vidualism and collectivism of the cultures the participants reported as belonging to as covariates, no significant difference was found between the three paragraph conditions. A t-test was conducted to further examine wh ether participants from collectivist and individualist cultures scor e differently in their ranking of the fish image. Ratings of the fish image by participants from either collectivist ( n = 5) or individualist ( n = 156) cultures were compared. No significant di fferences were found between scores when participants were primed with the culture he or she originated from. Due to the lack of significant difference in scores on the fish image task, no evidence was found to support the cultural frame switching hypothesis. The TCKQ: How did participants vary in their degree of TCK-ness? As in the first study, the validity of the TCKQ was assessed by examining whether the differences be tween total scores of nonTCK participants and TCK participants were significant. To evaluate whether TCKs ( n = 88) scored higher on the TCKQ than non-TCKs (n = 128), a two-tailed independent samples t -test was conducted. The mean score of TCKs was significantly higher than non-TCKs, t (214) = 8.55, p < .01. See Table 10 for mean values. As in study 1, TCK participants scored significantly higher on the TCKQ than non-TCKs. But what specific items of the que stionnaire show highest agreement amongst TCKs? A purely descriptive analysis of responses amongst TCK participants ( n = 88) revealed highest mean agreement with statements 2, 5, and 7. See Table 10 for mean and standard deviation values.These correspond to th e same three statements that participants most agreed with in Study 1.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 74 Study 2 included two new participant types, mono TCKs and bicultural nonTCKs. A one-way ANOVA was used to determin e whether the participant types differed in their total agreement on the TCKQ. These scores differed significantly, F (3,214) = 34.35, p < .001, 2 = 0.32. See Table 11 for descriptive values. Due to the unequal sample sizes, a posthoc Hochberg GT2 test was performed to examine the ANOVA findings in greater detail. Bicultural TCKs scored significantly higher than all other particip ants. Mono cultural participants scored significantly lower than all other participants on the questionnaire. However, the mono TCKs and bicultural non-TCKs did not differ signifi cantly. See Table 12 for mean differences and Figure 2 for graph. Despite the lack of overa ll significant differences between the mono TCKs (n = 27) and bicultural non-TCKs ( n = 19) in responses to the TCKQ, the groups responses to individual items on the TCKQ were compared to see if and where differences might be found. Two-tailed independent samples t -tests were conducted. Equal variances were not assumed as the sample size of each group was different. On item 1 the mean score of mono TCKs ( M = 3.56, SD = 1.8) was significantly higher than bicultural non-TCKs (M = 2.42, SD = 1.4), t (44) = 2.34, p < .05. On item 2 mono TCKs scored significantly lower ( M = 3.63, SD = 1.3) than bicultural non-TCKs ( M = 4.53, SD = .84), t (44) = -2.59, p < .05. Some of the TCK participants ( n = 55) reported that they belonged to a subculture while living abroad and thus were labeled as one of four TCK t ypes. This typology was used to examine differences in particip ants total scores on the TCKQ. A one-way ANOVA was also utilized to examine differences between total agreement on the TCKQ
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 75 among TCK types. The responses of the TC K types were found to be significantly different, F (3,51) = 3.28, p = .028, 2 = 0.16 See Table 13 for descriptive data Although the homogeneity of variance was broken, a sign ificant Brown-Forsythe test deemed the ANOVA analysis to be appropriate. Due to differences in samples sizes a post-hoc Hochberg GT2 was used to examine the ANOVA results in more detail. Army Brats scored significantly lower than Diplomat Kids on the TCKQ. Differences between Army Brats and Business Kids approached significan ce and although the difference in mean scores between Army Brats and Missionary Kids was not significant, the difference between mean scores was 4.8. See Table 14 for mean differences. See Figure 3 for graph. A one-way ANOVA was conducted to dete rmine which specific items yielded differences. On statement 4 Diplomat Kids ( M = 4.07, SD = 1.14) scored significantly higher than Army Brats ( M = 2.53, SD = 1.46), F(3,51) = 3.23, p = .03, 2 = 0.16. On statement 6, Army Brats scored signifi cantly lower than all other TCK types, F (3,51) = 5.83, p = .002, 2 = 0.26 See Table 15 for the mean differences of TCK type responses to statement six. Early Years: Does heightened mobility dur ing the developmental period link to greater TCK-ness? As in the first study, correlational analyses were used to determine whether there was a relationship between the number of move s experienced by participants before the age of 19 and total scores on the TCKQ. A Spearmans correlation coefficient was used due to the non-normal distribution of the movement data. All participants who completed the TCKQ ( N = 216) were included in this analysis. With an alpha level of .05 on a one-
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 76 tailed test, total TCK agreement scores were positively correlated with number of moves, r (216) = .53, p < .01 Movement data during different age periods and total scores on the TCKQ were again correlated (N = 216). The 12-15 years of ag e period yielded the strongest correlation, r (216) = .44, p < .01 using a two-tailed Spearmans correlation analysis. Table 16 illustrates the correlati ons with other age periods. These results differed slightly from the findings of the first study. These differences will be further elaborated in the discussion. The previous analysis was repeated, but with the inclusion of only mono TCKs ( n = 27). A significant correlation was revealed for the age period of 12-15, r(27) = .42, p < .05. See Table 17 for detailed correlations corresponding to the age period of 12-15 and mono TCKs. Bicultural Identity Integration Scale: Do bi cultural TCKs report hi gher conflict between their bicultural identities than bicultural non-TCKs? The BIIS-1 is intended to measure the exte nt to which a bicultural perceives his or her two cultures to be in conflict or harmony. The following analyses were performed to determine whether there were differences in responses to this instrument between the bicultural TCKs ( n = 61) and bicultural non-TCKs (n = 20). An independent t -test found that bicultural TCK part icipants scored higher ( M = 28.25) than the bicultural non-TCKs ( M = 26.15) but not significantly so. Of the bi cultural TCK respondents, 56% scored as being in high conflict on the BIIS, while 35% of the bicu ltural non-TCKs scored high on the BIIS. These differences did not reach significance.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 77 Using the TCK subculture categories, additional analyses were performed to determine whether the types of bicultural TCK participants ( n = 36) scored differently on specific BIIS items. A one-way ANOVA revealed a significant diffe rence between the responses of Army Brats ( M = 1.5, SD = .58) and Business Kids ( M = 4.78, SD = 1.90) on statement 5, F(3,35) = 3.33, p = .03, 2 = 0.24 See Table 18 for mean differences for other TCK types on question five BIIS Correlations: How does conflict in bicultu ral identity integration relate to other measures of bicultural identity? The BIIS is an important tool in that it can provide insight into the ways that biculturals experience conflict among their multiple cultural identities. The scores on this scale were correlated with several other it ems and measures to assess any there were relationships among the responses. All bicultura l participants who co mpleted the entire survey ( n = 80) were included in a two-tailed Pear son correlation that paired high scores on the BIIS (identity conflict) and responses to items on the TCKQ. High agreement with items 1, 4, and 6 were significantly correlated with higher scores on the BIIS. See table 19 for data pertaining to the TCKQ item to BIIS total correlation analysis. Scores on the BIIS also were paired with Sussmans (2000) cultural identity shifts in an additional correlational analysis. Agr eement with the subtractive identity shift was found to moderately correlate w ith high scores on the BIIS. See Table 20 for correlational data pertaining to all identity shifts. BIIS Distance and Conflict Subscales: How do re sponses to the BIIS subscales relate to responses to the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure?
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 78 When only bicultural TCK participants were included in the analysis, BIIS distance was negatively correlated with total scores on the MEIM, r (61) = -.30, p < .05 using a two-tailed test. The more a bicultu ral TCK experienced distance between his or her two cultural identities, the lower scores he or she received on ethnic exploration r (61) = -.29, p < .05 and commitment r (61) = -.26, p < .05. However, the same relationships were not evident with the BIIS conflict measure. When the same analysis was repeated w ith bicultural non-TCK participants, these correlations were not significant. However, BIIS conflict was nearly significantly positively correlated to total scores on the MEIM with an r (20) = .39, p = .09 This may indicate that the more conflict a bicultural non-TCKs experience, the more likely they will explore their ethnic identity. A previous analysis reveal ed that higher responses to the BIIS correlated with higher agreement with Sussmans subtractive id entity shift (when I return to my country of birth, living in my birth cu lture, I feel less comfortable with its values, norms, and less similar to my compatriots there) as seen in Table 20. When the same correlational test was conducted examining the subtractive ident ity shift with the tw o subscales of the BIIS, the conflict subscale was f ound to be moderately correlated, r (80) = .45, p < .01 However, BIIS distance did not correlate wi th the subtractive iden tity shift responses. Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: Were more TCKs in the moratorium ethnic identity stage than other participants? How did participants differ on the MEIM overall? The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Meas ure assesses the degree to which a participant reports exploration and commitment to one of their ethnic groups. It was hypothesized that amongst young adult participants aged 18-24 ( n = 146), there would be
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 79 a greater number of TCKs in the moratorium stage than in other participant groups. A one-sided Chi-square conducted, 2(9, 146) = 15.44, p = .04 See Table 21 for ethnic identity stages for all participants between the ages of 18-24. A greater percentage of Bicultural TCKs participants were found to be in moratorium than mono TCKs and mono cultural participants, thus the hypothesis was partially supported. It was assessed whether different partic ipants in this study scored differently on the MEIM overall. A one-way ANOVA was performed to search for differences between total agreement scores on the MEIM and participant types. The responses were found to be significantly different, F (3,215) = 3.9, p = .01, 2 = 0.05. See Table 22 for descriptive data and Figure 4 for a graphical representation. A post-hoc Hochberg GT2 test was used to explore these findings in greater detail. Bicultural non-TCKs showed significantly higher ag reement than mono cultural participants. Differences between bicultura l non-TCKs and bicultural TCKs approached significance. See Table 23 for mean diffe rences. Additionally, a one-way ANOVA used to compare total scores on the MEIM between TCK types found no significant differences. Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Ex ploration Subscale: Did TCK participants respond differently than non-TCKs? A one-way ANOVA was used to test whethe r participant type affected responses to the exploration subscales of the MEIM. A test of homogeneity of variance was shown to be broken, but both Brown-Forsythe and Welch tests indicated significant F values, preserving the appropriateness of the significant ANOVA results, F (3,215) = 3.8, p = .01, 2 = 0.05 Bicultural non-TCKs scored significan tly higher on ethnic id entity exploration
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 80 than mono cultural participants. See Table 24 for descriptive data and Table 25 for significant mean differences. Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Commitm ent: Did TCK participants respond lower than non-TCKs? The responses of participants on the ME IM commitment subscale were compared. The one-way ANOVA for commitment also reached significance, F (3,215) = 3.26, p = .02, 2 = 0.04 A post-hoc Hochberg's GT2 procedure was used due to unequal samples sizes. Bicultural non-TCKs scored significantly higher than mono cu ltural participants and bicultural TCKs. See Table 26 for descriptive data, Table 27 for mean differences, and Figure 5 for a graphical representation. The concept of commitment is importan t in differentiating between bicultural TCKs and bicultural non-TCKs. Therefore, a Ch i-square was used to compare individuals with high and low commitment in each gr oup. A median split was calculated for the commitment subscale ( Mdn = 12). Of the bicultural TC Ks 66% reported low ethnic identity commitment while 35% of the bicu ltural non-TCKs reported low commitment. The distribution of these values differed from what would be expected by chance 2(1, N = 81) = 5.8, p > .05. It was argued that high ethnic identity commitment conflicts somewhat with the conceptualization of TCK-ness. A two-tailed Pearson correlation was used to compare the scores of bicultural TCKs on the ME IM commitment subscale with the total agreement on the TCKQ. A moderate negative correlation was found, r (61) = -.46, p < .01. A more detailed analysis correlating the MEIM commitment subscale with individual
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 81 items of the questionnaire found significant ne gative relationships. See Table 28 for an TCKQ item to MEIM commitment correlational analysis. Cultural Identity Shifts and Participant Types: Do participants vary in their agreement with Sussmans cultural identity shifts? The cultural identity shifts are statements that reflect how a person may feel while living in a foreign country or having returned to a home coun try after living abroad. Each one of the four statements represents a type of shift. Subtractive Identity Shift A one-way ANOVA compared the respons es of participant types to the subtractive identity shift statements. Significance was found, F (3,215) = 2.70, p = .05, 2 = 0.06. The mean agreement responses of bicultural TCKs were significantly higher than the responses of mono TCKs and mono cultural participants when given the statement When I return to my country of birth, living in my birth culture, I feel less comfortable with its values, norms, and less similar to my compatriots there. See Table 29 for mean differences. Additive Identity Shift A one-way ANOVA compared the responses of participant types to the additive identity shift statements, however no significant differences were found. Affirmative Identity Shift A one-way ANOVA compared the respons es of participant types to the affirmative identity shift statemen ts. Significant differences were found, F (3,215) = 3.56, p = .015, 2 = 0.05. Mono TCKs scores were significantly higher than mono cultural participants scores in respons e to the statement, When I liv e outside my birth culture, I
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 82 identify with and feel more strongly about my birth culture. See Table 30 for mean differences. Intercultural Identity Shift A one-way ANOVA compared the respons es of participant types to the intercultural identity shift statem ents. The ANOVA showed significance, F (3,215) = 2.77, p = .043, 2 = 0.04. Bicultural TCKs scores were significantly higher than mono cultural participants scores. S ee Table 31 for mean differences. Cultural Identity Shifts and Movement during Adolescence: Does heightened mobility during one of the four developmental periods link to higher responses to the cultural identity shifts? It was hypothesized that there would be a relationship betw een the development of an intercultural identity shift and mobility during periods of adolescence. Due to the non-normal distribution of the movement data, a two-tailed Spearman test was performed. For bicultural TCKs (n = 61) increased movement between the ages of 8-11 was shown weakly correlate with response to the intercultural id entity shift item, r (61) = -.29, p < .01 However, when the number of moves of mono TCKs ( n = 27) and responses to the intercultural identity shift statement were correlated, a significant moderate positive relationship was found,, r (27) = .47, p < .01 for the age period of 12-15 years. Furthermore, items 1 (subtractive identity shift) and 2 (additive identity shift) were also positively correlated, r (27) = .48, p < .01 and r (27) = .39, p < .05 respectively. No other significant correlations between number of move s during each of the four age periods and responses to the cultural iden tity shift statements. See Tabl e 32 for all correlation data
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 83 pertaining to the heightened mobility of mono TCKs and agreement with the cultural identity shifts. Cultural Identity Shifts and TCK Type: Do Army Brats differ from other TCK types in their agreement with the cultural identity shifts? Due to variations in sample size, the only item appropriate for analysis using a one-way ANOVA was the cultural identity shift question 1. The re sponses of the TCK types to this question were compared. A test of homogeneity of variance was broken, but the F-value of both the Welch and Brown-Fors yth tests were shown to be significant. There were significant di fferences among types, F (3,215) = 4.50, p = .007, 2 = 0.21 Due to differences in sample sizes a post hoc Gabriel test was conducted. Results indicated that the mean agreement of Army Brats wa s significantly lower than Business Kids and Diplomat Kids. Additionally, the diffe rence between Army Brat responses and Missionary Kid responses neared significan ce. See Table 33 for mean differences. Cultural Identity Shift Selection Participants were asked to choose one of the four identity shifts with which they most identified. No significant differences were found among participant types or TCK types. Discussion The Third Culture Kid Questionnaire (TCKQ) The TCKQ measures the extent to whic h participants agree with statements frequently made by TCKs and can be thus thou ght of as a very basic tool for measuring TCK-ness. As in Study 1, both TCKs and non-TCKs were asked to complete the
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 84 TCKQ. And as in the first study, as expected the TCKs scored si gnificantly higher on the scale than non-TCK participants. The participants in Study 2 were divi ded into two additional subgroups. These include bicultural TCKs, mono TCKs, bicultural non-TCKs, and mono cultural participants (see Table 10). The mean sc ores of these participant types differed significantly. The greatest extent of agr eement with the statements on the TCKQ was found in the bicultural TCK participant group. These scores were higher than the mean scores of all other participan t types. Overall, these findi ngs provide further support for the validity of the TCK Questionnaire. Howeve r, an unanticipated finding was that TCKs who identify as bicultural differ in their responses from TCKs who do not. The common conceptualization of the TCK is of an individual who has spent a significant portion of his or her developmental period in a forei gn country and thus has integrated multiple cultures into his or her identity. These findings clearly demonstrate that not all TCKs identify themselves as bicultural and these individuals have a tende ncy to score lower on the TCKQ. When the TCKQ was examined to see wh ich of the questions generated highest agreement amongst all TCK participants, the sa me three questions identified in Study 1 (2, 5, and 7) were identified. Th ese three questions, I have a strong grasp of two or more cultures, I could blend in well while in a fore ign country, and I feel at home in two or more countries, are believed to be highly descriptive of TCKs. Curiously, these three statements are all positive and could have b een affected by social desirability concerns. As expected, mono TCKs and bicultural non-TCKs levels of agreement with the statements were higher than the mono cu ltural participants. Although mono TCKs and
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 85 bicultural non-TCKs differ in many respects, most likely the exposure to multiple cultures has influenced the responses of both groups to the TCKQ statements. Contrary to expectations, the mono TCKs and bicultural non-TCKs did not differ in their TCKQ scores. In other words, no difference was f ound between the total scores of individuals that do not identify as bicultu ral yet moved between two or more cultures in their youth, and participants who lived in only one country their entire life yet identify as being of two cultural backgrounds as a result of herita ge. This finding suggests the necessity for future enhancement of the TCKQ. Ideally, the measure should be ab le to differentiate between the two population types. However, thes e results also reveal a similarity between the two groups: although not having lived in a foreign country for extended period, bicultural individuals appear to identi fy with statements made about TCKs. When an item analysis was conducted comparing mono TCKs to bicultural nonTCKs, two important differences stood out. Fi rst, mono TCKs agreed with the statement 1 (Where are you from? can be a challenge fo r me to answer) more than bicultural nonTCKs. This is a crucial difference between the two groups. The mono TCK group, as a consequence of moving frequently between count ries, finds that explaining where they are from is difficult. The bicultural non-TCK group, alt hough of two cultural backgrounds, does identify with this difficulty to the same degree. S econd, the bicultural non-TCK participants agreed w ith the statement I have a strong grasp of two or more cultures to a greater extent than the mono TCKs. In other words, bicultural individuals who have not experienced heightened mobility during their youth feel they have a better grasp of two cultures than mono cultural individuals w ho moved frequently between cultures.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 86 Returning to the general an alysis of the TCKQ, the TCK participants were further divided into subgroups. Several types of TCKs have been identif ied; these include missionary kids, army brats, business kids, a nd diplomat kids. These individuals not only moved from one country to the next as children, but were also exposed to what can best be described as subcultures due to the profession of one or both of their parents. When the responses of each subgroup were compared, the army brats were differed most from the other TCK types. This finding supports the previous literature, as life on army bases can add a distinct quality to the experience of living in a foreign country. The military often attempts to do its best to offer comforts of home and to create an atmosphere of a home away from home, which sometimes isolates military families from the host culture. The responses of army brats to statem ent 1 of the TCKQ may be reflect these circumstances. These participants scored lowe r than all other TCK types and significantly lower than diplomat kids when rating the st atement the culture of my home country often feels foreign to me. In other words, when army brats return to their home country they report that it feels less foreign to them than other TCK types report. This distinction is also evident in the army brat groups response to statement 6, When I am home, I frequently miss living in a different country where I once lived. Army brats responses differed from all other TCK types; they tend ed to disagree, while the other groups tended to agree. Army brats are more likely to report not longing for the countries they have visited as much as the other TCK types. As these are simply self-report measures, we can only speculate why this may be so, but a potential factor may be the degree of integration
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 87 the other TCK types experienced while in the ho st country in contrast to the experience of army brats. Bicultural Identity Integration Scale (BIIS) Bicultural Participants The BIIS measured whether the two cultu ral identities of bicultural participants were integrated or in conflict. Although no significant differences were found between the two groups of bicultura l participants, 35% of the bicultural non-TCK group was found to have high conflict/dis tance between identities, wh ereas 56% of bicultural TCK group was found to be in high conflict. These differences approached significance, but potentially because of the disparity betw een the two population sizes, significance was not reached. Additionally, a weak positive correlation was found between total scores on the TCKQ and higher (conflict) scores on the BIIS This was particularly evident for TCK statements 1 (Where are you from? can be a challenge for me to answer) and 4 (The culture of my home country often feels fo reign to me). These results are important because TCKs who agree with these statements may not simply be experiencing confusion, but also may experience conflic t between their cultural identities This interpretation is further supported by the moderate correlation between total scores on the BIIS and what Su ssman (2000) refers to as the subtractive identity shift, which is captured by item 1 (whe n I return to my country of birth, living in my birth culture, I feel less comfortable with its values norms, and less similar to my compatriots there) on the cultural identity shift questionnai re. Curiously this link was only evident in the conflict subscale of the B IIS and not in the distance su bscale. So, perceiving ones
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 88 dual cultures to be separate or combined is not associated with the subtractive identity shift. But perceiving ones two cultures as in conflict is associated with a greater feeling of discomfort when returni ng to the home culture. The difference in the extent of bicultural identity integration in the bicultural TCK and bicultural non-TCK groups may be related to the high mobility of the bicultural TCKs. Bicultural individuals living in a si ngle country will likel y encounter cultural differences in a consistent manner, as one of their cultures will differ from the majority culture. For bicultural TCKs, both of their cu ltures are likely to be experienced as being different from the majority culture. For example, a Chinese American living only in the United States will experience being partly Am erican. Whereas as Chinese American who has spent a significant part of his or her li fe in both China and the United States will experience what it is like to be outside the ma jority in both China and America. However, it is equally true that these i ndividuals may experience what it is like to be a majority in both China and United States. These conflicti ng experiences may contribute to a higher rate of perceived conflicted cultura l identities in bicultural TCKs. Future research should also examine the relationship between BII and psychogical/social adjustment, speci fically bicultural competence. -Benet-Martinez et al. (2002) Although not the main focus of the se cond study, the use of the TCKQ allowed Benet-Martinezs (2002) sugges tion to be pursued. Three of the statements on the TCKQ were I have a strong grasp of two or more cu ltures, I could blend in well in a foreign country, and I feel home in two or more countries. One would expect agreement with these statements to be negatively correlated with scores indicating a conflicted cultural
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 89 identity on the BIIS. None of these statemen ts were correlated. However, the BIIS was successful in identifying items in the TCKQ that alluded to possible di fficulties in social adjustment. These were, 1) Where are you from ? can be a challenge for me to answer; 3) Im rarely content in one place, be it a c ity, state of country for long. Im a mover; 4) The culture of my home country often feels foreign to me; and 6) When I am home, I frequently miss living in a different country where I once lived. No conclusions about the relationship between the BIIS-1 and bicultural competence can be confidently made based on the current results. However, the BIIS appears to reveal a relationship between responses to statements on the TCKQ and difficu lties with social and cultural adjustment. TCK Types Bicultural army brats appear to score si gnificantly lower than bicultural business kids on the individual statement 5 (I am conflicted between the (c ulture a) and (culture b) ways of doing things). Although the differences were not sta tistically signi ficant except for the aforementioned business kids, on average bicultural army brats disagree with this statement while all other bicultural TCK types agree. Multigroup Ethic Identity Measure (MEIM) Bicultural non-TCKs scored higher than all other participant types on the MEIM with the exception of mono TCKs, who scor ed lower but not significantly so. This finding may be due to the small sample si ze in the mono TCK category. The MEIM was administered to all participant types but it was originally designed for bicultural individuals (Phinney, 2007) and it is thus appropriate that bi cultural participants scored highest on the measure. One interpretation of this outcome may be that non-bicultural
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 90 participants, whether TCKs or not, identify them selves as being of one cultural heritage and are thus less likely in need to explore or consciously commit to an ethnic group. Curiously, bicultural TCKs scored significantly lower on the MEIM than bicultural non-TCKs. If bot h groups are bicultural, shoul d they not display similar characteristics in the development of an et hnic identity? This difference strongly suggests that moving frequently between countries may impact how one develops such an identity. With the use of the two MEIM subscales, it is possible to fu rther explore the differences between the two bicultural pa rticipant groups. Bicu ltural TCKs and bicultural non-TCKs did not differ in their degree of ethnic iden tity exploration. However, bicultural TCKs reported less commitment to an ethnic ident ity. These differences are congruent with the current literature on TCKs, which proposes that TCKs may experience a longer period of moratorium and therefore a delayed adoles cence. Additionally, th e lower levels of commitment in bicultural TCKs than in bicultural non-TCKs support Kim (1994) and Wurgraft (2006) in their critique of the permanent nature of an ethnic identity. There are several possible explanatio ns for these findings. From a young age, bicultural TCKs may frequently move between the countries that form a part of their bicultural identity. For a TCK, learning about ones bicultural bac kground may consist of actually living in and speaking to members of his or her cultures. Ho wever, the notion of committing to one culture is difficult as it may imply the rejection of the other. The complexity of committing to an identity is best reflected in the four TCK identity types theorized by Pollock and Van Reken (2001). Perhaps a lower ethnic identity commitment plays an adaptive function. Being less committed might allow for greater flexibility when transitioning between cultures.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 91 The relationship between high scores on the commitment subscale and lower scores on the TCKQ supports th e notion of decreased ethnic identity commitment in bicultural TCKs. Two of the TCK items that were correlated referred to a lack of sense of belonging to culture or place. (Where are you from? can be a challenge for me to answer. And The culture of my home country often feels forei gn to me.) The results of the current study support the idea that the le ss committed a bicultural TCK is to an ethnic identity the more he or she will agree with statements made about TCKs in general, and the more he or she may lack a sense of belonging to an ethnic culture or group. Cultural Identity Shifts As expected, bicultural TCKs scored significantly higher than mono TCKs and mono cultural participants on th e subtractive identity shift por tion of the cultural identity shift questionnaire. Bicultural TC Ks agree that as they return to their respective country of birth, they feel less comfortable with their birth culture. Although TCK participants were expected to agree with this statement more than non-TCKs, no differences in the additive identity shift were found .This may reflect a social desirability effect, as all participants ag reed that their identity resembles that of the host culture in which they are living. Alterna tively, the statement may not be sufficiently sensitive to distinguish between participant types. Also, the notion of ones identity resembli ng that of a foreign cultures may mean something different to a TCK than a non-TCK. Having lived in foreign cultures and seen how people act on a daily basis, TCKs may be more aware of how different cultures can, even on the minutest level. Non-TCKs may feel more confident that their identity will
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 92 resemble the culture of a host country, whereas TCKs may perceive true resemblance to be more difficult. Another unexpected outcome occurred with responses to the affirmative cultural identity shift statement. It was hypothesized that mono cultural par ticipants would agree most strongly with, When I live outside my birth culture, I identify with and feel more strongly about my birth culture. However, th ese participants scores were lowest while the mono TCKs were highest. This is another important finding; it may demonstrate the role that a bicultural identity (or the lack thereof ) plays in TCKs. Sussman (2002) argues that individuals who experience an affirmative cultural identity shift are likely to ignore cultural discrepancies between the home and host cultures and will have their homeculture identity strengthened. This finding may help to explain why mono TCKs did not identify themselves as bicultural. As hypothesized, bicultural TCKs scored significantly higher than mono cultural participants on the global cultural identity sh ift measure; they reported that they were able to identify with the values and no rms of both birth culture and host cultures. However, as in the case of the additive cu ltural identity shift, all participant groups agreed with this statement. It too may be su sceptible to the social desirability effect. Being able to identify with the norms of mu ltiple cultures is desirable, but the degree to which participants are actually capab le of doing so cannot be measured. Across TCK types, the army brats scored significantly lower in response to the subtractive identity shift when compared to business kids, diplomat kids, and nearly significantly from missionary kids. Army brat s agree less with the statement, when I return to my country of birth, I feel less comfortable with my birth culture. This further
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 93 supports other results, such as army brats re porting to feel less cu lturally conflicted upon their return home and missing thei r host country to a lesser degree. Cultural Identity Shifts and Increased Mobility The hypothesis that mobility during adol escence would correlate with agreement with the intercultural identity shift (I can identify with the values and norms of both my birth culture and my host culture) was partly supported by the data. It appears that the responses of mono TCKs who do not iden tify as being bicult ural do support the hypothesis. Somewhat counterintu itively, these TCKs who do not consider themselves to be of dual cultural identities are able to id entify with the norms of both the cultures they have lived in when they have experienced more frequent moves between the age of 1215. Overall, the age period of 12 -15 was part icularly important for mono TCKs. Both the subtractive (When I live in a hos t culture, a country I was not born in, I feel my identity resembles the host cultures values, norms, and behaviors) and additive (When I return to my country of birth, living in my birth cultur e, I feel less comfortable with its values, norms, and less similar to my compatriots th ere) identity shifts were moderately correlated to more frequent moves during this period and only th is period. The same pattern was evident in the relationship be tween heightened mob ility during various periods and total agreemen t with the TCKQ. The responses of mono TCKs were moderately correlated with increased mobility between the ages of 12 and 15, but no relationships were found between th e measures during any other period. Additive and subtractive identity shifts in TCKs are more strongly emphasized within the TCK literature than the other shif ts (Pollock and Van Reken, 2001). Also, it is not surprising that there was no relationship between the affirmative identity shift (When
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 94 I live outside my birth culture, I identify w ith and feel more strongly about my birth culture) and heightened mobility during this period, since it is not believed to be a common trait amongst TCKs. However, mono TCKs did respond most positively to the affirmative identity shift statem ent. In other words, with th e greater number of transitions a mono TCK experiences between the ages of 12 and 15, the more likely he or she is to identify with the traits of TCKs. Yet, when the responses of mono TCKs are examined outside the context of heighten ed mobility, they score higher on the affirmative identity shift than other participants. In the case of bicultural TCKs, more fr equent movement prior to adolescence is associated with disagreement with the interc ultural identity shif t stage. Although they describe themselves as bicultural, the multiple transitions TCKs experience during preadolescence may lead them to feel less able to identify with the two cultures of their upbringing. The Developmental Aspect As in study 1, a moderate correla tion was found between agreement with statements on the TCK Questionnaire and frequency of movement between countries before adulthood. The present results provide ad ditional support to the hypothesis that the more frequently an individual transitions from one country to the next, the more likely he or she will respond positively to statements on the TCKQ. As in Study 1, when mobility during f our specific periods of age period was explored, weak to moderate correlations w ith TCKQ scores were found. However, in the present study the period of 8 to 11 had the w eakest correlation to TCKQ scoes, which is contrary to the findings in Study 1, in which moves during this age period correlated most
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 95 strongly with TCKQ scores.. Thus, the quest ion of whether mobility during one period more so than others is more associated with more agreement with TCKQ statements remains unanswered. When the responses of mono TCKs were examined separately from bicultural TCKs, a different pattern emerged. Increased mobility between the period of 12 to 15 was consistently correlated with the relevant cultural identi ty shifts (Sussman, 2000) and scores on the TCKQ. This finding should be ca refully reexamined in future studies, but the strength of the correlation a nd the lack of any si gnificant relationships in the other age periods suggests there may be sensitive period in the development of TCK-ness. Problems to Address The major flaw of the current study was related to the cultural frame switching methodology. This study made use of a heavily modified version of the instruments used previous studies (Hong et al, 2000; RamirezEsparza et al. 2004). The present study did not use a pilot study to determine the suitability of the paragraph tasks as primes that would affect attributions fo r the behavior of the fish image was a major shortcoming. Another weakness in the pr esent study was related to the lack of diversity amongst the participants. Although over a hundr ed countries were represented, most participants reported a signifi cant level of exposure to West ern culture. In fact, only one participant reported having lived in collec tive cultures with no exposure to an individualistic culture. One could also ch allenge the validity of Hofstedes (2001) collective and individualistic ratings. Countries are becomi ng increasingly Westernized since the creation of the scale over a decade ago. Future Directions
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 96 The development of subscales in the TC KQ to address various aspects of being a TCK, such as belonging, heightened mob ility, and cultural adaptability should be pursued. Also, it might be advantageous to include items that could differentiate bicultural TCKs from non-bicultural TCKs. The report of differences between self-i dentified bicultural TCKs and mono TCKs makes an important contribution to current TCK literature. Someone that has lived in foreign countries throughout his or her devel opmental period is usually considered to be bicultural. It was unexpected that a number of TCKs would not id entify themselves as biculturals. This unexpected finding should be addressed by fu ture researchers. Are mono TCKs truly not bicultural? Or do these individuals integrate multiple cultures despite not identifying as bicultural? Support was found for a developmental pa ttern associated with TCKs and a potential sensitivity period was also highlight ed. These findings need further testing with larger sample sizes. One avenue for future research would be to examine TCKs before and after learning about the meaning of the term. Anec dotal evidence indicates that after becoming aware of the TCK label, individuals may expe rience a sense of relief and increase in wellbeing, partly because of the realization that there are similar others out there. TCKs can serve as an in-group for these individuals, and may help them resolve questions of identity. The TCK label could act as a form of identity attain ment that promotes psychological well being in individuals who f ace multiple cultural transitions throughout their life.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 97 The current study supported the prediction th at bicultural TCKs are less likely to exhibit high ethnic identity commitment, yet exhibit similarly high ethnic identity exploration as bicultural non-TCKs. With this in mind, future rese archers should explore how TCKs perceive their cultural hybridity within this context, and determine whether a non-committed identity offers the TCK an a dvantage. A potential re lationship may exist between the perception of the TCKs identity as being a hindrance or a positive resource, and the ways in which a TCK uses this f acet of their identit y. A bicultural TCK who perceives that existing between cultures is a good thing may dem onstrate more cultural competence and well being than one who does not Perhaps exploration into the notion of a highly functional cultural hybrid would be illuminating. General Discussion Both studies found strong support for the reli ability of the TCK Questionnaire and its ability to distinguish TCK participants from non-TCK participants. Consistent findings were found on the TCKQ throughout Study 1 and 2. Heightened mobility during the developmental period was shown to be linked to higher agreement with TCK traits and the age period of 12-15 was shown to be of pa rticular importance to mono cultural TCKs. Although there were no differences f ound in the first study between selfmonitoring behavior in TCK and non-TCK participants, self-monitoring may still be a relevant trait for TCKs. This interpretation is supported by multiple correlational findings linking self-monitoring with TCK measures. Several issues related to the self-monitoring scale were identified. These pertained to both the measurement itself and the part icipant group to whom it was administered.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 98 The scale itself appeared to place strong emphasis on adju sting one's appearance after self-monitoring rather than the process of se lf-monitoring in itself. In other words, the scale omits the possibility that some individuals may self-monitor yet not adjust their behavior or appearance. A clear understanding of how TCKs adjust to various cultural norms in different countries will require further investigation. If this adjust ment is over-learned, it is possible that TCKs could abide by cultural nor ms without the need to self-monitor. A TCK may not have to pay attention to whether he or she is acting in a culturally correct way because such actions have become second na ture. If this is true, then response on the Self-Monitoring Scale woul d not be diagnostic. One of the most important findings re ported in the second study is the presence of TCKs who do not identify as bicultural. It has been assumed that the experience of growing up in multiple cultures would lead to identification with two or more cultures; however this does not appear to be the case for a sizable portion of the TCK participants. Future research should explore why this may be so. Differences betw een bicultural TCKs and mono cultural TCKs were found in th eir level of agreement with the TCK Questionnaire, agreement with Sussman's (2000) cultural identity shift, and the percentage of individuals in the moratorium stage of the Multi Et hnic Identity Measure (Phinney, 2007). These differences highlight the importance of future investigations into the role of a bicultural identity in TCKs. The MEIM (Phinney, 2007) demonstrated that bicultural TCKs and bicultural non-TCKs differ in their level of commitment to an ethnic identity. Lower levels of commitment in bicultural TCKs not only il lustrate how the expe rience of a TCK may
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 99 alter what it means to be bicultural, but it may also provide clues into how bicultural TCKs function. Perhaps lower commitment to an ethnic identity amongst TCKs is not only a result of frequent exposure to a multit ude of cultures, but also a way of coping with and adapting to the demands of a highl y mobile life. The use of the MEIM has provided support for the observations of Pollo ck and Van Reken (2001) about TCK traits in general, and the models proposed by Ki m (1994) and Wurgaft (2006) that suggest a more flexible cultural identity found in some cultural hybrids. It was suggested (Benet-Martinez et al., 2002) that the BIIS may be a useful tool for examining positive cultural adjustment. Th e current study did not find support for this assertion, however conflict with bicultural identity integration was correlated with numerous statements which related to difficulties in cultural adjustment. This is a valuable finding that suggests ways in which th e BIIS may be utilized in future research, perhaps in regards to psychological well being and the multicultural experience. With these results in mind, it would be most fruitful to investigate the concept of a highly functional cultural hybri d. The fundamental mechanism that underlies this concept has been described by Wurgaft (2006); she labels it creative marginality. The consequences of further research may be a greater understanding of cultural adaption within the context of positive psychology, as well as a better unde rstanding of how to maximize well being in bicultural individuals.
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TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 106 Figures Figure 1 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 TCK Non-TCK Participant TypeTotal TCKQ Score Figure 2 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 36 38 Bicultural TCK Mono TCK Bicultural Non-TCK Mono Cultural Participant TypeTotal TCKQ Score
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 107 Figure 3 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 Army Brat Missionary Kid Business Kid Diplomat Kid TCK TypeTotal TCKQ Score Figure 4 10 15 20 25 30 35 Bicultural TCK Mono TCK Bicultural Non-TCK Mono Cultural Participant TypeTotal MEIM Score
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 108 Figure 5 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 Bicultural TCK Mono TCK Bicultural Non-TCK Mono Cultural Participant TypeMEIM Commitment Score
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 109 Tables Table 1 Correlations Between Self Reported Exposure to Foreign Culture as a Child and SelfMonitoring Scores Participant Type n Self-Monitoring All Participants 282 .16** TCKs 195 .19** Non-TCKs 87 .12 *p < .05. ** p < .01. Table 2 Correlations Between TCKQ Items and Self-Monitoring Total Scores Item Total Self-Monitoring Scores TCKs ( n = 195) 1 .19** 5 .13* 7 .12* 8 .17** p < .05. ** p < .01.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 110 Table 3 Two-Tailed Independent Samples T-test for TCKs and Non-TCKs on TCKQ Mean Standard Deviation T-value Itema TCK Non-TCK TCK Non-TCK Tck1 3.73 1.8 6.38 1.20 11.31** Tck2 4.34 3.28 .95 1.34 6.70** Tck3 3.38 2.82 1.22 1.23 3.57** Tck4 3.53 2.74 1.36 1.25 4.80** Tck5 4.22 3.47 .79 1.14 5.56** Tck6 3.78 2.59 1.18 1.15 8.03** Tck7 4.10 2.43 1.09 1.43 9.69** Tck8 3.75 2.31 1.27 1.24 8.96** Tck9 3.33 2.84 1.32 1.34 2.88** Note. TCK ( n = 195), Non-TCK (n = 87) adf = 280 ** p < .01. Table 4 Correlation between Total Scores on TCKQ and Mobility During Developmental Periods Period TCKQ Score TCKs ( n = 195) 4 to 7 .20** 8 to 11 .29** 12 to 15 .17* 16 to 19 .09 p < .05. ** p < .01.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 111 Table 5 Correlations between Scores on TCKQ Items and Number of Moves Item Number of Moves All Participants ( N = 282) Tck1 .57** Tck2 .42** Tck3 .26** Tck4 .36** Tck5 .28** Tck6 .44** Tck7 .48** Tck8 .49** Tck9 .27** p < .05. ** p < .01. Table 6 Correlations between Self-Monitoring It ems and Total Scores on the TCKQ Item Total TCKQ Scores TCKs (n = 195) SM1 .18** SM8 .17** SM14 .13* p < .05. ** p < .01.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 112 Table 7 Correlations between Responses to the Se lf-Monitoring Items and Number of Moves Item Number of Moves All Participants ( N = 282) SM8 .12* SM10 .15** SM14 .10* p < .05. ** p < .01. Table 8 Correlations between Number of Movement during Four Developmental Periods and Responses on Question 8 of the Self-Monitoring Scale Age Period SM Question 8 All Participants ( N = 282) 4 to 7 .12* 8 to 11 .15** 12 to 15 .13** 16 to 19 .02 p < .05. ** p < .01.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 113 Table 9 Description of Participant Type Term Description TCK A Third Culture Kid, someone who has spent a year or more in a foreign country as a youth. Bicultural TCK A Third Culture Kid who identifies as a bicultural. Mono TCK A Third Culture Kid who does not identify as a bicultural. Non-TCK Someone who has not sp ent a year or more in a foreign country as a youth. Bicultural Non-TCK An individual who is bicultural but has not moved between multiple countries as a youth. Mono Cultural An individual who does not identify as a bicultural and has not moved between multiple countries as a youth. Note The term mono cultural is used for the sake of simplification. No individual is influenced by solely one culture as there are many subcultures one can be exposed to.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 114 Table 10 Descriptive Data for TCKs on the TCKQ Item Mean Standard Deviation TCK Participants ( n = 88) Tck1 4.03 1.4 Tck2 4.24 1.01 Tck3 3.68 1.27 Tck4 3.27 1.44 Tck5 4.24 0.76 Tck6 3.92 1.13 Tck7 4.13 1.18 Tck8 3.90 1.34 Tck9 3.17 1.47 Table 11 Mean Participant Responses to the TCKQ Participant Type Mean Standa rd Deviation Sample Size Bicultural TCK 36.1 6.1 61 Mono TCK 31.15 6.9 27 Bicultural non-TCK 31.26 6.6 19 Mono Cultural 25.8 6.5 109 Note. One bicultural non-TCK did not complete the TCKQ and was therefore not included in this analysis.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 115 Table 12 Hochberg for Participant Type s on Total Scores of TCKQ Participant Type Participant Type Mean Difference Bicultural TCK Mono TCK 4.95** Bicultural Non-TCK 4.84* Mono Cultural 10.33** Mono TCK Bicultural TCK -4.95** Bicultural Non-TCK -.12 Mono Cultural 5.38** Bicultural Non-TCK Bicultura l TCK -4.84* Mono TCK .12 Mono Cultural 5.50** Mono Cultural Bicultural TCK -10.33** Mono TCK -5.38** Bicultural Non-TCK -5.50** p < .05, ** p < .01 Table 13 Mean TCK Type Responses to the TCKQ TCK Type Mean Standard Deviation Sample Size Army Brat 31.47 7.1 15 Missionary Kids 36.3 5.1 6 Business Kid 37 5.7 20 Diplomat Kid 37.7 5.6 14
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 116 Table 14 Hochberg for TCK Type on Total Scores of TCKQ TCK Type TCK Type Mean Difference Army Brat Missionary Kid -4.87 Business Kid -5.48a Diplomat Kid -6.25* Missionary Kid Army Brat 4.87 Business Kid -.62 Diplomat Kid -1.38 Business Kid Army Brat 5.48a Missionary Kid .62 Diplomat Kid -.76 Diplomat Kid Army Brat 6.25* Missionary Kid 1.38 Business Kid .76 p < .05, ap < .07 Table 15 Hochberg for TCK Type on Item Six of the TCKQ TCK Type TCK Type Mean Difference Army Brat Missionary Kid -1.27* Business Kid -.90* Diplomat Kid -1.24** Missionary Kid Army Brat 1.27* Business Kid .37 Diplomat Kid .02 Business Kid Army Brat .90* Missionary Kid -.37 Diplomat Kid -.34 Diplomat Kid Army Brat 1.24** Missionary Kid -.02 Business Kid .34 p < .05, ** p < .01
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 117 Table 16 Correlation between Total Scores on TCKQ and Mobility during Developmental Periods for All Participants Period TCKQ Score TCKs ( N = 216) 4 to 7 .42** 8 to 11 .35** 12 to 15 .44** 16 to 19 .40** p < .05, ** p < .01 Table 17 Correlation between Total Scores on TCKQ and Mobility during Developmental Periods for Mono TCKs Period TCKQ Score Mono TCKs ( n = 27) 4 to 7 .23 8 to 11 -.13 12 to 15 .42** 16 to 19 -.10 p < .05, ** p < .01
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 118 Table 18 Hochberg for TCK Type on Item Five of th e Bicultural Identity Integration Scale TCK Type TCK Type Mean Difference Army Brat Missionary Kid -2.75 Business Kid -3.28* Diplomat Kid -2.8 p < .05, ** p < .01 Table 19 Correlations between Scores on TCKQ Items and Total Scores on the Bicultural Identity Integration Scale Item BIIS Score Bicultural Participants ( N = 80) Tck1 .25* Tck2 -.01 Tck3 .25* Tck4 .32** Tck5 -.02 Tck6 .40** Tck7 .06 Tck8 .12 Tck9 .10 p < .05, ** p < .01
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 119 Table 20 Correlations between Scores on the Bicultural Identity In tegrations Scale and Cultural Identity Shift Statements Cultural Identity Shift BIIS Score Bicultural Participants ( N = 80) Subtractive .40** Additive .04 Affirmative .11 Intercultural -.20a ** p < .01, ap < .08 Table 21 Percentage of Ethnic Identity Stages of Young Adult Participants Aged 18 to 24, within Participant Type Identity Stage Participant Type Bicultural TCKa Mono TCKb Bicultural Non-TCKc Mono Culturald Achieved 18% 29% 44% 23% Diffused 50% 50% 14% 59% Moratorium 18% 0% 21% 6% Foreclosed 14% 21% 21% 12% Note. an = 38, bn = 14, cn = 14, dn = 80
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 120 Table 22 Mean Participant Type Responses to th e Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Participant Type Mean Standard Deviation Sample Size Bicultural TCK 25 9.8 61 Mono TCK 24.6 10.4 27 Bicultural non-TCK 31 7.3 20 Mono Cultural 23.4 8.7 109 Table 23 Hochberg for Participant Types on Total Scores on the Multigr oup Ethnic Identity Measure Participant Type Participant Type Mean Difference Bicultural TCK Mono TCK .46 Bicultural Non-TCK -5.88 a Mono Cultural 1.65 Mono TCK Bicultural TCK -.46 Bicultural Non-TCK -6.34 Mono Cultural 1.20 Bicultural Non-TCK Bicultu ral TCK 5.88 a Mono TCK 6.34 Mono Cultural 7.54** Mono Cultural Bicultural TCK -1.65 Mono TCK -1.20 Bicultural Non-TCK -7.54** ** p < .01, ap < .08
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 121 Table 24 Mean Participant Type Responses to the Mul tigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Exploration Subscale Participant Type Mean Standard Deviation Sample Size Bicultural TCK 13.5 5.5 61 Mono TCK 12 6.2 27 Bicultural non-TCK 16.1 4.4 20 Mono Cultural 12.1 4.1 109 Table 25 Hochberg for Participant Types on Total Sc ores on the Multi Ethnicgroup Identity Measure Exploration Subscale Participant Type Participant Type Mean Difference Bicultural TCK Mono TCK 1.48 Bicultural Non-TCK -2.58 Mono Cultural 1.44 Mono TCK Bicultural TCK -1.49 Bicultural Non-TCK -4.06a Mono Cultural -.05 Bicultural Non-TCK Bicultu ral TCK 2.58 Mono TCK 4.06a Mono Cultural 4.02* Mono Cultural Bicultural TCK -1.44 Mono TCK .05 Bicultural Non-TCK -4.02* p < .05, ** p < .01, ap < .06
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 122 Table 26 Mean Participant Type Responses to th e Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Commitment Subscale Participant Type Mean Standard Deviation Sample Size Bicultural TCK 11.5 5.1 61 Mono TCK 12 5.1 27 Bicultural non-TCK 14.8 4.7 20 Mono Cultural 11.3 4.6 109 Table 27 Hochberg for Participant Types on Total Scores on the Multigr oup Ethnic Identity Measure Commitment Subscale Participant Type Participant Type Mean Difference Bicultural TCK Mono TCK -1.03 Bicultural Non-TCK -3.31* Mono Cultural .22 Mono TCK Bicultural TCK 1.03 Bicultural Non-TCK -2.28 Mono Cultural 1.24 Bicultural Non-TCK Bicultura l TCK 3.31* Mono TCK 2.28 Mono Cultural 3.53* Mono Cultural Bicultural TCK -.22 Mono TCK -1.24 Bicultural Non-TCK -3.53* p < .05
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 123 Table 28 Correlations between Scores on TCKQ Items and Total Scores on the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Commitment Subscale Item MEIM Commitment Bicultural Participants ( N = 80) Tck1 -.36** Tck2 -.16 Tck3 -.22 Tck4 -.54** Tck5 -.18 Tck6 -.46** Tck7 -.17 Tck8 -.40** Tck9 .01 p < .05, ** p < .01
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 124 Table 29 Hochberg for Participant Types on Response to the Subtractive Identity Shift Participant Type Participant Type Mean Difference Bicultural TCK Mono TCK 1.25* Bicultural Non-TCK 1.01 Mono Cultural 1.09* Mono TCK Bicultural TCK -1.25* Bicultural Non-TCK -.24 Mono Cultural -.16 Bicultural Non-TCK Bicultu ral TCK -1.01 Mono TCK .24 Mono Cultural .08 Mono Cultural Bicultural TCK -1.09* Mono TCK .16 Bicultural Non-TCK -.08 p < .05 Table 30 Hochberg for Participant Types on Res ponse to the Affirm ative Identity Shift Participant Type Participant Type Mean Difference Bicultural TCK Mono TCK -.62 Bicultural Non-TCK .38 Mono Cultural .42 Mono TCK Bicultural TCK 6.23 Bicultural Non-TCK 1.00 Mono Cultural 1.05* Bicultural Non-TCK Bicultu ral TCK -.38 Mono TCK -1.00 Mono Cultural .05 Mono Cultural Bicultural TCK -.42 Mono TCK -1.05* Bicultural Non-TCK -.05 p < .05
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 125 Table 31 Hochberg for Participant Types on Respons e to the Intercultural Identity Shift Participant Type Participant Type Mean Difference Bicultural TCK Mono TCK .44 Bicultural Non-TCK .48 Mono Cultural .65* Mono TCK Bicultural TCK -.44 Bicultural Non-TCK .03 Mono Cultural .21 Bicultural Non-TCK Bicultura l TCK -.48 Mono TCK -.03 Mono Cultural .17 Mono Cultural Bicultural TCK -.65* Mono TCK -.21 Bicultural Non-TCK -.17 p < .05 Table 32 Correlation between Scores on Cultural Identity Shifts and Mobility during Developmental Periods for Mono Tcks Cultural Identity Shift 4 to 7 8 to 11 12 to 15 16 to 19 Subtractive .20 -.18 .48** .06 Additive .28 -.06 .39* .13 Affirmative -.19 -.28 -.19 .22 Intercultural .22 -.11 .47** .12
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 126 Table 33 Gabriel for TCK Type on Subtractive Identity Shift TCK Type TCK Type Mean Difference Army Brat Missionary Kid -2.43a Business Kid -1.98* Diplomat Kid -2.36* Missionary Kid Army Brat 2.43a Business Kid .45 Diplomat Kid .07 Business Kid Army Brat 1.98* Missionary Kid -.45 Diplomat Kid -.38 Diplomat Kid Army Brat 2.36* Missionary Kid -.07 Business Kid .38 p < .05, ap < .08 Table 34 Third Culture Kid Identity Types Look Different Look Alike Think Different Foreigner Hidden Immigrant Think Alike Adopted Mirror
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 127 Table 35 Marcias Identity Stages Level of Exploration High Low High Achieved Foreclosed Commitment Low Moratorium Diffused Table 36 Countries Individualism Rating Country Individualism Score Africa East 38 Africa West 20 Arab Countries 38 Argentina 46 Australia 90 Austria 55 Bangladesh 20 Belgium 75 Bolivia 12 Brazil 38 Bulgaria 30 Canada 80 Chile 23 China 20 Colombia 13 Costa Rica 15 Croatia 33 Czech Republic 58 Denmark 74 Ecuador 8 Estonia 60 Finland 63 France 71 Germany 67 Great Britain 89 Greece 35 Guatemala 6 Hong Kong 25 Hungary 80
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 128 India 48 Indonesia 14 Iran 41 Ireland 70 Israel 54 Italy 76 Jamaica 39 Japan 46 South Korea 18 Luxembourg 60 Malaysia 26 Malta 59 Mexico 30 Morocco 46 Netherlands 80 New Zealand 79 Nigeria 20 Norway 69 Pakistan 14 Panama 11 Peru 16 Philippines 32 Poland 60 Portugal 27 Romania 30 Russia 39 El Salvador 19 Serbia 25 Singapore 20 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 27 South Africa 65 Spain 51 Surinam 47 Sweden 71 Switzerland 68 Taiwan 17 Thailand 20 Trinidad 16 Tunisia 38 Turkey 37 USA 91 Venezuela 12 Vietnam 20 Yugoslavia 27 Zimbabwe 65 Note. Higher scores indicate higher levels of individualis m. Scores below 50 indicate a collectivist culture.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 129 Appendix Study 1 Page 1 1. What is your age? 2. What is your gender? 3. Please check the box th at corresponds to your level of education. Page 2 From the time you were born until the age of 1 8, what countries have you lived in? If you have moved to a single country multiple time s, please include it in your answers. Only fill in as many questions as are applicable Click 'next' after you have filled in the questions that apply to you. 1. In what country were you born? 2. What was the first country you moved to? 3. How old were you when you moved there? 4. What was the second country you moved to? 5. How old were you when you moved there? 6. What was the third country you moved to? 7. How old were you when you moved there? 8. What was the fourth country you moved to? 9. How old were you when you moved there? 10. What was the fifth country you moved to? 11. How old were you when you moved there? 12. What was the sixth country you moved to? 13. How old were you when you moved there? 14. What was the seventh country you moved to? 15. How old were you when you moved there? 16. What was the eighth country you moved to? 17. How old were you when you moved there? 18. What was the ninth country you moved to? 19. How old were you when you moved there? 20. What was the tenth country you moved to? 21. How old were you when you moved there? Page 3 1. How many languages can you speak fluently?
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 130 Answer the following questions on a scale 1 to 10 from "never" to "very often" 2. As a child, how often were you exposed to a culture other than your native culture? 3. Presently, how often are you exposed to a culture other than your native culture? Page 4 INSTRUCTIONS: For each of the statements below, indicate the degree to which you agree or disagree with the statement by circling the answer on the scale. 1) Where are you from? can be a challenge for me to answer. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 2) I have a strong grasp of two or more cultures. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 3) Im rarely content in one place, be it a city, state of country for long. Im a mover. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 4) The culture of my home count ry often feels foreign to me. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 5) I could blend in well wh ile in a foreign country. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 6) When I am home, I frequently miss living in a different country where I once lived. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 7) I feel at home in two or more countries. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 131 8) Often when Im telling others about where I lived, I feel that I may be perceived as arrogant. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 9) I dont have the urge to move to a different country every couple of years. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree Page 5 Please rate how confident you feel about the statements below, on a five point scale on which a indicated not at all and a indicated very. 1. Understand what causes your emotions to change. 2. Correctly identify your own positive emotions. 3. Correctly identify your own negative emotions. 4. Know what causes you to feel a negative emotion. 5. Realize what causes another pers on to feel a negative emotion. 6. Realize what causes another person to feel a positive emotion. 7. Correctly identify when another person is feeling a positive emotion. 8. Figure out what causes another persons differing emotions. 9. Recognize what emotion is being comm unicated through your facial expression. 10. Notice the emotion your body language is portraying. 11. Notice the emotion another persons body language is portraying. 12. Figure out what causes you to feel differing emotions. 13. Understand what causes another persons emotions to change. 14. Know what causes you to feel a positive emotion. 15. Correctly identify when another pe rson is feeling a negative emotion. 16. Recognize what emotion another person is communicating through his or her facial expression. Page 6 INSTRUCTIONS: For each of the statements be low, indicate whether they are true or false. 1. I find it hard to imitate the behavior of other people. 2. At parties and social gatherings, I do not atte mpt to do or say things that others will like. 3. I can only argue for ideas which I already believe. 4. I can make impromptu speeches even on topics about which I have almost no information.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 132 5. I guess I put on a show to impress or entertain others. 6. I would probably make a good actor. 7. In a group of people I am ra rely the center of attention. 8. In different situations and with different pe ople, I often act like very different persons. 9. I am not particularly good at making other people like me. 10. I'm not always the person I appear to be. 11. I would not change my opinions (or the wa y I do things) in order to please someone or win their favor. 12. I have considered being an entertainer. 13. I have never been good at games lik e charades or improvisational acting. 14. I have trouble changing my behavior to suit different people and different situations. 15. At a party I let others keep the jokes and stories going. 16. I feel a bit awkward in public and do not show up quite as well as I should. 17. I can look anyone in the eye and tell a lie with a straight face (if for a right end). 18. I may deceive people by being friendly when I really dislike them. Page 7 INSTRUCTIONS: For each of the statements be low, indicate whether they are true or false. 1. I never hesitate to go out of my way to help someone in trouble. 2. I have never intens ely disliked anyone. 3. There have been times when I was quite jealous of the good fortune of others. 4. I would never think of letting someone else be punished for my wrong doings. 5. I sometimes feel resentful when I dont get my way. 6. There have been times when I felt like rebelling against people in authority even though I knew they were right. 7. I am always courteous, even to people who are disagreeable. 8. When I dont know something I dont at all mind admitting it. 9. I can remember playing sick to get out of something. 10. I am sometimes irritated by people who ask favors of me. Are you familiar with the term "T hird Culture Kid"? Yes or No?
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 133 Study 2 Page 1 1) How old are you? 2) What is your gender? 3) Please select the option which corresponds to your current leve l of education: 4) How many languages can you speak fluently? Page 2 1) What country/ethnic group do you identify with the most? 2) List any other country/et hnic group you identify with. Page 3 1) "Please write a paragraph about what it means to you to be __ (country/ethnic group previously indicated) Please answ er in a single paragraph." or 2) "Please write a paragraph about what it means to you to be a student. If you are not currently a student, what did be ing a student once mean to you? Please answer in a single paragraph." or 3) The label Third Culture Kid (TCK) has been assigned to individuals who as children spent a significant period of time in one or more cultures other than their birth culture. They tend to travel between different countries. It is hypothesized that this experience allows the TCK to integrate th e new culture with his or her original culture. Although the TCKs experiences may vary significantly in content they are thought to be similar in quality. This shared experience of cultural transition provides the basis for the third culture. What does it mean to you to be a TCK? If you're not a TCK, what do you think a TCK would be like? Please answer in a single paragraph. Page 4
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 134 Why is one fish swimming in front of the group? From a scale of 1 to 12 indicate your confidence in whether the one fish is leading the other fish (1) or the one fish is being chased by the other fish (12). 1 --2 --3 --4 --5 --6 --7 --8 --9 --10 --11 --12 Very Confident the one fish Very Confident the one fish is is leading the other fish. being chased by the other fish.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 135 Page 5 1) In what country were you born? 2) In what country do you currently reside? 3) Do you consider yourself to be bicultura l (from two cultures)? If yes, then which two? 4) Are you familiar with the term TCK? 5) Do you consider yourself to be an: A rmy Brat, Missionary Kid, Business Kid, Diplomat Kid, No, Im not familiar with these terms. Page 6 INSTRUCTIONS: For each of the statements below, indicate the degree to which you agree or disagree with the st atement by circling the answer on the scale. With strongly disagree being (1) to strongly agree being (7) 1 -------2 ------3 ------4 ------5 -----6 ------7 Strongly Disagree Strongly Agree 1) I am simply a (culture 1) who lives in (culture 2) 2) I keep (culture 1) and (c ulture 2) cultures separate 3) I feel (culture 1) (culture 2) 4) I feel part of a combined culture 5) I am conflicted between the (culture 1) and (culture 2) ways of doing things 6) I feel like someone moving between two cultures 7) I feel caught between the (culture 1) and (cu lture 2) cultures 8) I dont feel trapped between the (c ulture 1) and (culture 2) cultures Page 7 INSTRUCTIONS: For each of the statements below, indicate the degree to which you agree or disagree with the st atement by circling the answer on the scale. With strongly disagree being (1) to strongly agree being (7) 1 -------2 ------3 ------4 ------5 -----6 ------7 Strongly Disagree Strongly Agree 1) I have spent time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as its history, traditions, and customs. 2) I have a strong sense of be longing to my own ethnic group. 3) I understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership means to me. 4) I have often done things that will help me understand my ethnic background better. 5) I have often talked to other people in order to learn more about my ethnic group. 6) I feel a strong attachment towards my own ethnic group.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 136 Page 8 4) Have you ever spent more than one year outside your birth country? Instructions: From the time you were born until the age of 19, what countries have you spent more than one year in? Only fill in as many questions as are ap plicable. Click 'next' after you have finished. a) The first time I moved I was ___ years old and I moved to ___. b) The second time I moved I was ___ years old and I moved to ___. c) The third time I moved I was ___ years old and I moved to ___. d) The forth time I moved I was ___ years old and I moved to ___. e) The fifth time I moved I was ___ years old and I moved to ___. f) The sixth time I moved I was ___ years old and I moved to ___. g) The seventh time I moved I was ___ years old and I moved to ___. h) The eighth time I moved I was ___ years old and I moved to ___. i) The ninth time I moved I was ___ years old and I moved to ___. j) The tenth time I moved I was ___ years old and I moved to ___. Page 9 Instructions: For each of the statements belo w, indicate the degree to which you agree or disagree with the statement by circling the answer on the scale. With strongly disagree being (1) to strongly agree being (7) 1) When I return to my country of birth, livi ng in my birth culture, I feel less comfortable with its values, norms, and less similar to my compatriots there. 2) When I live in a host culture, a country I was not born in, I feel my identity resembles the host culture's values, norms, and behaviors. 3) When I live outside my birth culture, I iden tify with and feel more strongly about my birth culture. 4) I can identify with the valu es and norms of both my birth culture and my host culture. If you could only choose one, which of the above statements do you feel best represents you?
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 137 Page 10 INSTRUCTIONS: For each of the statements below, indicate the degree to which you agree or disagree with the statement by circling the answer on the scale. 1) Where are you from? can be a challenge for me to answer. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 2) I have a strong grasp of two or more cultures. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 3) Im rarely content in one place, be it a city, state of country for long. Im a mover. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 4) The culture of my home count ry often feels foreign to me. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 5) I could blend in well wh ile in a foreign country. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 6) When I am home, I frequently miss living in a different country where I once lived. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 7) I feel at home in two or more countries. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 8) Often when Im telling others about where I lived, I feel that I may be perceived as arrogant.
TCKs as Cultural Hybrids 138 Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree 9) I dont have the urge to move to a different country every couple of years. Strongly Disagree --Moderately disagree --Neither agree nor disagree --Moderately agree --Strongly agree Page 11 Thank you for participating in this surve y. If you would like to receive our findings please send an email to: email@example.com Analysis will be complete in May.